a 

a 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

GRANGE   MOVEMENT; 

OB,  THE 

FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES: 

BEING 

A  FULL  AND  AUTHENTIC  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  STEUGGLES  OF  THE 

AMEEICAN    FARMERS    AGAINST  THE   EXTORTIONS 

OF    THE    RAILROAD    COMPANIES. 

WITH 

A   HISTORY  OF    THE    RISE    AM)    PROGRESS 

OF  THE  ORDER  OF 

PATROIS  OF  HUSBANDRY, 

ITS  OBJECTS,  PBESENT   CONDITION  AND   PROSPECTS. 

TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

SKETCHES  OF  THE  LEADING  GBANGERS. 

BY 

EDWARD    WINSLOW   MARTIN, 

AUTHOR    OF    "  BEHIND    THE    SCENES    IN    WASHINGTON,"    ETC.,    ETC. 

Illustrated  with  6O  Fine  Engravings  and  Portraits  of  Leading  Grangers, 

Issued  by  subscription  only,  and  not  for  gale  in  the  book  stores.     Residents  of  any  Stat<*  desiring 
a  copy  should  address  the  Publishers,  and  an  Agent  will  call  upon  them.    See  pagu  545. 

NATIONAL  PUBLISHING  COMPANY, 

CHICAGO,  ILL.  ;    CINCINNATI,  OHIO  ;    ST.  LOUIS,  Mo. ; 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.  ;  AND  ATLANTA,  GA. 

A.   L.   BANCROFT  &   CO.,  SAN   FRANCISCO,  CAL. 

1874. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  187 '>,  by 
,  .T.  B.  JONES, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington,  D.  0. 


BN1VERSM  V  OF  CALIFORNIA 
8AINXA  BARBARA 


TO   THE 


FARMERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


THE    STRONG-ARMED,    TRUE-HEARTED    HOPE    OF   THE 

REPUBLIC,  NOW,  AS    IN   THE    PAST,  THE   FIRST   TO 

RISE   AGAINST    OPPRESSION    AND    WRONG,   THE 

AUTHOR  DEDICATES  THIS  BOOK  AS  A  TOKEN 

OF  HIS  SYMPATHY  WITH  THEM  IN  THEIR 

SUFFERINGS,    AND    HIS    ADMIRATION 

OF  THE  HEROIC  BATTLE  THEY  ARE 

WAGING   FOR   THE   OPPRESSED 

OF   THE    WHOLE   COUNTRY. 


PKEFACE. 


AMONG  the  many  remarkable  events  of  the  present  century, 
there  are  none  more  worthy  of  patient  and  careful  study  than 
the  important  movement  among  the  agricultural  classes,  which 
has  been  popularly  termed  "The  Farmer's  War  Against 
Monopolies."  The  rapid  and  astounding  growth  of  this 
movement,  the  formation  of  Farmers'  Granges  in  every  part 
of  the  Union,  and  the  remarkable  success  which  has  at- 
tended every  step  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
have  nitide  it  the  most  closely  and  anxiously  observed 
of  any  of  the  movements  of  the  day.  The  people  of  the 
United  States  are  deeply  interested  in  it,  and  on  all  sides  there 
is  a  growing  desire  to  know  more  of  it.  Men  cannot  help 
regarding  with  a  deep  interest  an  organization  which  bids 
fair  to  embrace  the  whole  agricultural  population  at  an  early 
period,  and  which  proposes  to  exert  the  enormous  strength  and 
power  of  this  class  of  our  countrymen  as  a  compact  and  united 
force  for  the  accomplishment  of  a  definite  object.  They  natu- 
rally desire  to  know  if  this  new  and  powerful  element  in  our 
public  affairs  is  to  exert  its  power  for  good  or  for  evil ;  whether 
it  is  to  work  for  the  good  of  the  whole  country,  with  a  wise  and 
generous  regard  for  the  welfare  of  all  classes,  or  whether  it 
seeks  only  the  advancement  of  its  own  interests  regardless  of 
the  rights  or  well-being  of  others.  Even  those  who  laughed  at 

the  movement  in  its  infancy,  are  now  forced  to  confess  that  the 

5 


6  PREFACE. 

Patrons  of  Husbandry  are  to-day  a  power  which  no  political 
party  can  afford  to  ignore,  and  which  will  soon,  perhaps  in  the 
next  year,  be  able  to  decide  the  majority  of  the  popular  elections 
throughout  the  Union. 

It  is  but  natural,  then,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
should  be  very  desirous  of  knowing  more  about  this  power- 
ful Order.  The  whole  land  is  full  of  rumors  regarding  it, 
the  majority  of  which  are  utterly  without  foundation.  The 
present  volume  is  offered  to  the  public  as  a  means  of  satisfying 
their  legitimate  curiosity  upon  this  subject.  It  presents  a  care- 
ful, and,  it  is  believed,  impartial  account  of  the  wrongs  from 
which  the  agricultural  classes  have  been  suffering ;  the  causes 
which  led  to  the  organization  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Hus- 
bandry ;  together  with  an  account  of  the  establishment  of  the 
Order,  its  history,  its  present  condition,  its  objects,  and  its  plans 
and  prospects  for  the  future. 

It  has  long  been  evident  to  earnest  thinkers  that  the  farmers 
of  the  United  States  are  the  most  cruelly  oppressed  class  of  our 
community.  In  these  pages  the  writer  has  sought  to  set  forth 
these  wrongs,  and  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  farmer,  in  the  hope 
of  awakening  the  general  public  to  a  realization  of  the  case. 
We  cannot  afford  to  allow  the  farmer  to  suffer  at  the  hands  of 
his  enemies.  Upon  his  weal  or  woe  depends  the  prosperity  of 
the  entire  nation.  The  farmers'  cause  is  that  of  the  people,  and 
it  is  the  aim  of  this  work  to  show  that  in  battling  for  the 
farmers'  rights,  the  Grange  is  fighting  the  cause  of  the  whole 
people. 

For  several  years  past  the  country  has  been  suffering  from 
evils  of  which  all  have  been  conscious,  but  which  none  had  the 
courage  to  remedy,  until  the  Grange  took  up  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed.  Prominent  among  these  are  the  burdens  that  have 
been  fastened  upon  the  people  by  the  reckless  and  unscrupulous 


PREFACE.  7 

course  of  the  great  Railroad  Monopolies  that  have  sprung  up  in 
our  midst.  These  vast  and  powerful  corporations  have  inaugu- 
rated a  series  of  abuses  which  have  gradually  and  effectually  un- 
dermined the  solid  basis  upon  which  our  finances  were  supposed 
to  rest.  They  have  debauched  and  demoralized  our  Courts  and 
Legislatures ;  have  bribed  and  taken  into  their  pay  the  high 
public  officials  charged  with  the  making  and  execution  of  our 
laws ;  have  robbed  the  nation  of  a  domain  sufficient  to  consti- 
tute an  empire;  have  flooded  the  land  with  worthless  stocks 
and  other  so-called  securities;  have  established  a  system  of 
gambling  at  our  financial  centres  that  has  resulted  in  a  mone- 
tary crisis  which  must  cover  the  whole  land  with  ruin  and  suffer- 
ing ;  have  set  at  defiance  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  have  trampled 
upon  individual  and  public  rights  and  liberties,  openly  boasting 
that  they  are  too  powerful  to  be  made  amenable  to  the  law ; 
and  not  content  with  all  this,  not  satisfied  with  the  ruin  they  have 
wrought,  they  propose  to  petition  the  National  Legislature  to  give 
them  still  greater  means  of  robbing  and  oppressing  the  people. 
The  Grange  seeks  to  array  the  agricultural  class — nearly  one- 
half  of  our  whole  population — as  a  compact  body  against  these 
evils,  and  by  thus  opposing  a  solid  front  to  the  monopolists  and 
their  selfish  and  unpatriotic  schemes,  to  awaken  the  entire 
nation  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  with  which  it  is  threatened,  and 
secure  its  co-operation  in  the  enforcement  of  measures  which 
will  remove  the  evil  and  bring  about  a  more  healthful  state  of 
affairs.  The  Grange  offers  to  the  farmers  the  most  practicable 
means  of  bettering  their  condition,  and  while  it  confines  its 
membership  strictly  to  the  agricultural  class,  it  appeals  power- 
fully to  the  general  public  for  sympathy  and  encouragement. 
Believing  as  he  does,  that  the  farmer  has  suffered  great  and 
cruel  wrongs,  the  Author  has  endeavored  to  tell  his  story  for 
him,  and  to  show  to  the  reader  wherein  it  is  true. 


8  PREFACE. 

The  great  and  overwhelming  interest  manifested  by  the  pub- 
lic in  the  question  has  made  this  a  fitting  time  for  the  appear- 
ance of  such  a  book.  Evil  days  are  upon  us,  and  it  becomes  the 
duty  of  everyone  to  inquire  the  cause  of  this  unhappy  state 
of  affairs,  which  is  as  remarkable  as  it  is  distressing.  A  more 
singular  phenomenon  was  never  offered  for  our  consideration. 
There  is  every  reason  why  trade  this  season  should  be  abun- 
dantly prosperous.  Our  harvest  has  been  abundant.  The 
markets  for  our  productions  are  in  our  favor.  We  have  not 
only  a  ready  sale  for  our  breadstuff's  and  provisions,  but  we 
have  begun  to  send  abroad  manufactured  goods,  for  which  we 
have  had  no  foreign  purchasers  heretofore.  Our  mills  have  not 
been  overstocked.  Industry  has  generally  shown  a  healthy  and 
steady  activity.  Our  depressed  shipping  interest  has  wonder- 
fully revived.  And  yet  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  country  has 
been  driven  into  one  of  the  most  serious  and  alarming  con- 
ditions of  financial  depression  it  has  ever  experienced.  Every- 
one is  interested  in  knowing  the  cause  of  this  evil,  and  in 
taking  measures  to  bring  about  a  better  state  of  affairs.  The 
Author  has  endeavored  in  these  pages  to  shed  some  new  light 
upon  the  matter  in  consideration,  and  assist  the  reader  in  the 
intelligent  discharge  of  his  duty  as  a  responsible  member  of  the 
community.  E.  W.  M. 


LIST    OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


HO.  PAOZ 

1.  The  Bureau  of  Agriculture— Washington,  D.  C 

2.  Opening  a  Farm  in  Iowa  to  raise  Corn  at  16  Cents  a  Bushel  ... 

3.  A  Prairie  Home 

4.  D.  W.  Adams,  Master,  National  Grange 

5.  O.  H.  Kelley,  Secretary  National  Grange.; 

6.  "Wm.  Saunders,  First  Master,  National  Grange 

7.  Col.  John  Cochrane,  Master  of  Wisconsin 

8.  C.  D.  Beeman,  General  National  Deputy 

9.  Mrs.  D.  W.  Adams,  "Ceres" 

10.  Mrs.  J.  C.  Abbott,  "  Flora  » 

11.  T.  R.  Allen,  Master  of  Missouri 

12.  F.  H.  Dumbauld,  Master  of  Kansas 

13.  S.  H.  Ellis,  Master  of  Ohio 

14.  John  Weir,  Master  of  Indiana 

15.  A  Grangers'  Procession  and  Mass  Meeting 

16.  Peter  Cooper — Builder  of  the  First  Locomotive 

17.  Cornelius  Vanderbilt— the  greatest  Kailroad  King  in   the 

World 

18.  Grand  Central  Kailway  Depot,  New  York  City— the  finest 

Kailroad  Depot  in  the  United  States 

19.  The  Men  who  build  the  Railroads  on  the  Pacific  Coast 99 

20.  The  Great  American  Desert— the  Country  the  Pacific  Bail- 

roads  propose  to  Improve ! Ill 

21.  Interior  of  a  Palace  Car 125 

22.  The  Parlor  Car— Extra  Charge  for  its  Use 127 

23.  William  M.  Tweed— Formerly  one  of  the  Directors  of  the 

Erie  Railroad  Company 134 

24.  Jay  Gould 137 

25.  Mr.  Drew  calls  on  Mr.  Fisk 140 

26.  New  York  Stock  Exchange 185 

27.  The  President  of  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange  announcing 

the  Suspension  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co 188 

9 


10  LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 


28.  Park  Bank,  New  York—  the  finest  Bank  Building  in  the 

United  States  ..................................................................  192 

29.  Omaha  —  Eastern  Terminus  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  ......  196 

30.  Scene  on  the  Truckee—  Central  Pacific  Railroad  ....................  200 

31.  Wild-Cat  Railroad  Lands  .....................................................  203 

32.  View  of  the  Country  to  be  opened  by  the  Southern  Pacific 

Railroad  ..........................................................................  204 

33.  In  the  Tunnel  —  Sierra  Nevada.    Central  Pacific  Railroad  ......  205 

34.  Duluth—  Eastern  Terminus  of  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  ......  209 

35.  Puget  Sound.    Proposed  Western  Terminus  of  the  Northern 

Pacific  Railroad  ...............................................................  213 

36.  The  Falls  of  the  Yellowstone,  on  the  Route  of  the  Northern 

Pacific  Railroad  ...............................................................  217 

37.  Camp  of  Railroad  Builders  on  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad..  226 

38.  Inhabitants  of  the  Country  through  which  the  Northern  Pa- 

cific Railroad  was  being  built  ............................................  238 

39.  Evening  Recreations  of  Railroad  Gamblers  ...........................  241 

40.  Crossing  the  Plains  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  .................  243 

41.  Snow  Sheds  on  the  Central  Pacific  .......................................  249 

42.  United  States  Treasury—  the   Medium  through  which   the 

National  Legislature  robs  the  People  ..................................  252 

43.  Mining  Village  in  Pennsylvania  ............................................  256 

44.  Interior  of  a  Coal  Mine  .........................................................  262 

45.  Vertical  Section  of  a  Coal  Mine  ................  .  ...........................  268 

46.  Scene  in  the  Coal  Regions  .....................................................  272 

47.  Western  Coal  Mine  ..............................................................  276 

48.  Wagoning  Grain  to  Market  ..................................................  287 

49.  St.  Paul,  Minnesota  ..............................................................  290 

50.  The  Middle-Man's  Dream  of  his  Plunder  ..............................  296 

51.  Life  among  the  Middle-Men  ..................................................  305 

52.  Camp  of  Wagoners  hauling  Grain  to  Market...  .......................  315 

53.  What  is  left  of  a  Crop  after  paying  Railroad  Charges  ............  323 

54.  Raising  the  Rates  of  Railroad  Freights  .................................  326 

55.  Fanner  Green  tries  his  Reaper  .............................................  342 

56.  Farmer  Green  mortgages  his  Farm  .......................................  345 

57.  S.  M.  Smith,  Secretary  of  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Asso- 

ciation .............................................................................  358 

58.  W.  C.  Flagg,  President  of  the  Illinois  State  Farmers'  Asso- 

ciation .............................................................................  362 

.59.  The  Granger's  Home  ............................................................  375 

60.  Ixincan  M'Kay,  Treasurer  of  the  Illinois  State  Famers'  Asso- 

ciation ..............  i  ..............................................................  534 


CONTENTS. 

PART   I. 
RAILROAD  MONOPOLIES. 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  EISE  AND  PEOGEESS  OF  AMEEICAN  BAILEOADS. 

The  first  Eailroad  Enterprises — The  Pioneer  Eailroad — A  Modest  Begin- 
ning— The  Mauch  Chunk  Eailroad — Inauguration  of  the  Eailroad  Sys- 
tem— Introduction  of  Steam — The  First  Locomotive — Opening  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Eailroad  to  the  Potomac — Improvements  in  the 
Construction  of  the  Eoads — Eapid  increase  of  Eailroads — Building  of 
the  Great  Trunk  Lines  between  the  East  and  West — Efforts  of  the 
Eastern  Cities  to  secure  the  Western  Trade — Completion  of  the  great 
Eoads — Commencement  of  the  Eailroad  System  of  the  West — Its  Eapid 
Growth — Statement  of  the  Annual  Growth  and  Cost  of  the  Eailroads  ot 
the  United  States— Their  Present  Condition 21 

CHAPTER   II. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  "  LAND  GEAB." 

How  to  build  Eailroads  at  the  Expense  of  the  People — The  Public  Domain 
of  the  Union  a  rich  Field  of  Operations  for  Eailroad  Managers — 
The  first  Land  Grants — How  the  Illinois  Central  Eoad  obtained  its 
Lands — A  bad  Example — Handsome  Profits — Inauguration  of  the  Sys- 
tem of  Land  Grants — The  Eesult — The  Nation  robbed  by  Wild  Cat  Eail- 
road Companies — How  Congress  aids  the  Eoads  in  robbing  the  People — 
Actual  Workings  of  the  Subsidy  System — Detailed  Statement  of  the 
Amount  of  the  Public  Lands  granted  to  each  Corporation — Greed  of  the 
Eailroads — Bonds  and  Money  demanded  in  addition  to  Lands — The 
Eailroad  Eing — Eloquent  Denunciation  of  these  Schemes  of  Plunder  by 

Hon  E.  B.  Washburne  of  Illinois 33 

11 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    III. 
WATEKED   STOCKS. 

Adroitness  of  Kailroad  Managers  in  securing  Valuable  Privileges  from  the 
Public — Recklessness  of  the  People  in  granting  the  Demands  of  the 
Road — The  only  Restraints  imposed — How  the  People  made  it  possible 
for  the  Corporations  to  fleece  them — How  to  build  a  Road  without  sub- 
scribing the  necessary  Funds — A  False  System — The  Story  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Swindle — How  the  Pacific  Railroad  bled  the  National  Treasury 
— New  System  of  Railroad  Financiering — The  Process  of  "  Stock  Water- 
ing"— Instances  of  successful  Stock  Watering — How  a  Bankrupt  Road 
was  made  to  pay  Good  Dividends — Successful  Policy  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  Company — Vanderbilt's  Master  Stroke — Who  pays  for 
Watered  Stock — A  Lesson  for  the  People 52 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CONSOLIDATION  PROCESS. 

A  Railroad  of  necessity  a  Monopoly — George  Stephenson's  Views — The 
Interests  of  the  Roads  naturally  Hostile  to  those  of  the  People — Foolish 
Prodigality  of  the  People — Competition  disastrous  to  the  Roads — Con- 
solidation of  Railroads  inaugurated  to  stop  Competition — Success  of  the 
Efforts  for  Consolidation — The  Four  Enemies  of  Free  Trade — Vander- 
bilt's Success  with  the  New  York  Central — The  Pennsylvania  Com- 
pany— Its  History — The  Reign  of  Monopoly  successfully  inaugurated...  76 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE  TRANSPORTATION  TAX  SWINDLE. 

Sources  of  Railroad  Earnings — The  Freight  Business — Enormous  Tribute 
paid  by  the  People  to  the  Roads — The  Railroads  irresponsible  to  the 
Public — The  necessity  of  the  Roads  to  the  Country — Anomalous  Posi- 
tion of  the  Railroads — What  are  Legitimate  and  what  are  Fictitious 
Earnings — Carelessness  of  the  People  respecting  their  Rights — Their 
Punishment — Arbitrary  Course  of  the  Roads  in  levying  Freights — How 
the  Railroads  tax  the  People — The  Community  made  to  pay  the  Losses 
of  the  Roads — Instructive  Lessons — How  Competition  is  killed — Efforte 
of  the  State  of  Illinois  to  protect  its  Citizens — The  Railroads  refuse  to 
obey  the  Law — The  Railroad  Yoke  fastened  upon  the  People 88 

CHAPTER  VI. 
RAILROAD  TYRANNY. 

Dangers  arising  from  the  Railroad  Monopoly — Irresponsibility  of  the 
Roads — Their  Disregard  of  Individual  Rights — A  Man's  Fight  with  a 
Railroad — A  Corporation's  Idea  of  a  Contract — What  a  Railroad  Ticket 


CONTENTS.  13 

is  worth — Brutal  Assault  on  Mr.  Coleman — A  Struggle  for  Justice — 
The  Policy  of  Eailroad  Corporations  announced — The  Public  to  be  tied 
Hand  and  Foot — Railroad  Testimony — How  to  manufacture  Evidence 
— What  a  Negro  got  by  losing  his  Ticket — A  Specimen  Eailroad  Murder 
— A  Life  for  a  Lost  Ticket — A  new  Penalty  for  Drunkenness — Startling 
Details — The  Avenue  of  Death — Eailroad  Killing  not  considered  Mur- 
der— Unjust  Treatment  of  Passengers — The  Palace  Car  Swindle — Bag- 
gage Smashers — The  War  on  the  Merchants — How  a  Eailroad  endea- 
vored to  ruin  a  Business  Firm — The  Power  of  the  Corporations 98 

CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  CAPTUEE  OF  THE  COUETS. 

Sources  of  Eedress  for  the  People  against  Eailroad  Tyranny — Failure  of 
the  Courts  to  afford  Protection — Efforts  of  the  Eailroads  to  debauch 
the  Courts  of  Justice — The  Free  Pass  System — Judicial  Stockholders 
— Designs  of  the  Eailroads  upon  the  Law — A  Case  in  Point — How  the 
Erie  Eoad  managed  the  Courts — A  new  System  of  Eailroad  Jurispru- 
dence— Curious  Details — How  Boss  Tweed  became  a  Director  of  Erie 
— Efforts  of  Fisk  &  Co.  to  lock  up  Money — Daniel  Drew  beaten — The 
Government  intervenes — The  War  in  the  Courts — The  Value  of  an  Inj  unc- 
tion— How  the  Law  was  made  to  aid  Sharp  Practice — Mr.  Jas.  Fisk's 
little  Journey — The  Country  Judge  vs.  the  City  Judge — The  Eailroad 
makes  War  on  the  Press — Arrest  of  Mr.  Samuel  Bowles — Justice  turned 
against  the  People 132 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
EAILEOAD  LEGISLATION. 

Success  of  the  Eailroads  in  managing  Legislatures — Efforts  to  corrupt 
Congress — The  Eailroad  Lobby  at  Washington — How  the  State  Legis- 
latures are  managed — A  Case  in  Point — The  Camden  &  Amboy  Monop- 
oly and  the  New  Jersey  Legislature — Erie  Legislation — Exploits  of  the 
Erie  Eing  at  Albany — The  Story  of  a  Check  Book — A  Disappointed 
Legislature 165 

CHAPTER  IX. 
EAILEOAD  STOCK  GAMBLING. 

Who  owns  the  Eailroads  ? — The  Old-fashioned  Method  of  building  a  Eoad 
— The  Present  Style — A  Contrast — The  Honest  Policy  not  suited  "o  the 
Present  Ideas  of  Eailroad  Men — The  Art  of  building  Eailroads  with 
other  People's  Money  brought  to  Perfection — The  Era  of  Mortgages — 
The  Land  Grab  System — Demoralization  in  Eailroad  Finances — The 
Gamblers  in  Power — The  Eeal  Owners  of  the  Eailroads  robbed  by  the 
Directors — A  Eotten  System  and  its  Consequences — The  Banks  involved 


14  CONTENTS. 

— The  Eailroads  demoralizing  the  whole  Country — The  New  York 
Herald's  Picture  of  the  United  States  Senate — Food  for  Patriotic  Eeflec- 
tion — Eailroad  Senators 174 

CHAPTER  X. 
THE  GEEAT  EAILEOAD  PANIC. 

A  Eailroad  Gamblers'  Plot — The  New  York  Gold  Clique  make  War  on 
the  Farmers — The  Attempt  to  lock  up  Money — Trouble  in  the  New 
York  Stock  Market — A  Eailroad  the  first  to  succumb — The  Money 
Market  on  the  17th  of  September — Scene  in  the  Stock  Exchange — The 
Panic  begins — Failure  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co. — Effect  of  the  Failure — The 
Stock  Market  demoralized — Eun  on  the  Union  Trust  Company — More 
Suspensions — Worthless  Eailroad  Bonds  the  Cause  of  the  Trouble — 
Spread  of  the  Panic  throughout  the  Country — The  United  States  Gov- 
ernment offers  Aid — Suspension  of  the  Union  Trust  Company — A  Eail- 
road the  Cause  of  the  Trouble — The  Stock  Exchange  closed — An 
Anxious  Sunday — The  Eailroad  Gamblers  demand  that  the  United 
States  Treasury  be  opened  to  them — Firmness  of  the  Government — The 
Panic  subsides — Its  Lessons — A  Warning  to  the  Country 183 

CHAPTER  XI. 
WILD  CAT  EAILEOADS. 

False  Assertions  respecting  Eailroad  Property — Eailroad  Building  a  profit- 
able Work — Useless  Eailroads — Why  they  are  built — Theory  of  Wild 
Cat  Eailroad  Constructors — Forming  the  Company — A  Specimen  Enter- 
prise— A  Share  of  the  Public  Lands — How  to  raise  Money  to  build  a 
Eailroad — Disposing  of  the  Bonds — Where  the  Money  comes  from — 
"Judicious  Advertising" — Bribing  the  Press — The  Eeligious  News- 
paper Press  the  best  Friend  of  the  Wild  Cat  Eailroads — The  Eoad  in 
Operation — What  becomes  of  the  Stock — Where  the  Profit  lies — The 
Crime  of  the  Bankers — A  Confidence  Game — How  to  stop  Wild  Cat 
Eailroad  Building 198 

CHAPTER  XII. 
THE  CASE  OF  THE  NOETHEEN  PACIFIC  EAILEOAD. 

The  Eoad  chartered  by  Congress — An  Imperial  Gift  of  Land — The  Nation 
robbed  of  Fifty  Million  of  Acres— Eoute  of  the  Eoad— Character  of 
the  Country  through  which  the  Eoad  is  to  be  constructed — A  Wilder- 
ness— Popular  Doubts  respecting  the  Success  of  the  Eoad — The  Capital 
of  the  Company— How  it  was  to  be  raised — The  People  to  pay  for  the 
Eoad — The  Stockholders  to  receive  all  the  Profits — The  Bonds  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  Eailroad  declined  in  Europe — A  "  Popular  Loan " 
inaugurated — Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  undertake  its  Negotiation — A  Terrible 


CONTENTS.  15 

Blunder — The  Loan  does  not  command  the  Public  Confidence — The  true 
Character  of  the  Scheme — What  Might  Have  Been — The  Sequel — Report 
of  the  German  Commissioners — A  Capitalist's  View  of  the  Scheme — The 
Bisks  too  great  to  warrant  the  Investment  of  German  Capital — A  remark- 
able Statement  of  the  Character  and  Prospects  of  the  Northern  Pacific 
Bailroad 208 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
DANGER  AHEAD. 

Evils  resulting  to  the  Country  from  Railroad  Mismanagement — The  Dan- 
ger of  Monopolies — Disregard  of  Individual  and  Public  Rights — Efforts 
to  corrupt  the  Legislative  and  Judicial  Powers  of  the  Country — How 
the  Corporations  menace  the  Public  Liberties — Mistakes  of  the  People — 
Helplessness  of  the  Community — Mr.Thomas  Scott's  Boast  justified — 
A  Railroad  King — Contrast  between  Vanderbilt  and  Drew — Immense 
Power  of  Commodore  Vanderbilt — A  Gigantic  Monopoly — A  Real  Dan- 
ger— An  unsafe  Power  in  the  Hands  of  an  Interested  Man — Danger 
Ahead — The  Way  to  meet  it 236 


PART   II. 
THE  COAL  MONOPOLY. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

OPERATIONS  OF  THE  COAL  RING. 

» 
Character  and    Extent   of  the  Coal  Deposits  of  the   United    States — 

The  Supremacy  of  Anthracite — Enormous  Coal  Wealth  of  the  Country 
— This  should  be  a  Land  of  Cheap  Fuel — Coal  one  of  the  Costliest 
Articles  of  Consumption— The  Cause  of  this — The  Anthracite  Fields — 
Their  Location  and  Value — The  Pennsylvania  Coal  Ring — A  Crush- 
ing Monopoly — Efforts  of  the  Corporations  to  keep  up  the  Price  of  Coal 
— Condition  of  the  Companies  kept  secret — History  and  Present  Con- 
dition of  the  Reading  Railroad — A  Danger6us  Monopoly — Immense 
Wealth  and  Power  of  this  Corporation — Ten  per  cent,  on  Watered 
Stock — How  Money  is  extorted  from  the  People  by  the  Coal  Ring — 
An  Inside  View  of  the  Scranton  Coal  Sales — Amount  of  the  Tax  paid 
by  the  People  to  the  Coal  Ring — An  Imperial  Tribute — Who  are 
the  Sufferers — The  Poor  driven  to  Despair — How  a  Scarcity  of  Coal 
is  brought  about — The  People  at  the  Mercy  of  the  Coal  Ring — Popular 
vs.  Corporate  Rights — The  Remedy  for  the  Great  Evil — How  to  bring 
down  the  Price  of  Coal  and  destroy  the  Power  of  the  Monopoly — The 
Remedy  in  the  Hands  of  the  People — The  Future  of  the  Country  at  the 
Mercy  of  the  Coal  Ring — The  Duty  of  Congress — Will  Congress  stand  by 
the  People  or  yield  to  the  Monopoly?. 253 


16  CONTENTS. 

PART   III. 
THE  FARMERS'  WRONGS. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  AGEICULTUEAL  CLASSES  AND  THEIE  WEONGS. 
Detailed  Statement  of  the  Agricultural  Wealth  of  the  United  States,  and 
of  the  Strength  of  the  Agricultural  Class — The  American  Farmer — His 
Defects  and  Virtues — His  Character  as  a  Man  and  a  Citizen — The  Su- 
perior of  the  Old  World  Farmer — He  should  be  the  most  independent 
and  contented  Man  on  Earth — The  actual  State  of  Affairs — Hard  Lot 
of  the  American  Farmer — Difficulty  of  making  the  Farm  pay — A  real 
Grievance — Wrongs  of  the  Farmer — The  Effect  upon  the  Young  Men — 
Driven  from  Home — Sad  Story  of  a  Farmer's  Daughter — Not  an  iso- 
lated Case — Cause  for  Apprehension — A  Remedy  needed 283 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
THE  MIDDLE-MEN. 

A  Leading  Cause  of  the  Distress  of  Farmers — Working  at  Starvation  Prices 
— High  Price  of  Bread — Who  is  responsible,  for  it — How  the  Middle- 
Men  grow  Kich  at  the  Expense  of  the  Farmer — An  Unequal  Division  of 
Profits — The  Farmer  receives  too  little — Comparison  between  Agricul- 
tural and  Manufacturing  Profits — The  Story  of  Two  Brothers — A  Lesson 
for  Farmers — Profitable  and  Unprofitable  Labor — Contrast  between  the 
Middle-Men  and  the  Farmers — Where  the  Profit  on  Grain  goes — A 
Palace  and  a  Farm  House — Who  pay  for  the  Splendors  of  the  Large 
Cities — Need  of  the  Farmer  for  Eeady  Money — How  this  Necessity  is 
taken  Advantage  of — The  Local  Grain  Dealers — How  they  plunder  the 
Farmers — The  Excess  of  Western  Production — The  Eeal  Cause  of  it....  294 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE  EAILEOADS  AND  THE  FAEMEES. 

Opportunity  of  the  Eailroads  to  plunder  the  Farmers — Extent  of  the  Wheat 
Production  of  the  United  States — Amount  consumed  at  Home — The 
Western  Surplus — Amount  of  Corn  produced — The  System  of  High 
Freights — The  West  shut  out  from  Market — Effect  of  the  Civil  War — 
Burning  Corn  for  Fuel — Greed  of  the  Eailroad  Companies — The  Cost  of 
getting  Grain  to  Market — Facts  for  Farmers — Combination  of  the  Eail- 
roads and  the  Middle-Men — The  Story  of  a  Car  Load  of  Corn — Mr. 
Walker's  Views — The  Farmers'  Complaint — Eailroads  disregard  the 
Law — Futile  Efforts  of  the  Western  States  to  protect  their  Citizens — 
How  High  Freights  are  arranged — The  Dependence  of  the  Farmers  upon 
the  Eailroads — The  Effect  of  High  Freights  upon  the  Value  of  the  Farm 
—A  Startling  Exhibit 333 


T.  B,.  Allen,  Master  of  Missouri.  Col.  John  Cochrane,  Master  of  Wise 

John  Weir,  First  Master  of  Indiana.  Mrs.  J.  C.  Abbott,  "  Flora." 

Wm.  Saunders,  First  Master,  Nat'l  Grange.  D.  W.  Ada 

SOME  OF  THE  LEADING  OFFICERS  OF 


j«fn.  S.  H.  Ellis,  Master  of  Ohio.  F.  II.  Dumbauld,  First  Master  of  Kansas. 

Mrs.  D.  W.  Adams,  "  Ceres."  C.  D.  Beeman,  Gen'l  Nat'l  D< 

faster,  Nat'l  Grange.  O.  H.  Kelley,  Secretary,  Nat'l  Grange. 

E  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY. 


CONTENTS.  17 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  STOEY  OF  FARMER  GREEN'S  REAPER. 

A  Common  Fault  with  Farmers — Not  in  a  Condition  to  incur  Risks — The 
Danger  of  running  into  Debt — The  Curse  of  Mortgages — Labor-Saving 
Machines — What  they  are  worth — Unfair  Prices  demanded  for  them — 
Farmers  paying  twenty  per  cent.  Interest — An  iniquitous  Business — 
Danger  of  Indiscriminate  Purchases  of  Machinery — A  few  Words  of 
Sober  Counsel — Farmer  Green  and  his  Farm — Getting  on  in  the  World 
— Fanner  Green  buys  a  Reaper — How  he  paid  for  it — The  first  false 
Step — Beautiful  Calculations — An  Iron-clad  Note — In  the  Toils — 
Arrival  of  the  Reaper — Disappointment — Second  Visit  of  the  Agent — 
The  Theory  of  Deferred  Payments — How  it  works — Deeper  in  Debt — 
The  Farm  mortgaged — New  Misfortunes — Selling  the  Homestead — Be- 
ginning anew — What  Farmer  Green's  Reaper  cost  him — A  Lesson  for 
Farmers 336 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
FARMER  SMITH  SPEAKS  HIS  MIND. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  State  Association — Speech  at  Car- 
rollton — Views  of  a  Practical  and  Thinking  Farmer — Sound  Views  for 
the  Consideration  of  the  Farmers  of  the  Union — Mr.  Smith's  Home- 
stead— A  comfortable  Western  Farm — A  quiet  Talk  with  Farmer  Smith 
— His  Statement  of  the  Farmers'  Wrongs,  and  his  Views  as  to  the 
Remedy — Corn  selling  for  less  than  Cost — "  Sixty  Bushels  of  Corn  to  buy 
Two  Pairs  of  Boys'  Boots  "—The  Mysteries  of  Western  Coal  Selling— The 
Farms  more  heavily  taxed  than  the  Railroads — The  Grange  offers  the 
best  Remedy,  and  the  best  Means  of  attaining  it 347 

CHAPTER  XX. 

VIEWS  OF  A  WISCONSIN  FARMER. 

The  Master  of  the  Wisconsin  State  Grange — A  Model  Farmer  and  IUB 
Farm — Colonel  Cochrane's  Views  of  the  Situation — Conflict  between  the 
Railroads  and  the  Farms— The  Roads  first  built  with  the  Farmers' 
Savings— How  the  Farmer  was  induced  to  buy  Railroad  Stock — How 
they  are  robbed  by  the  Roads— Position  of  the  Middle-men— The  Cost 
of  Western  Farming — Through  and  Local  Shipments — How  the  Grange 
helps  the  Cheese  Makers — Farming  in  Wisconsin ;  what  it  costs  and 
what  it  pays — The  Farmers  unable  to  fix  their  Prices 374 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
HOW  THE  GOVERNMENT  ROBS  THE  FARMERS. 

Relative  Strength  of  the  Farming  and  Manufacturing  Classes — Estimate  of 
the  Number  of  Employers  and  Working  People— The  Farmers  at  the 
2 


18  CONTENTS. 

Mercy  of  the  Manufacturers — Need  of  a  free  and  cheap  Market — How 
the  Tariff  works — The  Government  protects  the  Manufacturers  in  their 
Extortions  from  the  Farmers — The  Farmer  requires  a  cheap  Market 
— What  the  Farmer  pays  for  Staple  Articles  of  Consumption — The  Far- 
mers making  the  Fortunes  of  the  Manufacturers — A  Tax  upon  Agricul- 
ture— "What  a  Dose  of  Quinine  costs — Necessities  taxed  more  heavily 
than  Luxuries — The  Interests  of  the  Farmer  opposed  to  those  of  the 
Manufacturer — The  Government  hostile  to  the  Farmers — Food  for 
wholesome  Reflection — How  the  Farmer  can  be  benefited  by  a  Free 
Market — How  to  bring  it  about 389 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
THE  REMEDY. 

Review  of  the  Wrongs  suffered  by  the  Agricultural  Classes — A  Minor  . 
Evil — The  Remedy — The  Farmer  to  receive  a  fair  Return  for  his 
Industry — The  Farmer's  Interest  that  of  the  Nation — The  Duty  of  the 
Country  to  protect  the  Farmer — The  Kind  of  Laws  needed — The  Mo- 
nopolists the  Enemies  of  the  Whole  People — A  Free  and  Cheap  Market 
demanded — Power  of  the  Farmers  of  the  United  States — The  Extent 
to  which  they  control  the  Popular  Vote — Number  of  voting  Farmers — 
The  People  in  Sympathy  with  the  Agricultural  Class — What  the  Farmers 
can  accomplish — Necessity  of  Union — A  great  and  glorious  Revolution 
at  Hand 400 


PART    IV. 
THE  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ORDER. 

Mission  of  Mr.  O.  H.  Kelley  to  the  Southern  States — He  discovers  a 
Remedy  for  the  Farmers'  Grievances — Conferences  at  Washington — 
Formation  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry — Organization  of  the 
National  Grange — Subsequent  History  of  the  Order — Increase  of  the 
Granges — The  Grange  in  Iowa — Strength  of  the  Order — The  Weekly 
Bulletin — A  Wonderful  History — Unprecedentedly  Rapid  Growth  of 
the  Order— Comments  of  the  "  Tribune  "  on  the  Increase  of  the  Granges 
— The  Order  in  Canada— List  of  Canadian  Granges 407 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
COMPOSITION  OF  THE  GRANGES. 

Objects  of  the  Order — Male  and  Female  Members — Division  into  Na- 
tional State,  and  Local  Granges — Officers  of  the  National  Grange — 


CONTENTS.  19 

Membership  limited  to  Agriculturalists — Organization  of  the  Grange — 
Qualifications*  of  Members — Secrecy  required — The  Degrees  of  the  Order 
— The  Bituai  Degrees  of  the  Subordinate  Grange — Degrees  of  the  State 
Grange — Degrees  of  the  National  Grange — Financial  Matters — How  the 
Grange  is  organized — Description  of  the  Working  System  of  the  Order 
— How  the  Expenses  of  the  Grange  are  paid — The  Secret  Feature  con- 
sidered— Necessity  for  and  Advantage  of  Secrecy — Advantages  of  Fe- 
male Members — Woman's  Work  in  the  Grange — Objects  of  the  Order 

discussed 419 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
THE  LAWS  OF  THE  ORDER. 

Constitution  and  By-Laws  of  the  Order — Preamble — Organization — De- 
grees — Officers — Meetings  —  Laws — Ritual  —  Membership — Fees  for 
Membership  —  Dues — Requirements — Charters  and  Dispensations — 
Duties  of  Officers — Treasurers — Restrictions — Amendments — Birth-day 
of  Ceres  to  be  observed — By-Laws 431 

CHAPTER    XXVI. 

THE  GRANGE  AS  A  MEANS  OF  PROTECTION. 
Advantages  to  the  Farmers  of  the  Grange — A  Means  of  Combination 
afforded  them — Good  Results  of  Combination — Harmonious  Action 
secured — The  Grange  intended  as  a  Means  of  resisting  the  Farmers' 
Enemies — How  it  proposes  to  correct  Abuses — The  War  against  the 
Railroads — The  Grange  pledged  to  secure  Measures  just  to  all  Parties 
— The  Entire  Order  working  for  the  Accomplishment  of  One  Object 
— The  Order  the  Protector  of  the  Farmer — Plan  of  Action — How 
Measures  are  devised  and  carried  out — Position  of  the  Grange  towards 
the  Railroads — The  Grange  not  a  Political  Institution — The  Power  of 
the  Order,  and  how  it  is  exerted — Individual  Opinions  respected  by 
the  Order — Prospects  for  the  Future — Ite  Work — Membership  confined 
to  Agriculturalists 440 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

SOCIAL  ASPECT  OF  THE  GRANGE. 

Dull  and  Monotonous  Life  of  Farmers  and  their  Families — The  need  of 
the  Farmer  for  Social  Intercourse — Hard  lot  of  Farmers'  Wives  and 
Daughters — Scarcity  of  Amusements — "  All  Work  and  no  Play  " — 
Demand  for  a  Change — The  Work  of  the  Grange — The  Grange  a 
Means  of  Social  Enjoyment — Advantages  of  the  Social  System  of  the 
Grange — Farmers'  Wives  and  Daughters  in  the  Grange — The  Lesson  of 
Innocent  Enjoyment  taught — Festivals  and  Pleasures  of  the  Grange — 
How  the  Order  promotes  Sociability  and  Friendship  among  the  Farm- 
ers— Interesting  Details — Barbecues — Sociables — Public  Meetings — The 
Lesson  of  Courtesy — What  the  Grange  has  done  for  the  Happiness  of  the 
Agricultural  Class — A  Great  and  Good  Work 460 


20  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
THE  LESSONS  OF  THE  GRANGE. 

The  Grange  as  a  Means  of  disseminating  Agricultural  Information- 
Grange  Tracts — How  they  are  circulated — Efforts  of  the  Order  to  im- 
prove the  Farmer's  Condition — The  Grange  as  a  School  of  Reform — It 
makes  Better  Farmers — How  it  spreads  Information — Advice  as  to 
Improvements — The  .Grange  the  Enemy  of  Careless  and  Improvident 
Farming — It  encourages  Good  and  Careful  Work — The  Stacks  of 
Wheat — Only  Virtuous  and  Industrious  Members  admitted  into  the 
Order — The  Grange  making  Intelligent  Farmers — Beneficial  Effects 
of  the  Discussions  of  the  Grange — The  Grange  teaches  Habits  of 
Thrift  and  Economy — Discountenances  Debt — The  Grange  the  Enemy 
of  Selfishness — Encourages  Education — The  Friend  of  the  Schools — The 
Grange  making  Better  Men  as  well  as  Better  Farmers — Claims  of 
the  Order  upon  the  Sympathy  of  the  Country 462 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
THE  COOPERATIVE  FEATURE. 

Cooperative  Feature  of  the  Grange — How  the  Grange  saves  the  Farmers 
the  Middle-man's  Profit — Circular  of  the  Secretary  of  the  National 
Grange — A  Means  of  Practical  Economy — The  System  of  Purchases 
adopted  by  the  Grange — The  System  on  Trial  in  Iowa — The  System 
productive  of  Economy — How  the  Iowa  Grange  conducts  its  Operations 
— Bringing  the  Manufacturers  to  Terms — The  Plow  Trade — A  Saving 
of  Fifty  Thousand  Dollars  on  Plows — A  Liberal  System  of  Discounts — 
Work  of  the  State  Agent — Joint  Stock  Stores  established — Method  of 
Cooperative  Selling — Elevators  established  by  the  Granges — Direct 
Shipments — Magnificent  Success  of  the  Grange  in  Iowa — The  Granges 
saving  more  Money  than  they  cost — Efforts  to  embarrass  the  Grange—- 
Warning of  the  National  Grange — Opposition  of  the  Middle-men — 
A  Successful  Effort  at  Cooperation  abroad — The  History  of  the  Civil 
Service  Supply  Association  of  London — A  Lesson  and  an  Encour- 
agement to  the  Grange 471 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  GRANGE. 

Retrospective — Future  of  the  Order — What  it  will  accomplish  for  the 
Farmer  and  for  the  Country — The  Grange  pledged  to  a  Just  and  Liberal 
Course  of  Action — The  Grange  not  a  Destructive  Order — Its  Stake  in  the 
Community — Elements  of  Opposition — Distrust  of  Politicians — Political 
Views  of  the  Granges — Platforms  of  the  Farmers  of  Illinois,  Minnesota, 
and  Iowa — Necessity  for  the  Order  to  confine  itself  to  its  Proper  Work..  505 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
LEADING  GRANGERS 515 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

GRANGE    MOVEMENT; 

OB,  THE 

FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES. 


PART   I. 
EAILEOAD    MONOPOLIES. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE   RISE   AND  PROGRESS   OF   AMERICAN   RAILROADS. 

The  first  Railroad  Enterprises — The  Pioneer  Railroad — A  Modest  Beginning 
— The  Mauch  Chunk  Railroad — Inauguration  of  the  Railroad  System — In- 
troduction of  Steam — The  First  Locomotive — Opening  of  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad  to  the  Potomac — Improvements  in  the  Construction  of 
the  Roads — Rapid  increase  ol  Railroads — Building  of  the  Great  Trunk 
Lines  between  the  East  and  West — Efforts  of  the  Eastern  Cities  to  secure 
the  Western  Trade — Completion  of  the  great  Roads — Commencement  of 
the  Railroad  System  of  the  West — Its  Rapid  Growth — Statement  of  the 
Annual  Growth  and  Coat  of  the  Railroads  of  the  United  States — Their 
Present  Condition. 

FEW  things  have  been  so  remarkable  in  the  wonder- 
ful growth  of  the  American  Republic  as  the  increase 
and  expansion  of  its  railway  system.  A  comparatively 
young  man  finds  no  difficulty  in  remembering  the  time 
when  the  only  means  of  communication  between  the 
various  parts  of  the  Union  were  the  canal  boat  and  the 
stage  coach.  Half  a  century  has  witnessed  the  won- 
derful growth  of  the  American  railways.  It  has  also 
witnessed  the  gradual  change  of  the  system,  which  was 

21 


22  HISTORY   OF  THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;   OR, 

designed  to  be  a  lasting  benefit  to  the  Republic,  into  one 
of  the  greatest  dangers  which  now  threaten  its  existence. 

We  propose  to  trace  in  these  pages  the  growth  of  the 
railway  system  of  the  country,  and  to  present  to  the 
reader  a  statement  of  its  present  condition,  in  order 
that  he  may  the  better  appreciate  the  grave  danger 
with  which  this  immense  system  threatens  the  land. 

It  was  not  until  1826  that  capitalists  became  satis- 
fied of  the  value  of  the  railway  as  a  means  of  communi- 
cation between  distant  points.  The  first  road  of  this 
kind  in  America  was  a  mere  tramway  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  granite  from  the  quarries  at  Quincy  to  the 
Neponsett  River,  in  Massachusetts.  The  total  length 
of  this  road  was  about  three  miles.  It  terminated  at 
the  quarries  in  a  self-acting  inclined  plane.  It  was 
built  upon  granite  sleepers,  seven  and  a  half  feet  long, 
laid  eight  feet  apart.  The  rails  were  laid  five  feet 
apart,  were  of  pine,  a  foot  deep,  and  covered  with  an 
oak  plate,  and  this  with  flat  bars  of  iron.  The  cars 
were  drawn  by  horses. 

In  January,  1827,  a  second  road  was  begun,  and 
completed  in  May  of  that  year,  from  the  coal  mines,  at 
Mauch  Chunk,  Pennsylvania,  to  the  Lehigh  River,  a 
distance-  of  nine  miles.  "  From  the  summit  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  mines  the  descent  to  the  river  was 
982  feet,  of  which  225  feet  were  included  in  a  self-act- 
ing plane  at  the  river,  and  twenty-five  feet  more  in  a 
shute  by  which  the  coal  was  discharged  into  the  boats. 
The  remainder  was  in  a  continual  descending  grade, 
down  which  the  loaded  wagons  ran  by  gravity,  one  of 
them  being  appropriated  to  the  mules  by  which  the 
empty  wagons  were  drawn  back.  The  rails  were  of  tim- 
ber, laid  on  wooden  sleepers  and  strapped  with  flat  iron." 


THE    FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST   MONOPOLIES.  23 

These  roads  demonstrated  the  fact  that  heavy  loads 
could  be  drawn  with  a  slighter  expenditure  of  power 
than  must  be  used  on  the  ordinary  highways.  Admir- 
able results  had  been  obtained  in  Europe  by  the  adop- 
tion of -this  system,  and  by  the  close  of  1827  it  had 
come  to  be  acknowledged  in  the  United  States  that  the 
railway  was  the  best  method  of  transporting  freight. 
Accordingly  measures  were  set  on  foot  in  many  of  the 
States,  especially  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina, 
for  the  construction  of  various  roads,  some  of  which 
were  designed  upon  a  grand  scale. 

Steam  had  now  been  introduced  upon  the  European 
roads  as  a  motive  power,  and  the  managers  of  the 
American  roads  at  once  adopted  it  as  the  cheapest  and 
the  best  means  of  propelling  their  cars.  The  Delaware 
and  Hudson  Canal  Company  began,  in  1828,  the  con- 
struction of  a  road  from  their  coal  mines  to  Honesdale, 
the  terminus  of  the  canal.  Before  the  road  was  fairly 
begun,  they  sent  Mr.  Horatio  Allen  to  England  to  in- 
vestigate and  report  upon  the  railways  of  that  country, 
and  also  to  purchase  their  railroad  iron.  Later  still,  he 
was  directed  to  buy  three  locomotive  engines.  These 
purchases  were  made,  and  the  first,  a  locomotive,  built 
by  George  Stephenson,  at  his  works  at  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne,  arrived  in  New  York  in  the  Spring  of  1829.  It 
was  exhibited  for  some  time  in  New  York,  and  attracted 
great  attention.  The  other  locomotives  were  built  by 
other  persons,  and  arrived  and  were  placed  on  the  road 
in  the  latter  part  of  1829.  They  were  the  first  loco- 
motives used  in  this  country.  They  were  engines  on 
four  wheels,  furnished  with  the  multitubular  boiler  and 
the  exhaust  blast. 


24  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

In  1829  work  was  begun  on  the  South  Carolina  Rail- 
road, designed  to  connect  Charleston  with  Hamburg,  on 
the  Savannah  River,  opposite  the  City  of  Augusta,  Ga. 
Six  miles  of  this  road  were  completed  from  Charleston 
before  the  close  of  the  year.  It  is  an  interesting  fact 
that  some  time  previous  to  the  commencement  of  work 
upon  this  road,  the  directors  determined,  under  the 
advice  of  their  engineer,  Mr.  Horatio  Allen,  who  was 
convinced  that  horses  could  not  draw  cars  over  this 
road  with  profit  to  the  Company,  to  make  a  species  of 
horse  locomotive  "the  motive  power,  and  the  road 
was  constructed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  wholly  de- 
pendent upon  them,  being  built  upon  piles  often  at  a 
great  height  above  the  ground.  The  company  offered 
a  premium  of  $500  for  the  best  plan  of  horse  locomotive, 
and  this  was  awarded  to  Mr.  C.  E.  Detmold,  afterward 
of  New  York,  who  constructed  one  with  the  horse 
working  on  an  endless  chain  platform.  It  carried 
twelve  passengers  at  the  rate  of  twelve  miles  per  hour. 
The  same  gentleman,  in  the  winter  of  1829-30,  made 
drawings  of  the  first  American  steam  locomotive,  called 
the  '  Best  Friend,'  which  was  planned  by  Mr.  E.  L. 
Miller,  then  residing  in  Charleston,  made  by  the 
Kernbles  at  their  shop  in  West  street,  and  placed  on 
the  road  late  in  the  summer  of  1830.  It  was  a  small 
four-wheeled  engine,  with  upright  boiler  and  water  flues 
close  at  bottom,  and  the  flame  circulating  around  them. 
It  worked  successfully  for  about  two  years,  when  it  ex- 
ploded, and  was  rebuilt  with  a  flue  boiler.  Upon  this 
road,  in  1831,  was  first  introduced  on  any  road,  either 
abroad  or  in  the  United  States,  the  important  arrange- 
ment of  two  four-wheeled  trucks  for  locomotives  and 
long  passenger  cars.  These  were  built  from  plans  de- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        25 

signed  by  Mr.  Horatio  Allen  in  1830 ;  and  with  no  es- 
sential change  his  system  of  double  truck  running  gear, 
including  the  application  of  pedestals  to  the  springs,  has 
ever  since  been  adopted  upon  all  the  roads  of  the 
country." 

In  1828,  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  the  first 
of  the  great  routes  connecting  the  Eastern  and  Western 
States,  was  begun,  the  first  stone  being  laid  with  great 
rejoicing  in  the  city  of  Baltimore  on  the  4th  of  July  of 
that  year.  It  was  originally  designed  to  use  horse  cars 
only  upon  it,  and  in  June,  1830,  the  road  was  finished 
to  Ellicott's  Mills,  a  distance  of  fourteen  miles  from 
Baltimore.  The  cars  were  drawn  by  horses.  "  For  a 
long  time,"  says  the  historian  of  the  road,  "notwith- 
standing the  use  of  horse  power,  the  railroad  was  re- 
garded as  a  great  novelty;  and  the  people  of  Baltimore, 
with  their  wives,  sisters,  or  friends,  patronized  it  very 
extensively.  A  ride  to  Ellicott's  Mills  by  railroad  was 
a  daily  or  Aveekly  amusement ;  and  that  interesting  vil- 
lage became  exceedingly  popular  with  all  classes  of 
people.  The  number  of  cars  provided  by  the  company 
proved  entirely  inadequate  to  the  trade,  both  for  pas- 
sengers and  merchandise ;  and  although  but  one  track 
had  been  finished,  the  receipts  for  the  first  four  months 
showed  an  aggregate  of  over  twenty  thousand  dollars." 
It  was  at  one  time  proposed  to  propel  the  cars  on  this 
road  by  means  of  sails. 

By  April,  1832,  the  road  was  opened  to  the  Point  of 
Rocks,  on  the  Potomac,  a  distance  of  seventy  miles. 
Long  before  this,  it  had  become  evident  to  the  company 
that  horse  power  was  utterly  inadequate  to  the  de- 
mands upon  the  road.  The  successful  introduction  of 
steam  upon  the  English  roads  encouraged  the  directors 


26  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

to  believe  that  they  could  use  it  with  equal  success  in 
their  own  undertaking,  and  rewards  were  offered  for 
the  construction  of  the  best  locomotive  suited  to  the 
needs  of  the  road.  A  small  locomotive,  built  in  Balti- 
more by  Mr.  Peter  Cooper,  was  placed  on  the  line  in 
1830,  and  gave  considerable  satisfaction,  but  it  did  not 
fully  meet  the  requirements  of  the  company. 

"Agreeably  to  the  invitation  of  the  President  and 
Directors,  three  locomotive  engines  were  introduced 
upon  the  road,  in  the  summer  of  1831,  of  which  only 
one  proved  to  be  successful,  according  to  the  stipula- 
tions of  the  company.  This  was  the  York,  having 
been  erected  in  the  town  of  that  name,  in  Pennsylvania, 
situated  fifty-seven  miles  north  of  Baltimore.  This  en- 
gine was  erected  by  Phineas  Davis  (a  very  ingenious 
and  worthy  man,  who  subsequently  met  with  an  acci- 
dent which  proved  fatal,  while  experimenting  with  his 
machinery),  of  the  firm  of  Davis  &  Gardiner,  and,  after 
undergoing  some  slight  modifications,  wras  found  capable 
of  conveying  fifteen  tons,  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  miles  per 
hour,  on  a  level  portion  of  the  road.  It  was  employed 
for  a  considerable  time  between  Baltimore  and  Ellicott's 
Mills,  and  generally  performed  the  trip  in  one  hour, 
with  four  cars,  being  a  gross  weight  of  fourteen  tons. 
The  engine,  it  will  be  observed,  was  mounted  on  four 
wheels,  of  thirty  inches  diameter,  like  those  of  common 
cars ;  and  the  velocity  was  obtained  by  means  of  gear- 
ing with  a  spur  wheel  and  pinion,  on  one  of  the  axles 
of  the  road  wheels.  The  entire  weight  was  but  three 
and  a  half  tons,  and  it  not  unfrequently  attained  a 
speed  ranging  from  twenty  to  thirty  miles  per  hour. 
It  passed  over  curves  with  much  facility,  overcoming 
those  of  four  hundred  feet  radius,  the  shortest  on  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        27 

road,  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  miles  per  hour.  The  fuel 
used  was  anthracite  coal,  which  is  said  to  have  an- 
swered the  purpose  very  well ;  but  the  lightness  of  the 
machine  prevented  it  from  drawing  very  heavy  loads 
over  ascending  grades." 

The  railroads  at  this  time  were  built  of  longitudinal 
rails  pinned 'down  to  the  wooden  or  stone  cross  ties, 
which  were  imbedded  in  the  ground,  and  upon  the  rails 
flat  bars  of  iron  about  half  an  inch  thick,  and  from  two 
and  a  half  to  four  and  a  half  inches  in  width,  were 
fastened  by  spikes,  the  heads  of  which  were  counter- 
sunk in  the  iron.  This  species  of  rail  was  generally 
adopted  as  the  cheapest,  but  it  was  not  long  before  it 
attained  an  unenviable  notoriety  as  the  most  dangerous. 
The  ends  of  the  rails  would  frequently  curl  up,  and 
being  caught  by  the  wheels  would  be  thrust  through 
the  bottoms  of  the  cars,  causing  sometimes  very  serious 
accidents. 

The  Baltimore  and  Ohio  road  was  carried  steadily 
forward,  accomplishing  in  its  construction  feats  of  en- 
gineering which  were  justly  regarded  as  national  tri- 
umphs. It  climbed  to  the  summit  of  the  Alleghanies, 
and  passed  them  by  a  series  of  grades  at  which  the 
most  accomplished  engineers  had  halted  in  dismay 
when  told  of  them  by  the  friends  of  the  road,  and  it  is 
not  too  much  to  assert  that  the  success  of  this  road  was 
one  of  the  greatest  encouragements  offered  to  the  per- 
sons interested  in  these  enterprises. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  other  roads  were  begun 
and  carried  forward  with  energy.  The  use  of  steam  as 
a  motive  power  had  overcome  the  chief  obstacle  in 
their  way,  and  the  whole  country  was  engaged  in 
schemes  for  their  increase  and  diffusion  throughout  its 


28  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

limits.  In  1830-31,  as  many  as  twelve  railway  com- 
panies were  chartered  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. By  the  close  of  the  year  1832,  Pennsylvania  is 
said  to  have  had  sixty-seven  lines  of  railway  in  opera- 
tion. In  the  same  year,  the  principal  lines  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  New  Jersey  were  also  begun. 

The  most  important  of  these  lines  were  designed  to 
connect  the  cities  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard  with  the 
States  west  of  the  mountains.  The  Great  West  was 
just  beginning  its  wonderful  growth  in  population  and 
prosperity,  and  each  of  the  principal  seaports  of  the 
East  became  eager  to  secure  the  rich  harvest  offered  by 
the  trade  of  the  West.  By  means  of  the  Western  Rail- 
way of  Massachusetts,  Boston  was  brought  into  direct 
communication  with  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  roads  now 
constituting  the  New  York  Central  Railway,  over  which 
the  grain  of  the  West  was  conveyed  to  Albany.  This 
induced  the  capitalists  of  New  York  to  undertake  the 
construction  of  the  Erie  Road,  which  was  begun  in 
1833,  but  was  not  finished  until  1857.  In  order  to 
compete  still  more  advantageously  with  New  York, 
Boston  furnished  the  means  for  the  construction  of  the 
Michigan  Central  road,  and  its  extension  from  Detroit 
to  Chicago,  thus  bringing  the  products  of  the  West  di- 
rectly to  Albany  and  thence  to  Boston.  "  It  was  also 
sending  out  its  long  arms  toward  the  Northwest,  reach- 
ing the  outlet  of  the  great  lakes  at  Ogdensburg,  before 
this  point  was  connected  by  railroad  with  the  metropo- 
lis of  its  own  State.  These  enterprises  stimulated 
Pennsylvania  to  perfect  her  line  of  communication  be- 
tween Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg,  which  from  Harris- 
burg  to  Hollidaysburg  was  by  canal,  and  thence  over 
the  Alleghany  Mountains  by  a  succession  of  five  in- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        29 

clined  planes  and  intervening  levels  up  the  mountain 
on  one  side,  then  by  a  long  level  to  the  five  inclined 
planes  and  levels  which  terminated  below  at  Johns- 
town, where  another  canal  took  the  boats  that  had 
been  brought  over  the  mountain  in  sections,  and  con- 
veyed them  to  Pittsburg.  The  canals  and  inclined 
planes  were  done  away  with,  and  a  continuous  road 
was  opened  across  the  State."  This  was  the  now 
famous  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad.  Connections 
were  pushed  out  from  it  to  Lake  Erie  at  Cleveland,  to 
Chicago,  and  by  way  of  Columbus  and  Cincinnati,  with 
the  railroads  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois. 

"  Baltimore,  feeling  the  effects  of  these  advances,  was 
impelled  to  push  forward  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  road, 
which  had  long  stopped  in  the  coal  region  of  Cumber- 
land, and  it  was  at  last  completed  to  Wheeling  on  the 
Ohio.  Charleston  and  Savannah  early  appreciated  the 
importance  of  connecting  their  harbors  with  the  pro- 
ductive districts  of  the  interior  by  railroads ;  and  when 
these  had  penetrated  their  own  States,  the  line  of  equal 
importance  to  both  was  extended  through  North 
Georgia  into  Tennessee,  connecting,  in  1849,  Chatta- 
nooga with  those  cities. 

"  All  these  advances  into  the  valleys  of  the  branches 
of  the  Mississippi  affected  the  cities  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  Mobile  and  New  Orleans  hastened  forward 
the  lines  which  in  the  early  history  of  American  rail- 
roads they  had  projected  for  securing  to  themselves  the 
trade  of  these  valleys." 

In  the  Western  States  the  growth  of  the  railway 
system  was  not  less  marked  than  in  the  East.  In  1838 
there  were  but  22  miles  of  railway  in  operation  in  the 
West,  and  this  in  the  State  of  Kentucky.  Four  years 


30  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

later,  in  1842,  there  were  274  miles  in  operation  in  the 
West,  of  which  Michigan  contained  138  miles.  In  1850 
the  Western  States  contained  over  1400  miles  of  rail- 
way; and  in  1860  over  13,000  miles  out  of  a  total  of 
31,185  miles  in  the  entire  Union.  In  1872,  out  of  a 
total  of  62,647  miles  in  the  whole  Union,  the  Western 
States  contained  over  34,000  miles  of  railroad. 

The  following  Table  will  show  the  gradual  growth  of 
our  railways  from  the  commencement  to  the  present 
day: 

Tear.  Miles  open.  Yearly  Increase. 

1827 3 

1828 3 

1829 28 25 

1830 41 13 

1831 54 13 

1832 131 77 

1833 576 445 

1834 762 186 

1835 918 156 

1836 1102 184 

1837 1431, 329 

1838 1843 412 

1839 2220 377 

1840 2797 577 

1841 3319 522 

1842 3877 558 

1843 4174 297 

1844 4311 137 

1845 4522 211 

1846 4870 348 

1847 5336 466 

1848 „ 5682 346 

1849 6350 668 

1850 7475 1125 

1851 8589 1114 

1852 11,027 2438 

1853 13,497 2470 

1854 15,672 „ 2175 

1855 17,398 1726 

1856 19,251 1853 

1857 22,625 3374 


THE  FARMER  S  WAR  AGAINST    MONOPOLIES. 


31 


Tear.  Miles  open.  Yearly  Increase. 

1858 25,090 2465 

1859 26,755 1665 

28,771 2016 

30,593 1822 

1862 31,769 1176 

1863 32,471 702 

1864 33,860 1389 

1865 34,442 '. 582 

1866 35,351 909 


1860 
1861 


1867 , 

1868.... 


36,896 1545 

38,822 1926 


1869 42,272 3450 

1870 48,860 6588 

1871 54,435 5575 


1872 62,647 8212 

In  Poor's  "  Railroad  Manual  of  the  United  States  " 
for  1873—74,  the  following  estimate  is  given  of  the  cost 
and  capital  invested  in  the  railways  of  the  United 
States : 


STATCS. 

Capital 
Stock. 

Funded  and 
other  Debt. 

Total  Capital 
Account. 

Cost  of 
R.E.  per 
mile. 

$129,012,748 
568,838,174 
724,686,046 
171,683,155 
63,623,990 

$101,597,040 
363,862,600 
747,939,186 
230,230,112 
67,950,000 

8230,609,794 
922,700,774 
1,472,625.232 
401,913,267 
131,573,990 

850,418 
79,427 
60,550 
36,575 
98,300 

Middle  States  

Pacific  States  

Total  

81,647,844,113 

$1,511,578,944 

83,159,423,057 

65,116 

A  still  more  definite  idea  of  the  immense  system 
which  has  grown  from  the  modest  beginning  at  Quincy 
in  1826,  will  be  gained  from  the  following  extract  from 
the  same  Manual : 

"  The  total  cost  of  the  railroads,  the  operations  of 
which  are  given  for  the  past  year,  is  $3,159,423,057, 
made  up  of  $1,647,844,113  of  capital  stock,  and  $1,511,- 
578,944  of  various  forms  of  indebtedness,  chiefly  of 
bonds  maturing  at  distant  periods.  The  capital  stock 
amounted  to  52-15  per  cent.,  and  the  debt  to  47*85  per 
cent,  of  the  total  cost.  The  cost  of  these  roads  per 


.32  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

mile  was  $55,116.  The  gross  earnings  for  the  year 
were  $473,241,055,  of  which  $132,309,270,  or  28  per 
cent.,  was  received  for  transportation  of  passengers,  and 
$340,931,785,  or  72  per  cent.,  for  the  transportation  of 
freight,  including  under  this  head  the  small  amount 
received  from '  miscellaneous  sources.'  The  receipts  per 
mile  were  $8256.  The  ratio  of  earnings  to  population 
was  $11.76  per  head.  The  operating  expenses  for  the 
year  were  $307,486,682,  or  65  per  cent,  of  the  gross 
receipts,  leaving  $165,754,373,  or  35  per  cent.,  as  net 
earnings." 

Thus,  in  the  comparatively  short  period  of  forty-six 
years,  over  67,000  miles  of  railroads  have  been  con- 
structed in  the  Union,  involving  an  outlay  for  construc- 
tion alone  of  over  three  thousand  millions  of  dollars. 
These  vast  corporations  are  the  possessors  of  immense 
quantities  of  real  and  personal  estate,  employ  thousands 
of  operatives,  and  receive  and  pay  out  annually  sums 
of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars.  It  is  a  wonderful 
history. 


THE   FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES. 


CHAPTER    II. 

HISTORY  OF   THE   "LAND  GRAB." 

How  to  build  Railroads  at  the  Expense  of  the  People — The  Public  Domain  of 
the  Union  a  rich  Field  of  Operations  for  Railroad  Managers — The  first  Land 
Grants — How  the  Illinois  Central  Road  obtained  its  Lands — A  bad  Example 
— Handsome  Profits — Inauguration  of  the  System  of  Land  Grants — The 
Result — The  Nation  robbed  by  Wild  Cat  Railroad  Companies — How  Congress 
aids  the  Roads  in  robbing  the  People — Actual  Workings  of  the  Subsidy  Sys- 
tem— Detailed  Statement  of  the  Amount  of  the  Public  Lands  granted  to 
each  Corporation — Greed  of  the  Railroads — Bonds  and  Money  demanded  in 
addition  to  Lands — The  Railroad  Ring — Eloquent  Denunciation  of  these 
Schemes  of  Plunder  by  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  of  Illinois. 

A  RECENT  writer,  describing  the  construction  of  a 
railway,  says :  "The  first  step,  after  selecting  the  route, 
is  to  purchase  the  land  upon  which  the  proposed  road 
is  to  be  built."  Many  of  our  roads  are  built  upon  land 
fairly  purchased  and  paid  for,  but  not  all ;  and  it  was 
regarded  as  a  great  step  gained  in  scientific  railroad 
financiering  when  a  shrewd  railway  magnate  of  the 
West  conceived  the  happy  idea  of  building  a  road  at 
the  cost  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country. 

Previous  to  1850,  the  United  States  possessed  vast 
tracts  of  lands  in  the  Western  States  and  Territories. 
These  lands  were  the  common  property  of  the  States, 
and  were  held  by  the  General  Government  for  their 
benefit.  It  was  believed  at  one  time  that  the  sale  of 
these  lands  would  produce  a  large  revenue  for  the 
Republic,  which  could  be  expended  in  various  enter- 
prises for  the  benefit  of  the  country  at  large. 
3 


34  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

In  1850,  however,  it  occurred  to  certain  of  our  pub- 
lic men  that  the  public  lands  might  be  advantageously 
used  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  cost  of  the  various 
railways  which  were  then  in  contemplation.  Who  first 
conceived  the  idea  is  not  known,  but  it  was  caught  up 
by  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Company,  and  they  suc- 
ceeded in  interesting  the  late  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
Senator  from  Illinois,  in  the  scheme.  Mr.  Douglas  was 
captivated  by  the  idea  of  the  great  railway  intersecting 
the  entire  State,  and  bringing  Northern  and  Southern 
Illinois  into  rapid  and  direct  communication  with 
Chicago  and  Cairo.  He  saw  the  importance  of  the 
undertaking,  recognized  the  magnitude  of  the  expense 
attending  it,  and,  in  an  evil  hour  for  the  country, 
adopted  the  opinion  that  the  General  Government 
should  aid  the  construction  of  the  road  by  bestowing 
upon  the  company  a  portion  of  the  public  lands,  since 
the  successful  accomplishment  of  the  undertaking 
would  result  in  building  up  the  population  and  increas- 
ing the  wealth  of  Illinois.  Mr.  Douglas,  with  all  his 
great  genius,  did  not  seem  to  recognize  the  fact  that  he 
was  really  asking  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
build  a  road  for  a  corporation  in  his  own  State,  or  that 
he  was  opening  a  way  for  a  systematic  fleecing  of  the 
nation  for  the  benefit  of  private  individuals. 

In  1850,  the  application  of  the  Illinois  Central  Com- 
pany for  assistance  from  the  Government  was  presented 
in  Congress.  It  was  hotly  opposed,  but  supported  by 
the  persuasive  eloquence  of  Senator  Douglas,  the  peti- 
tion was  granted.  An  Act  of  Congress,  approved  Sep- 
tember 20th,  1850,  granted  to  the  State  of  Illinois  six 
sections  of  land  per  mile  of  road  -in  aid  of  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad  from  Cairo^to  Chicago  and  Dunleith. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        35 

This  grant  was  transferred  by  the  State  to  the  Illinois 
Central  Company,  in  consideration  of  which,  and  in 
lieu  of  all  other  taxes,  the  company  agreed  to  pay  to 
the  State  an  amount  equal  to  seven  per  cent,  of  the 
gross  earnings  from  freight  and  passengers  moved  over 
their  lines.  The  amount  of  land  embraced  in  this 
grant  was  about  2,595,000  acres.  This  immense 
property  consisted  of  a  broad  strip  of  land  lying  on  each 
side  of  the  line  of  the  road  throughout  the  entire  length 
of  the  State,  and  for  a  distance  of  about  six  miles  on 
each  side  of  the  track.  It  was  a  magnificent  grant. 

The  company  made  a  good  use  of  the  lands  thus 
acquired.  They  were  promptly  surveyed  and  laid  off 
in  sections.  Liberal  offers — for  the  company  could 
afford  to  be  liberal  since  the  lands  had  cost  them 
practically  nothing — were  made  to  actual  settlers.  As 
they  comprised  some  of  the  best  lands  in  the  State,  the 
railway  sections  were  rapidly  taken  up,  and  all  along 
the  line  of  the  road  there  sprang  up  farms  and  settle- 
ments as  if  by  magic.  By  the  first  of  January,  1873, 
the  sales  of  the  company  amounted  to  2,250,633  acres, 
leaving  344,367  acres  on  hand.  The  amount  received 
and  due  for  the  lands  thus  sold  up  to  January  1st, 
1873,  stands  as  follows  : 

Principal $  23,320,463 

Net  cash 5,268,557 

Advance  interest 976,133 

Interest  notes 710,328 

Notes  and  deferred  payments 18,762,243 

Sales,  including  advance  interest 24,296,596 

The  example  of  the  Illinois  Central  Company  was 
not  lost  upon  other  corporations.  Each  had  its  cham- 
pion in  Congress,  and  applications  for  land  grants  began 
to  pour  in  upon  that  body.'  Having  granted  such  aid 


36  HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

in  one  case,  Congress  could  not  refuse  it  in  others,  and 
the  result  was  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  public 
domain  was  given  away  to  railway  corporations, 
the  people  of  the  country  practically  receiving  no 
valuable  consideration  for  the  grants.  These  grants 
were  made  to  the  States  and  by  them  conveyed  to 
the  respective  railways.  Congress  conveyed  to  each  of 
the  applicants  "six  alternate  sections  of  public  lands 
of  640  acres  each  (and  equalling  3480  acres  to  the 
mile),  to  be  taken  by  the  odd  numbers  within  six  miles 
of  the  line  of  the  road  proposed.  In  case  such  a  num- 
ber of  sections  of  odd  numbers  of  public  lands  could 
not  be  found  within  six  miles  of  such  line  (in  con- 
sequence of  previous  sale),  then  the  grant  was  to  be 
enlarged  so  as  to  apply  to  the  odd  sections  within 
fifteen  miles  of  the  line  on  either  side,  so  as  to  make  up 
the  full  amount  intended  to  be  granted.  Many  of  the 
grants  were  subsequently  further  enlarged  so  as  to 
apply  to  sections  of  odd  numbers  within  twenty  miles 
of  the  line." 

So  common  has  the  custom  of  giving  the  public  land 
to  a  railway  corporation,  to  enable  it  to  build  its  road, 
become,  that  at  present,  the  first  care  of  the  directors 
of  a  new  enterprise  of  this  kind  is  to  obtain,  from  the 
Government,  land  enough  to  defray  the  cost  of  the 
road.  In  other  words,  men  forming  a  corporation  to 
build  a  road  for  their  own  profit,  are  shrewd  enough  to 
throw  the  expense  of  their  enterprise  upon  the  people 
of  the  country  at  large.  The  people  pay  for  the  roads ; 
the  stockholders  receive  the  profits.  Members  of  Con- 
gress seem  to  agree  thoroughly  with  the  railway  direc- 
tors of  the  present  day  in  the  belief  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  General  Government  to  make  the  tax-payers 


THE   FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.  37 

of  the  United  States  build  roads  for  the  benefit  of  the 
stockholders. 

Very  many  of  the  railway  enterprises  of  the  present 
day  would  not  be  undertaken,  but  for  the  hope  of  receiv- 
ing Government  aid.  The  men  who  organize  them, 
although  they  do  so  for  their  own  private  benefit,  rely 
upon  using  the  property  of  the  whole  people  rather 
than  their  own.  Their  plan  is  veuy  simple.  If  they 
can  secure  a  grant  of  land  from  the  General  Govern- 
ment, the  public  property  thus  placed  in  their  hands 
will  afford  them  the  means  of  carrying  out  their 
schemes.  To  be  plainer — their  plan  is  simply  to  rob 
the  nation  of  its  possessions,  with  the  aid  or  connivance 
of  the  august  body  to  whose  keeping  the  trust  has 
been  confided. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  are  not  averse  to 
the  granting  of  aid  by  the  Government  to  enterprises 
which  are  national  in  their  character,  which  are  for 
the  public  good,  and  which  will  render,  at  some  time, 
an  equivalent  for  the  aid  thus  extended.  The  Amer- 
ican people  are  decidedly,  and  very  sensibly,  averse  to 
giving  their  property  away,  for  the  benefit  of  a  private 
corporation,  and  are  opposed  to  such  a  use  of  it  by 
Congress.  Just  now  they  are  very  sore  over  the  im- 
mense sums  that  have  been  squandered  by  Congress 
in  this  way.  The  Honorable  members  are  aware  of 
this,  but  they  appear  to  entertain  a  lofty  contempt 
for  the  will  of  the  people,  fancying  that  they  are 
the  masters  rather  than  the  servants  of  the  nation. 
The  public  feeling  has  been  repeatedly  expressed,  but 
the  work  of  "subsidizing"  by  the  Government  still 
goes  on. 

Not  long  since,  a  leading  New  York  journal  gave 


38  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  following   forcible  statement  of  the  popular  view 
of  this  question : 

"  Let  us  say  that  the  property  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States — meaning  thereby  of  course  the 
common  property  of  the  people  of  the  United  States — 
is  worth  $4,000,000,000,  or  $100  a  head.  In  the 
management  of  this  property  by  the  few  hundred  men 
who  make  up  what  we  call  the  Government,  the  im- 
plied trust  is  that  the  property  will  in  all  cases  be 
managed  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people,  and  that 
in  no  case  shall  one  or  two,  or  half  a  dozen,  or  a  hun- 
dred citizens  be  given  any  portion  to  use  for  their  own 
peculiar  personal  profit,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  re- 
maining millions.  Now  if  the  Government — i.  e.,  the 
men  under  this  trust,  the  trustees  of  the  people  in 
other  words — give,  say,  $500,000,000  of  this  property 
to  a  score  of  men  associated  together  as  a  railway  or 
other  company,  to  have  and  to  hold  and  to  use  it  as 
their  own  as  much  as  if  it  were  the  product  of  their 
own  toil,  the  implied  trust  is  broken;  the  trustees 
betray  the  confidence  reposed  in  them.  This  is  not  a 
fashionable  view,  we  know,  but  still  it  is  a  true  one. 
The  wrong  is  the  same  in  the  few  men  called  and  call- 
ing themselves  the  Government  as  if  they  had  com- 
mitted it  in  their  individual  capacities  and  as  private 
citizens.  No  man  in  any  capacity  has  any  right  to 
betray  a  trust  reposed.  And  yet,  that  such  betrayal 
is  not  only  not  wrong,  but  that  it  is  even  nobly,  glor- 
iously, beautifully  right,  is  the  doctrine  underlying  the 
subsidy  system.  The  Government,  (so  the  subsidy 
doctrine  runs,)  may,  and  not  only  may  but  should, 
give  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  and  the 
rest,  hundreds  of  millions  of  public  acres  and  scores 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        39 

of  millions  of  public  money  for  the  purpose  of  build- 
ing up  and  operating  a  business  for  the  exclusive  profit 
of  the  said  company,  to  the  utter  and  eternal  exclusion 
of  any  and  all  of  the  millions  of  other  citizens  whom 
the  act  of  incorporation  fails  to  recite.  And  as  with 
this  one  particular  donation  so  with  scores  of  others ; 
it  is  right  and  proper  for  the  Government  to  give  away 
to  whom  it  will  so  much  of  the  $4,000,000,000  as  it 
dee/ns  proper.  It  develops  the  country  to  do  this; 
it  is  progress;  it  is  in  the  line  of  the  best  patriotic 
thought;  the  wilderness  is  thereby  made  to  bloom 
and  blossom  as  a  rose — there  are,  in  short,  an  infinite 
variety  of  fine  phrases  to  conceal  the  real  nature  of 
the  breach  of  trust.  One  particularly  specious  plea  is 
that  unless  the  millions  were  thus  robbed  in  behalf  of 
the  scores,  the  scores  could  not  provide  great  and 
beneficent  instrumentalities  for  the  use  of  the  millions. 
It  is  forgotten  that  the  scores  charge  the  millions  as 
much  for  the  use  of  the  instrumentalities  as  if  they 
had  not  been  built  with  the  millions'  own  means,  but 
had  come  bodily  out  of  the  bank  accounts  of  the  scores. 
If  a  man  steal  from  me  enough  to  buy  him  a  horse  and 
vehicle,  and  then  insists  he  is  doing  me  an  immense 
service  by  charging  me  $5  for  carrying  me  a  mile  on 
my  own  property,  he  does  that  on  a  small  scale  which 
subsidized  corporations,  railroad  or  any  other,  do  upon  a 
large.  Such  then  is  the  morality  of  the  subsidy  sys- 
tem, which  has  been  fostered  into  such  magnificent 
proportions.  The  natural  operation  of  the  system  is 
to  generate  about  it  a  fine  swarm  of  adventurers,  of 
all  grades,  from  the  benevolent  looking  company  presi- 
dent, whose  gold-rimmed  glasses  would  shrivel  in  the 
heat  of  his  indignation  did  any  one  call  him  an  adven- 


40  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

turer,  down  to  the  professional  lobbyist,  whom  he  uses 
as  the  huntsman  uses  his  hound,  to  run  down  the 
game.  There  being  millions  at  stake,  these  adven- 
turers, each  in  his  sphere,  are  instant  in  action.  They 
cajole,  they  seduce,  they  ensnare.  All  the  arts  of 
temptation  ooze  from  their  tongues  in  drops  of  honey, 
and  fall  from  their  hands  in  streams  of  gold.  What 
wonder  if  success  only  too  often  rewards  their  nefarious 
efforts — if  the  not  over-stubborn  normal  virtue  of  the 
Senator  or  Congressman  succumbs  ?  If  the  records  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier  investigation  reveal  anything,  they 
disclose  this — that  tactics  of  this  kind  were  employed 
with  exquisite  skill  and  relentless  tenacity;  and,  de- 
spite the  half-frantic  denials  of  the  victims,  it  is  per- 
fectly evident  the  strategy  of  the  subsidy  adventurers 
won." 

The  lands  granted  by  the  Government  to  various 
railway  corporations  make  up  a  total  area  of  198,165,- 
794  acres,  or  about  300,000  square  miles — an  area 
larger  than  the  State  of  Texas,  which  contains  237,504 
square  miles.  Texas  and  the  two  Virginias  combined 
would  make  an  area  smaller  than  that  of  the  lands 
thus  given  away.  The  total  area  of  the  United  States 
is  3,578,392  square  miles,  and  the  railway  subsidies, 
it  will  be  seen,  comprise  nearly  one-tenth  of  the  entire 
Union. 

The  following  Table  shows  the  land  grants  to  rail- 
ways since  1850,  and  the  amount  of  land  actually  re- 
ceived or  certified  by  each  company : 


THE   FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES. 


41 


Date  of  Laws. 

Name  of  Road. 

Acres 
Grunted. 

Acres 
Certified. 

Sept.  30,  1850  

ILLINOIS. 
Illinois  Central  

2,595,053 

2,595,053 

Sept.  20,  1850  

MISSISSIPPI. 

1,004,640 

737,130 

Aug.  11,  185G  

404,800 

171,550 

Gulf  and  Ship  Island  Railroad  

652,800 

Sept.  21,  1850...... 

ALABAMA. 
Mobile  and  Ohio  

230,400 

419,528 

May  27,  1856  

419,520 

394,522 

481,920 

440,700 

June  3,  1856  

Northeastern  and  Southeastern,  Alabama  and  Chatta- 

691,840 

289,535 

ii         11 

Wills  Valley,  Alabama  and  Chattanooga  

206,080 

171,920 

11         ii 

Coosa  and  Tennessee  ,\i...  

132,480 

64,784 

a         a 

840,880 

504,145 

ii         a 

150,000 

ii         11 

576,000 

May  17,  1856  

FLORIDA. 
Florida  Railroad  

442,542 

281,984 

Alabama  and  Florida  

165,088 
1,568,729 

165,588 
1,275,012 

11         u 

Florida,  Atlantic  and  Gulf  Central  

183,183 

37,583 

June  3,  1856  

LOUISIANA. 
Vicksburg  and  Shreveport  

610,880 

353,211 

New  Orleans,  Opelousas  and  Great  Western  

967,840 

719,193 

Feb.  9,  1853..  

ARKANSAS. 

1,100,667 

1,115,408 

July  28,  1856  

966,722 

Feb.  9,  1853  

438,646 

127,238 

July  28,  1S66  

365,539 

Feb.  9,  1853  
July  23,  13G6  

Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  

650,525 
458,771 

550,520 

July  4,  1866  

864,000 

June  10  1852 

MISSOURI. 

791,944 

493  812 

1,161,235 

1,158,073 

Feb.  9,1853  
July  28  1866 

Cairo  and  Fulton  „  

219,262 
182718 

63,540 

July  4,  1666  
May  15,  185C  

Iron  Mountain  (Pilot  Knob  to  Helena,  Arkansas)  
IOWA. 

1,400,000 
948,643 

291,725 

June  2,  1864  

101,110 

95,656 

May  15,  1856 

1,144,904 

481,774 

Juno  2,  1861  
May  15  1856 

Chicago,  Rock  Island  and  Pacific  

11(5,276 
1,208,739 

144,229 
778,869 

June  2  1864  

123,370 

342,406 

May  15  1856  

June  2  186  1 

1,220,163 

1,226,163 

May  IS  1864 

1  5:  ;r.i  ion 

256,000 

July  2  1864 

Sioux  City  and  Pacific                 .        

580,000 

MICHIGAN. 

312,384 

6,468 

355,420 

30,998 

ii        u 

July  3,1866  
June  .'?,  1,J."<;  
July  3  18li(>     ... 

Time  extended  seven  years  / 
Flintand  Pirn  Marquette  

1,052,469 

586,828 

721,469 
"5il.426 

Juno  :i   is/if, 

629,1  82 

629,182 

June  7,  1  *<:\  
June  3  ls">l'i 

Oruml  Cupids,  from  Fort  Wayne  to  Grand  Rapids,  etc... 

531  ,20!1 
21  8.880 

191,607 
218,881 

M'irrli   '!    IM',ri 

]-'S  (>'•() 

Juno  3,  1W,    ... 
March  3    1*05 

Marquette  and  Ontonagon  

309,315 

24:1  200 

216,919 
49.0S6 

June  3.  1856  

208.06:4 

174.020 

42 


HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


Date  of  Laws. 

Name  of  Road. 

Acres 
GraDted. 

Acres 
Certified. 

MICHIGAN—  Continued. 
Chicago,  St.  Paul  and  Fond-du-Lac  (branch)  to  Mar- 

188,507 
375,680 

162,044 

July  5,1862  
March  3,  1865  

June  3,  1856  
May  5,  1864  
June  3,  1856  
May  5,  1864  
June  :i,  1856  
May  5,  1861  
June  :i,  1856.  
April  25,  1862  
May  5,  1864  

March  3,  1857  
March  3,  1865  
March  3,  1857  
March  3,  1805  
July  12,  1862  
March  3,  1857  
March  3,  1865  
March  3,  1857  
March  3,  1865  
March  3,  1857  
May  12,  18(54  
July  13,  1*66  
May  5,  1864  
July  13,  1866  

July  4,  1866  
July  4,  1866  

March  3,  1863  
July  1,  1864  
July  1,  1864  
July  23,  1866  
July  25,  18G6  
July  26,1866  

July  25,  1866  
July  13,  1866  
March  2,  1867  

July  25,  1866  
May  4,  1870  

188,800 

894,907 
675,000 
524,714 
350,000 
318,737 
215.0UO 

WISCONSIN. 

324,943 
163,263 
524,718 

318,740 

600,000 
1,800,000 

660,000 
500,000 
750,000 
725,000 

'353,403 
290,000 
720,000 
690  000 

311,307 

From  Portage  City  to  B^yfleld,  thence  to  Superior  
MINNESOTA. 
St.  Paul  and  Pacific  

466,566 

St.  Paul  and  Pacific  

438,000 

Branch  St.  Paul  and  Pacific.  > 

Authorized  change  of  route  J 
Minnesota  Central  ,  

"174,578 

342,876 

860,000 
150,000 

7il,442 
1,040 

Authorized  to  make  up  deficiency  within  thirty  miles  > 

800,000 
735,000 
550  000 

367,424 
125,480 

Minnesota  Southern  

KAKSAS. 

Leavenworth,  Lawrence  and  Galveston  ~\ 

2,550,000 

1,700,000 
2,350,000 

1,203,000 

1,540,000 
203,1)00 
320,000 

1,660,000 

Union  Pacific  Southern  Branch  (M  K.  &  T.)  j 

St.  Joseph  and  Denver  City  
Kansas  and  Neosho  Valley  
Southern   Branch   Union  Pacific  from  Fort  Biley  to 



CALIFORNIA. 

Placerville  and  Sacramento  Valley  
Stockton  and  Copperopolis  

OREGON. 

From  Portland  to  Astoria  and  McMinnville  

1,200,003 

In  addition  to  the  above  grants,  the  General  Govern- 
ment has  granted  to  the  various  Pacific  railways  im- 
mense tracts  of  land,  making  these  grants  direct  to  the 
companies.  It  has  granted  to  the  Central  and  Union 
Pacific  Railroads  a  total  of  35,000,000  acres,  of  which 
only  544,759  had  been  certified  up  to  January,  1872. 
To  the  Northern  Pacific  road  it  has  given  58,000,000  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        43 

acres,  and  to  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  road  42,000,000 ; 
making  a  total  of  135,000,000  acres  to  the  three  Pacific 
roads,  or  about  200,000  square  miles. 

Lands,  however,  lavishly  as  they  have  been  given, 
no  longer  form  the  limit  of  railway  expectations.  The 
greed  of  these  corporations  has  extended  to  the  public 
funds,  and  bonds  and- money  are  now  demanded  with 
as  much  coolness  as  lands.  The  railway  incorporators 
have  learned  that  with  a  pliant  Congress  it  is  easy  to 
draw  from  the  National  Treasury  the  funds  they  are 
not  willing  to  provide  for  their  enterprises. 

In  order  to  effect  this,  they  maintain  at  Washington 
a  force  of  paid  lobbyists,  whose  business  it  is  to  influ- 
ence the  legislation  of  Congress  by  unpatriotic  and  ille- 
gal means.  What  these  means  are  was  shown  by  the 
investigations  attending  the  Credit  Mobilier  scandal  of 
the  last  session.  Yet,  that  the  reader  may  the  better 
understand  how  these  railroad  leeches  fasten  upon  the 
Government,  we  give  the  following  account  of  the 
schemes  that  were  introduced  into  the  Fortieth  Con- 
gress, which  was  particularly  distinguished  for  them. 
Many  of  these  schemes  were  successful : 

"At  present,"  says  a  correspondent  writing  from 
Washington  early  in  the  session,  "perhaps  there  is 
more  money  in  the  various  railroad  schemes  than  in 
any  other.  And  this  thing  is  on  a  scale  which  the 
country  does  not  comprehend,  notwithstanding  the  con- 
stant talk  about  it.  Thus  far,  in  the  Fortieth  Congress, 
there  have  been  seventy-two  railroad  bills  introduced 
into  the  Senate  alone.  Eight  were  presented  at  the 
first  short  session,  fifty-two  at  the  second  session,  and 
in  the  two  weeks  of  the  present  session  eleven  have 
been  reported  and  printed.  And  these  last  do  not  in- 


44  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

elude  four  as  gigantic  as  any  which  have  been  passed, 
yet  to  come.  One  is  in  preparation  for  which  its 
friends  are  now  gathering  power,  for  the  Northern 
Pacific,  one  for  the  Albuquerque  line  and  its  several 
connections ;  one  for  Mr.  Pomeroy's  little  private  Atchi- 
son  Pacific — one  of  the  nicest  and  fattest  speculations 
ever  concocted  and  worked  through  —  having  these 
special  qualifications  of  nice  and  fat,  on  account  of  the 
small  number  to  divide  the  spoils ;  one  for  two  roads 
south  and  west  from  St.  Louis,  and  two  or  three  for 
Southern  Pacific  lines  from  Memphis,  New  Orleans,  and 
points  in  Texas. 

"In  all  this  there  are  four  lines  across  the  Conti- 
nent, with  connecting  roads  enough  to  stretch  out  into 
two  more ;  and  then  such  little  ventures  as  the  Atchi- 
son  and  Denver  lines  by  the  score. 

"Of  all  these  bills,  fully  three-fourths  were  origi- 
nated by  Republicans.  Four  Senators  brought  in 
nearly  half  of  them.  Mr.  Pomeroy  reported  eleven, 
Mr.  Ramsey  seven,  Mr.  Conness  five,  and  Mr.  Harlan 
four. 

"  Mr.  Pomeroy  did  not  confine  his  attention  to 
any  particular  part  of  the  country.  He  proposed  one 
land  grant  through  the  rich  lands  about  Port  Royal, 
South  Carolina,  and  another  one  of  his  measures  was 
for  the  benefit  of  his  Wisconsin  brethren ;  but,  not 
desiring  to  be  reckoned  as  worse  than  an  infidel,  he 
made  full  provision  for  his  own  political  household  in 
Kansas.  We  find  his  name  attached  to  a  land  grant 
for  a  railroad  from  Lawrence  to  the  Mexican  line ;  to 
three  bills  for  roads  from  Fort  Scott  to  Santa  Fe ;  to  a 
pleasant  arrangement  for  the  Southern  branch  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Road — whatever  that  may  be — and  also 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        45 

to  a  land  grant  from  Irwing,  Kansas,  to  New  Mexico ; 
and  all  for  the  national  good,  of  course. 

"  These,  it  must  be  remembered,  are  such  railroads 
as  Northern  companies,  Northern  lobby-men,  and 
Northern  Congressmen  have  concocted.  The  word 
concocted  is  good  for  most,  though  a  few  are  meritori- 
ous. The  Southern  States  are  just  beginning  to  vote, 
and  the  scent  of  Southern  men  in  Congress  is  now  as 
keen  in  respect  to  all  material  interests  as  the  Northern 
Congressman's  nose.  The  reason  is  evident.  Southern 
smelling  is  now  done  with  Northern  noses.  Carpet, 
bags  have  wrought  this  change  for  the  South ;  and  as  a 
result,  among  the  very  first  subjects  to  call  out  bills 
from  Southern  men  are  the  railroad  interests. 

"And  heading  the  column,  comes  Mr.  Senator 
Spencer,  with  a  bill  making  a  land-grant,  not  through 
the  public  domain  on  the  plains,  but  through  the 
States  of  Tennessee,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and 
Louisiana,  with  permission  to  get  all  the  ( earth,  stone, 
timber,  and  other  materials'  for  the  construction  of  its 
roads,  off  the  public  lands  along  its  line,  and  then  to 
receive  ten  sections  of  land  to  the  mile,  wherever  they 
can  find  that  amount  within  twenty  miles  of  the  line 
they  may  see  fit  to  locate,  and  from  Mobile  onward  to 
the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana ;  if  the  land  cannot 
be  found  within  twenty  miles  of  the  road,  these  patri- 
otic gentlemen  are  to  be  obliged  to  hunt  it  up  within 
forty  miles  north  of  their  line.  As  this  is  the  first 
attempt  on  the  part  of  a  Southern  Senator  to  follow  in 
the  paths  already  worn  so  smooth  by  his  fellow  Repub- 
licans from  the  North,  it  will  be  interesting  to  see  what 
a  fine  start  Senator  Spencer,  of  Alabama,  makes.  Sec* 
tion  second  of  his  bill  is  in  part  as  follows : 


46  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

"  *  SEC.  2.  And  ~be  it  further  enacted*  That,  for  the 
purpose  of  aiding  in  the  construction  of  the  railroad  of 
said  company,  there  be,  and  is  hereby  granted  to  said 
company,  from  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States, 
ten  sections  of  land  for  each  mile  of  railroad  completed 
and  placed  in  running  order  by  said  company,  pursuant 
to  its  charter.  That  said  lands  are  granted  as  follows : 
On  the  line  of  said  railroad  from  the  city  of  Chatta- 
nooga, in  the  State  of  Tennessee,  to  the  city  of  Mobile, 
in  the  State  of  Alabama,  every  alternate  section  of 
public  land  designated  by  odd  numbers,  to  the  amount 
of  ten  alternate  sections  per  mile,  for  each  mile  of  said 
railroad  from  the  said  city  of  Chattanooga  to  the  said 
city  of  Mobile,  such  alternate  section  of  land  to  be  se- 
lected within  the  limits  of  ten  miles  on  each  side  of  the 
centre  line  of  said  railroad ;  and  if  public  lands  sufficient 
for  the  purpose  shall  not  be  found  within  said  limit  of 
ten  miles  upon  each  side  of  said  railroad,  then  the  said 
alternate  sections  of  land  are  hereby  granted,  and  may 
be  selected  within  the  limits  of  twenty  miles  on  each 
side  of  the  centre  line  of  said  railroad.  And  on  the 
line  of  said  railroad  from  the  city  of  Mobile,  in  the 
State  of  Alabama,  to  the  western  boundary  of  the  State 
of  Louisiana,  every  alternate  section  of  public  land, 
designated  by  odd  numbers,  to  the  amount  of  ten  alter- 
nate sections  per  mile  for  each  mile  of  said  railroad, 
from  the  said  city  of  Mobile  to  the  western  boundary 
of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  such  alternate  section  of  land 
to  be  selected  within  the  limits  of  ten  miles  upon  each 
side  of  the  centre  line  of  said  railroad ;  and  if  public 
lands  sufficient  for  the  purpose  shall  not  be  found 
within  said  limits  of  ten  miles  upon  each  side  of  said 
railroad,  then  the  said  alternate  sections  of  land  are 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        47 

hereby  granted,  and  may  be  selected  within  the  limits 
of  forty  miles  north  of  the  centre  line  of  said  railroad, 
excepting,  however,  from  this  grant,  all  mineral  lands, 
and  lands  sold  by  the  United  States,  or  lands  in  which 
a  preemption  or  homestead  claim  may  have  attached  at 
the  time  the  line  of  said  railroad  shall  have  been  loca- 
ted and  established/ 

"  What  will  the  railroad  docket  of  the  Senate  not 
contain  by  the  time  the  Southerners  have  Brought  up 
their  side  of  the  railroad  jobs  to  the  present  proud 
height  of  their  Northern  friends,  and  shall  have  added 
to  the  Washington  lobby,  its  own  army  of  blood- 
suckers, plausible  gentlemen  of  unquestioned  honor, 
and  thieves  ? — for  it  takes  all  these,  and  more,  to  make 
a  lobby.  What  a  nice  thing  it  will  be  for  taxpayers ! 

"All  this  presents  the  railroad  interest  merely  in 
outline.  Every  bill  deserves  a  separate  letter  to  show 
the  means  used  to  get  it  before  the  Senate,  the  persons 
engaged  in  pressing  it,  and  the  parties  to  be  Benefited 
by  it ;  and  in  due  time  the  principal  ones  at  least  will 
get  that  chapter. 

"  When  the  railroad  jobs  are  disposed  of,  then  the 
deck  is  only  cleared  for  action  against  jobs  in  general. 
There  are,  aside  from  these,  the  Niagara  Ship  Canal 
with  a  coupon  of  twelve  millions  attached ;  the  Com- 
mercial Navigation  Company,  with  half  as  much  on  its 
coupon ;  the  bills  and  schemes  for  getting  damages  paid 
to  Southern  men  for  property  destroyed  during  the 
war,  in  all  hundreds  of  millions ;  and  then  the  lobby 
upon  the  more  modest  sum  of  five  millions  due  from 
Southern  railroads,  and  in  which  radical  Republicans 
from  Tennessee  are  deeply  interested.  The  Osage 
Treaty  is  a  nice  plum ;  and  one  new  feature  is,  that 


48  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

some  Kansas  men  who  showed  a  vast  amount  of  right- 
eous indignation  over  it,  before  their  reelection,  are, 
now  that  their  places  are  assured,  helping  the  swindle 
on.  Alta  Veta  is  coming  up  again,  and  to  crown  all 
things,'if  it  is  possible,  the  change  in  the  Indian  Bureau 
is  to  be  so  managed  as  to  place  the  present  Indian  ring 
on  a  firmer  foundation  than  ever. 

"  The  Republican  party  can  now  afford  to  rectify  the 
irregularities  which  have  crept  into  all  portions  of  the 
Government  while  the  great  political  battle  with  Rebel- 
lion was  going  on.  If  those  here,  as  its  Congress,  will 
not  free  themselves  from  such  things,  the  party  need 
not  die  if  it  only  throws  them  overboard.  There  are 
honest  men  enough  who  can  take  their  places.  Let  the 
press  watch  jobs  when  the  recess  closes  and  the  outside 
lobby,  which  is  here  in  force,  begins  to  work  through 
its  Senators  and  Representatives." 

Commenting  upon  the  same  subject,  the  New  York 
Herald  said,  editorially : 

"The  corruptions  which  have  grown  up  in  the 
national  government,  from  the  general  demoralizations 
of  our  late  civil  war,  are  fearful  to  contemplate.  One 
hundred  millions  a  year  lost  to  the  Treasury  from  the 
spoliations  of  the  whiskey  rings  '  beats  out  of  sight'  any 
thing  in  the  line  of  whiskey  frauds  under  any  other 
government  on  the  face  of  the  globe ;  but  on  a  corres- 
ponding scale  with  their  field  of  operations,  the  Indian 
rings,  the  Post-Office  and  Interior  Department  rings, 
the  tobacco  rings,  the  frontier  smuggling  rings,  and 
various  other  rings,  insiders  and  outsiders,  jobbers,  con- 
tractors, Government  officials  and  private  speculators, 
are  pretty  well  up  to  the  percentage  of  the  enormous 
stealings  of  the  whiskey  rings.  The  latest  develop- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        49 

ments,  however,  show,  that  in  the  grandeur  and  num- 
ber of  their  schemes  of  spoils  and  plunder,  the  Congres- 
sional rings  of  railroad  jobbers  throw  into  the  shade  all 
the  other  rings  of  the  lengthy  catalogue  of  confederate 
Treasury  robbers. 

"  A  Washington  correspondent,  who  has  been  looking 
into  the  business,  reports  that  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
nine  railroad  bills  and  resolutions  have  been  introduced 
in  the  Fortieth  Congress  (the  term  of  which  expired  on 
the  4th  of  March,  with  that  of  President  Johnson),  and 
that  twice  as  many  more  were  in  preparation  in  the 
lobby ;  that  one  thousand  millions  of  acres  of  the  public 
lands,  and  two  hundred  millions  in  United  States  bonds, 
would  not  supply  the  demands  of  these  cormorants.  In 
other  words,  their  stupendous  budget  of  railway  jobs 
would  require  sops  and  subsidies  in  lands  and  bonds, 
which,  reduced  to  a  money  valuation,  swell  up  to  the 
magnificent  figure  of  half  the  national  debt. 

"  Among  the  jobs  of  this  schedule  is  the  Atchison 
and  Pike's  Peak  Railroad  Company,  or  Union  Pacific 
Central  Branch,  which,  after  having  received  Govern- 
ment sops  to  the  extent  of  six  millions,  puts  in  for 
seven  millions  more.  Next  comes  the  Denver  Pacific 
Railway  and  Telegraph  Company,  which,  having 
feathered  its  nest  to  the  figure  of  thirty-two  millions, 
puts  in  for  a  little  more  ;  and  this  company  is  reported 
to  be  a  mere  gang  of  speculators,  '  without  any  known 
legal  organization  whatever ' — a  lot  of  mythical  John 
Does  and  Richard  Roes,  who  cannot  be  found  when 
called  for.  Next  we  have  the  Leaven  worth,  Pawnee 
and  Western  Railroad  Company,  now  known  as  the 
Union  Pacific,  Eastern  Division,  chartered  by  the 
Kansas  Territorial  Legislature,  in  1855,  subsidized  with 
4 


50  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Delaware  Indian  reserve  lands  in  1861,  and  then  in 
1862,  by  a  rider  on  the  Pacific  Railroad  law,  granted 
sixteen  thousand  dollars  per  mile  in  United  States 
bonds,  and  every  alternate  section  of  land  within  cer- 
tain limits,  on  each  side  of  the  road,  and  the  privilege 
of  a  second  mortgage.  This  is  cutting  it  pretty  fat. 
But  it  further  appears  that  a  clique  of  seceders  from 
the  old  company  illegally  formed  a  new  company,  and, 
having  by  force  of  arms  taken  possession  of  the  road, 
are  pocketing  the  spoils  which  legally  belong  to  the  old 
company.  All  this,  too,  with  the  consent  of  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  Congress. 
Are  they  all  birds  of  a  feather,  that  they  thus  flock  to- 
gether ? 

"  From  another  source  we  learn  that  some  half  dozen 
other  Pacific  branch  or  main  stem  railroads,  Northern 
and  Southern,  are  on  the  anvil,  involving  lands  and 
bonds  by  tens  and  twenties  and  hundreds  of  millions ; 
that  of  all  these  schemes  fully  three-fourths  come  from 
the  Republicans  in  both  Houses ;  that  Senator  Pomeroy, 
of  Kansas,  has  seven  of  these  jobs  on  the  docket ;  Sena- 
tor Ramsey,  of  Minnesota,  four,  Senator  Conness,  of 
California,  five,  and  Senator  Harlan,  of  Iowa,  four. 
Senator  Pomeroy,  however,  distances  all  competitors  in 
the  number  and  extent  of  his  jobs ;  for,  as  it  appears, 
they  include  a  line  from  Kansas  to  Mexico,  three  bills 
for  roads  from  Fort  Scott  to  Santa  Fe,  in  Texas,  a 
South  Carolina  line  through  the  Sea  Island  cotton  sec- 
tion, two  or  three  lines  from  the  Mississippi  River 
through  to  Texas,  and  '  a  little  private  Atchison  Pacific, 
one  of  the  nicest  and  fattest  speculations  ever  worked 
through.' 

"  Is  not  this  a  magnificent  budget,  and  is  not  the 


THE   FARMER  S   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.  51 

audacity  of  these  railroad  jobs  and  jobbers  positively 
sublime  ?  Some  of  these  schemes  are  in  successful 
operation,  but  many  of  them  are  still  in  the  caterpillar, 
or  chrysalis,  state,  and  there  is  a  prospect  that  very  few 
of  this  class  will  come  out  as  the  full-blown  butterfly." 

Well  might  the  eloquent  Illinois  Congressman,  who 
now  so  ably  represents  the  Republic  in  France,  exclaim 
in  indignant  rebuke  of  these  schemes  of  plunder,  as  he 
denounced  them  from  his  place  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives : 

"  While  the  restless  and  unpausing  energies  of  a 
patriotic  and  incorruptible  people  were  devoted  to  the 
salvation  of  their  Government,  and  were  pouring  out 
their  blood  and  treasure  in  its  defence,  there  was  the 
vast  army  of  the  base,  the  venal  and  unpatriotic,  who 
rushed  in  to  take  advantage  of  the  misfortunes  of  the 
country  and  to  plunder  its  treasury.  The  statute-books 
are  loaded  with  legislation  which  will  impose  burdens 
on  future  generations.  Public  land  enough  to  make 
empires  has  been  voted  to  private  railroad  corporations ; 
subsidies  of  untold  millions  of  bonds,  for  the  same  pur- 
poses, have  become  a  charge  upon  the  people,  while  the 
fetters  of  vast  monopolies  have  been  fastened  still  closer 
and  closer  upon  the  public.  It  is  time  that  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  were  admonished  that  they  are 
the  servants  of  the  people  and  are  paid  by  the  people ; 
that  their  constituents  have  confided  to  them  the  great 
trust  of  guarding  their  rights  and  protecting  their  in- 
terests ;  that  their  position  and  their  power  are  to  be 
used  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  whom  they  represent, 
and  not  for  their  own  benefit  and  the  benefit  of  the 
lobbyists,  the  gamblers,  and  the  speculators  who  have 
come  to  Washington  to  make  a  raid  upon  the  Treasury." 


52  HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    III. 

WATERED  STOCKS. 

Adroitness  of  Railroad  Managers  in  securing  Valuable  Privileges  from  the 
Public — Recklessness  of  the  People  in  granting  the  Demands  of  the  Road — 
The  only  Restraints  imposed — How  the  People  made  it  possible  for  the 
Corporations  to  fleece  them — How  to  Build  a  Road  without  Subscribing  the 
necessary  Funds — A  False  System — The  Story  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Swindle 
— How  the  Pacific  Railroad  bled  the  National  Treasury — New  System  of  Rail- 
road Financiering — The  Process  of  "  Stock  Watering  " — Instances  of  success- 
ful Stock  Watering — How  a  Bankrupt  Road  was  made  to  pay  Good  Dividends 
— Successful  Policy  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company — Vanderbilt's 
Master  Stroke — Who  pays  for  Watered  Stock — A  Lesson  for  the  People. 

WE  have  seen  the  eagerness  and  success  with  which 
the  railroad  corporations  of  the  present  day  seize  upon 
the  public  lands,  paying  the  public  nothing  in  return  for 
the  immense  wealth  thus  given  them ;  and  we  have  as- 
serted that  it  is  in  reality  the  people  who  build  the 
roads  for  the  benefit  of  these  corporations.  The  facts 
presented  sustain  our  assertion. 

It  is  the  boast  of  the  modern  railway  director  that  he 
is  the  friend  of  the  public,  and  that  his  work  is  entirely 
for  the  good  of  the  community.  He  modestly  keeps 
himself  in  the  background,  and  speaks  of  his  road  only, 
and  of  the  immense  advantages  that  it  will  bestow  upon 
the  regions  through  which  it  is  to  pass,  and  so  plausible 
and  well  delivered  are  his  words,  that  he  succeeds  in 
making  the  public  believe  that  he  is  really  working  for 
the  good  of  others,  and  investing  his  own  capital  for  the 
benefit  of  the  community,  without  thought  for  himself. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        53 

Thus  influenced,  the  confiding  people  grant  unhesi- 
tatingly all  the  privileges  asked  for.  The  right  of  way 
is  given,  lands  are  donated  by  Congress,  money  is  sub- 
scribed by  counties  and  cities,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  region  through  which  the  road  is  to  be  built  imagine 
themselves  on  the  highway  to  wealth  and  prosperity. 
Trade,  they  are  told,  is  to  come  pouring  over  the  new 
route,  a  direct  market  is  to  be  provided  for  the  products 
of  the  region,  and  an  era  of  general  prosperity  is  to  be 
inaugurated.  Figures  are  not  wanting  to  encourage 
these  expectations.  The  most  plausible  calculations  are 
made,  the  cost  of  the  road  is  given,  the  annual  expenses 
are  estimated,  and  it  is  shown  to  the  satisfaction  of  all 
that  a  system  of  moderate  charges  for  the  transportation 
of  passengers  and  freight  will  secure  to  the  road  a  reve- 
nue sufficient  to  meet  its  expenses,  and,  in  time,  to  pay 
a  fair  dividend  upon  the  capital  invested  in  the  under- 
taking. 

A  little  reflection  would  cause  the  confiding  public 
to  be  suspicious  of  the  men  who  profess  to  have  its 
interests  so  much  at  heart.  Capitalists  do  not  under- 
take railway  enterprises  from  such  benevolent  motives. 
Like  other  men,  they  seek  their  individual  profit,  and 
the  welfare  of  the  public  is  with  them  a  consideration 
only  so  far  as  it  influences  their  undertaking.  They 
look  to  receive  ample  dividends,  and  are  careless  of  the 
thanks  of  a  grateful  country. 

"  In  America,  as  in  England,  the  private  corporation 
owning  the  thoroughfare  is  the  basis  of  the  whole  rail- 
road system.  In  thus  surrendering  the  control  of  this 
system  out  of  its  hands,  the  community  as  a  rule  made 
one  and  but  one  reservation  in  its  own  favor ;  it  was 
almost  universally  stipulated  that  the  rate  of  profit 


54  HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT  j    OR, 

upon  the  capital  invested  in  the  work  of  construction 
should  not  exceed  a  certain  annual  per  centage,  vary- 
ing, according  to  locality,  from  10  to  20  per  cent. 
Within  this  limit  the  corporations  were  free  to  earn 
and  divide  all  they  could." 

But  having  set  this  limit,  the  community  allowed 
the  corporations  to  retain  the  exclusive  management 
of  their  roads,  and  made  no  arrangement  whereby  the 
latter  could  be  held  up  to  the  limit  thus  fixed.  No 
provision  was  made  for  ascertaining  the  real,  as  contra- 
distinguished from  the  nominal  cost  of  the  roads,  nor 
was  anything  arranged  in  regard  to  arrears  of  unpaid 
dividends.  A  recent  writer  upon  the  subject  well 
says :  "  It  was  absurd  to  suppose  that  even  the  most 
honest  capitalist  would  accept  the  strict  construction 
of  a  law  which  insured  him  a  certain  loss  in  each  bad 
year  or  unprofitable  enterprise,  and  limited  him  in 
case  of  success  to  a  reasonable  profit.  Of  course, 
therefore,  the  law  was  no  sooner  enacted  than  it  was 

circumvented The  doubt  raised  was  whether 

the  stipulated  per  centage  was  to  be  paid  upon  what  the 
property  cost  its  holders,  or  upon  what  it  was  actually 
worth.  Interpreting  it  in  the  way  last  specified,  the 

capitalist  proceeded  to  act   accordingly It 

therefore  devolved  upon  the  owners  of  the  property  to 
cast  up  the  balance  sheet  themselves,  and  to  decide  all 
nice  points  undoubtedly  in  their  own  favor.  Where  a 
people  so  provides  for  its  own  interests  it  needs  no 
prophet  to  foretell  the  consequences.  No  landlord 
deals  in  this  way  with  a  tenant."  The  community 
has  voluntarily  placed  itself  in  the  power  of  the  raiL 
ways,  and  it  must  pay  the  penalty  of  such  absurd 
conduct. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        55 

In  the  early  days  of  railroad  financiering  it  was 
customary  to  make  sure  that  funds  would  be  forth- 
coming in  sufficient  quantities  to  finish  the  undertaking 
before  embarking  in  it.  But  the  times  have  changed 
since  then.  In  the  Western  States  the  public  guarantee 
the  cost  and  furnish  the  means  of  paying  for  the  road 
by  the  land  grants  we  have  been  considering.  In  the 
Eastern  States  other  expedients  are  resorted  to.  In 
both  sections,  however,  many  of  the  tactics  employed 
are  the  same. 

Funds  must  necessarily  be  procured  before  the  work 
can  be  begun,  and  the  manner  in  which  these  are 
generally  obtained  reveals  at  once  a  mastery  of  the 
science  of  railroad  financiering.  The  road  for  which 
aid  is  sought  promises  well,  but  it  does  not  yet  exist. 
It  is  to  be  constructed.  Yet  in  spite  of  this  the  direc- 
tors of  the  scheme  proceed  to  pledge  the  road  for  the 
cost  of  its  construction ;  or  in  other  words  they  mort- 
gage a  work  which  does  not  exist.  The  stock  is  worth 
nothing,  but  there  is  another  means  at  hand.  Bonds 
are  created  and  put  in  the  market  at  a  certain  stated 
price.  They  are  usually  placed  in  the  hands  of  some 
leading  banking  house  in  the  principal  financial  centres 
of  the  country  to  be  sold.  The  bonds  are  sold,  and  the 
work  of  constructing  the  road  goes  on  with  the  money 
obtained  for  them.  "  The  stock  itself  then  passes  as  a 
gratuity  into  the  hands  of  those  advancing  money 
upon  the  bonds.  The  result  is,  that  by  this  ingenious 
expedient  the  capitalist  holds  a  mortgage,  paying  a 
secured  and  liberal  interest,  on  his  own  property, 
which  has  been  conveyed  to  him  forever  for  nothing. 
The  stock  is  at  once  nothing  and  everything.  Given 
away,  the  donees  own  and  manage  the  road,  and,  re- 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT. 

ceiving  a  fixed  and  assured  interest  upon  their  bonds, 
enjoy  a  further  right  to  exact  an  additional  sum,  and 
one  as  large  as  they  are  able  to  make  it,  from  the 
developing  business  of  the  country,  as  dividends  on 
the  stock.  Instances  of  this  form  of  railroad  financier- 
ing need  not  be  specified,  for  it  is  now  the  common 
course  of  Western  railroad  construction." 

Perhaps  the  best  instance  on  record  of  the  manner 
in  which  skilful  directors  of  a  railroad  can  procure  the 
construction  of  their  road  at  the  cost  of  other  parties, 
and  secure  the  profits  to  themselves,  is  afforded  by  the 
history  of  the  notorious  Credit  Mobilier  Company, 
which  constructed  the  Union  Pacific  Railway;  and 
though  the  story  is  now  old  and  known  to  the  reader, 
it  will  bear  repeating  here. 

The  early  history  of.  the  Pacific  Railroad  is  a  story 
of  constant  struggles  and  disappointments.  It  seemed 
to  the  soundest  capitalists  a  piece  of  mere  fool-hardi- 
ness to  undertake  to  build  a  railroad  across  the  conti- 
nent and  over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and,  although 
Government  aid  was  liberally  pledged  to  the  under- 
taking, it  did  not,  for  a  long  time,  attract  to  it  the 
capital  it  needed.  At  length,  after  many  struggles, 
the  doubt  which  had  attended  the  enterprise  was 
ended.  Capital  was  found,  and  with  it  men  ready  to 
carry  on  the  work.  In  September,  1864,  a  contract 
was  entered  into  between  the  Union  Pacific  Company, 
and  H.  W.  Hoxie  for  the  building  by  said  Hoxie  of 
one  hundred  miles  of  the  road,  from  Omaha  west. 
Mr.  Hoxie  at  once  assigned  this  contract  to  a  company, 
as  had  been  the  understanding  from  the  first.  This 
company,  then  comparatively  unknown,  but  since  very 
famous,  was  known  as  the  Credit  Mobilier  of  America. 


58  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  company  had  bought  up  an  old  Charter  that  had 
been  granted  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  to 
another  company  in  that  State,  but  which  had  not 
been  used  by  them. 

"In  1865  or  1866,  the  late  Oakes  Ames,  then  a 
Member  of  Congress  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
and  his  brother  Oliver  Ames,  became  interested  in  the 
Union  Pacific  Company,  and  also  in  the  Credit  Mobilier 
Company,  as  the  agent  for  the  construction  of  the  road. 
The  Messrs.  Ames  were  men  of  very  large  capital,  and 
of  known  character  and  integrity  in  business.  By 
their  example  and  credit  and  the  personal  efforts  of 
Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  many  men  of  capital  were  induced 
to  embark  in  the  enterprise,  and  to  take  stock  in  the 
Union  Pacific  Company  and  also  in  the  Credit  Mobilier 
Company.  Among  them  were  the  firm  of  S.  Hooper 
&  Co.  of  Boston,  the  leading  member  of  which  (Mr. 
Samuel  Hooper)  was  then  and  is  now  a  member  of  the 
House ;  Mr.  John  B.  Alley,  then  a  member  of  the 
House  from  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Grimes,  then  a 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Iowa.  Notwithstanding  the 
vigorous  efforts  of  Mr.  Ames  and  others  interested  with 
him,  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  securing  the 
required  capital. 

"In  the  Spring  of  1867,  the  Credit  Mobilier  Com- 
pany voted  to  add  50  per  cent,  to  their  capital  stock, 
which  was  then  $2,500,000,  and  to  cause  it  to  be 
readily  taken,  each  subscriber  to  it  was  entitled  to  re- 
ceive as  a  bonus  an  equal  amount  of  first  mortgage 
bonds  of  the  Union  Pacific  Company.  The  old  stock- 
holders were  entitled  to  take  this  increase,  but  even 
the  favorable  terms  offered  did  not  induce  all  the  old 
stockholders  to  take  it,  and  the  stock  of  the  Credit 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        59 

Mobilier  Company  was  never  considered  worth  its  par 
value  until  after  the  execution  of  the  Oakes  Ames 
contract  hereinafter  mentioned.  On  the  16th  day  of 
August,  1867,  a  contract  was  executed  between  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  and  Oakes  Ames,  by  which  Mr. 
Ames  contracted  to  build  667  miles  of  the  Union  Pacific 
road  at  prices  ranging  from  $42,000  to  $96,000  per 
mile,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  $47,000,000.  Be- 
fore the  contract  was  entered  into,  it  was  understood 
that  Mr.  Ames  was  to  transfer  it  to  seven  trustees  who 
were  to  execute  it,  and  the  profits  of  the  contract  were 
to  be  divided  among  the  stockholders  in  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company,  who  should  comply  with  certain 
conditions  set  out  in  the  instrument  transferring  the 
contract  to  the  trustees.  Subsequently,  all  the  stock- 
holders of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  complied  with 
the  conditions  named  in  the  transfer,  and  thus  became 
entitled  to  share  in  any  profits  said  trustees  might 
make  in  executing  the  contract.  All  the  large  stock- 
holders in  the  Union  Pacific  were  also  stockholders  in 
the  Credit  Mobilier,  and  the  Ames  contract  and  its 
transfer  to  trustees  were  ratified  by  the  Union  Pacific 
and  received  the  assent  of  the  great  body  of  stock- 
holders, but  not  of  all.  After  the  Ames  contract  had 
been  executed,  it  was  expected  by  those  interested  that, 
by  reason  of  the  enormous  prices  agreed  to  be  paid  for 
the  work,  very  large  profits  would  be  derived  from 
building  the  road,  and  very  soon  the  stock  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  was  understood  to  be  worth  much  more 
than  its  par  value.  The  stock  was  not  in  the  market, 
and  had  no  fixed  market  value,  but  the  holders  of  it, 
in  December,  1867,  considered  it  worth  at  least  double 
the  par  value,  and  in  January  or  February,  1868, 


60  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

three  or  four  times  the  par  value;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  these  facts  were  generally  or  publicly 
known,  or  that  the  holders  of  the  stock  desired  they 
should  be." 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  above  statement,  the  stock- 
holders of  the  Credit  Mobilier  were  also  stockholders  in 
the  Union  Pacific  Company. 

Like  all  great  corporations  of  the  present  day,  the 
Union  Pacific  road  was  largely  dependent  upon  the  aid 
furnished  by  the  Government  for  its  success.  The 
managers  of  the  company,  being  shrewd  men,  suc- 
ceeded in  placing  all  the  burdens  and  risks  of  the 
enterprise  upon  the  General  Government,  while  they 
secured  to  themselves  all  the  profits  to  be  derived  from 
the  undertaking.  "  The  Railroad  Company  was  en- 
dowed by  Act  of  Congress  with  20  alternate  sections 
of  land  per  mile,  and  had  Government  loans  of  $16,000 
per  mile  for  about  200  miles ;  thence  $32,000  per  mile 
through  the  Alkali  Desert,  about  600  miles,  and  thence 
in  the  Rocky  Mountains  $48,000  per  mile.  The  Rail- 
road Company  issued  stock  to  the  extent  of  about 
$10,000,000.  This  stock  was  received  by  stockholders 
on  their  payment  of  five  per  cent,  of  its  face.  When 
the  Credit  Mobilier  came  on  the  scene,  all  the  assets  of 
the  Union  Pacific  were  turned  over  to  the  new  company 
in  consideration  of  full-paid  shares  of  the  new  com- 
pany's stock  and  its  agreement  to  build  the  road.  The 
Government,  meanwhile,  had  allowed  its  claim  for  its 
loan  of  bonds  to  become  a  second  instead  of  a  first 
mortgage,  and  permitted  the  Union  Pacific  road  to  issue 
first  mortgage  bonds,  which  took  precedence  as  a  lien 
on  the  road.  The  Government  lien  thus  became 
almost  worthless,  as  the  new  mortgage  which  took 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        61 

precedence  amounted  to  all  the  value  of  the  road.  The 
proceeds  of  this  extraordinary  transaction  went  to 
swell  the  profits  of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  which  had 
nothing  to  pay  out  except  for  the  mere  cost  of  construc- 
tion. This  also  explains  why  some  of  the  dividends 
of  the  latter  company  were  paid  in  Union  Pacific  bonds. 
As  a  result  of  these  processes,  the  bonded  debts  of  the 
railroad  exceeded  its  cost  by  at  least  $40,000,000." 

Mr.  Ames  was  deeply  interested  in  the  scheme, 
being,  indeed,  one  of  its  principal  managers.  Being  a 
Member  of  Congress,  he  was  peculiarly  prepared  to 
appreciate  the  value  of  Congressional  assistance  in 
behalf  of  the  Credit  Mobilier.  It  would  seem  that  the 
object  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  to  drain  money  from 
the  Pacific  road,  and  consequently  from  the  Govern- 
ment, as  long  as  possible.  Any  legislation  on  the  part 
of  Congress  designed  to  protect  the  interests  of  the 
Government,  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  be  unfavor- 
able to  the  Credit  Mobilier,  and  it  was  the  aim  of  that 
Corporation  to  prevent  all  such  legislation.  The  price 
agreed  upon  for  building  the  road  was  so  exorbitant, 
and  afforded  such  an  iniquitous  profit  to  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  that  it  was  very  certain  that  some  honest 
friend  of  the  people  would  demand  that  Congress  should 
protect  the  Treasury  against  such  spoliation.  It  was 
accordingly  determined  to  interest  in  the  scheme 
enough  Members  of  Congress  to  prevent  any  protection 
of  the  National  Treasury  at  the  expense  of  the  unlawful 
gains  of  the  Credit  Mobilier.  Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  being 
in  Congress,  undertook  to  secure  the  desired  hold  upon 
his  associates.  The  plan  was  simply  to  secure  them 
by  bribing  them,  and  for  this  purpose  a  certain  portion 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 


62  HISTORY  OF   THE  GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Mr.  Ames,  as  trustee,  to  be  used  by  him  as  he  thought 
best  for  the  interests  of  the  company. 

Provided  with  this  stock,  Mr.  Ames  went  to  Wash- 
ington in  December,  1867,  at  the  opening  of  the  Session 
of  Congress.  The  story  of  his  exploits  there  is  now 
familiar  to  every  one. 

Reduced  to  plain  English,  the  story  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  is  simply  this :  The  men  entrusted  with  the 
management  of  the  Pacific  road  made  a  bargain  with 
themselves  to  build  the  road  for  a  sum  equal  to  about 
twice  its  actual  cost,  and  pocketed  the  profits,  which 
have  been  estimated  at  about  THIRTY  MILLIONS  OF  DOL- 
LARS— this  immense  sum  coming  out  of  the  pockets  of 
the  tax  payers  of  the  United  States.  This  contract 
was  made  in  October,  1867. 

"On  June  17,  1868,  the  stockholders  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  received  60  per  cent,  in  cash,  and  40  per  cent, 
in  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad ;  on  the  2d  of 
July,  1868,  80  per  cent,  first  mortgage  bonds  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and  100  per  cent,  stock;  July 
3,  1868,  75  per  cent,  stock,  and  75  per  cent,  first  mort- 
gage bonds;  September  3,  1868,  100  per  cent,  stock, 
and  75  per  cent,  first  mortgage  bonds;  December  19, 
1868,  200  per  cent,  stock ;  while,  before  this  contract 
was  made,  the  stockholders  had  received,  on  the  26th 
of  April,  1866,  a  dividend  of  100  per  cent,  in  stock  of 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad;  on  the  1st  of  April,  1867, 
50  per  cent,  of  first  mortgage  bonds  were  distributed ; 
on  the  1st  of  July,  1867,  100  per  cent,  in  stock  again." 

After  offering  this  statement,  it  is  hardly  necessary 
to  add  that  the  vast  property  of  the  Pacific  road, 
which  should  have  been  used  to  meet  its  engagements, 
was  soon  swallowed  up  by  the  Credit  Mobilier. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        63 

The  history  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  is  instructive  upon 
another  point.  It  presents  to  us  a  skilful  and  success- 
ful instance  of  what  is  now  a  common  practice  with 
railroad  companies — the  fictitious  increased  watering 
of  the  stock  of  the  company. 

Stock  watering  has  become  so  common,  and  has  been 
indulged  in  with  such  success,  that  many  persons  have 
come  to  regard  it  as  a  legitimate  transaction.  A  com- 
petent writer  has  defined  the  practice  as  "the  re- 
appraisal by  its  owners  of  a  corporate  property  which 
has,  or  is  alleged  to  have,  increased  in  value  on  their 
hands,  without  any  new  outlay,  and  the  issue  to  them- 
selves of  new  evidences  of  value  equal  to  such  supposed 
increase."  But  the  popular  definition — and  the  true 
one — would  be  the  increase  of  the  stock  of  a  corpora- 
tion at  the  expense  of  the  public,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  earning  dividends  upon  money  never  invested. 

It  will  be  well  to  consider  how  this  operation  of 
"  watering "  the  stock  of  a  road  is  performed.  Such 
knowledge  will  be  of  value  farther  on. 

"  The  history  of  the  companies  which  have  been 
consolidated  into  what  is  known  as  the  Pittsburg,  Fort 
Wayne  and  Chicago  Railroad,  furnishes  a  very  fair 
illustration.  Here  the  process  of  watering  was  early 
commenced  as  a  simple  and  desperate  expedient  for 
raising  money  at  an  enormous  discount  for  the  purpose 
of  completing  an  enterprise  of  doubtful  success.  In  the 
earliest  history  of  one  of  these  companies  we  read :  <  The 
stock  subscriptions  which  were  paid  in  cash  into  the 
treasury  of  the  company  were  very  small — amounting, 
perhaps,  in  all,  to  less  than  three  per  cent,  on  the  final 
cost  of  building  and  equipping  the  road.  The  stock 
subscriptions  were  paid  for  mostly  in  uncultivated 


64  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

lands,  farms,  town  lots  and  labor  upon  the  road.'  Of 
the  whole  road  as  it  stands  we  are  told  that,  of  the 
$18,663,876,  now  representing  the  cost  of  the  road  and 
equipment,'  etc.,  the  shareholders  contributed  in  cash 
only  about  ten  per  cent.,  or  less  than  $2,000,000 ;  and 
their  contributions  in  cash,  bonds,  notes,  lands  and  per- 
sonal property,  labor,  etc.,  amounted  to  something  less 
than  $4,000,000,  or  rather  more  than  twenty  per  cent, 
of  the  present  cost  of  the  work.  The  difference  between 
this  sum  and  the  capital  stock,  as  now  shown  by  the 
books  of  the  company,  is  made  up  of  dividends  which 
were  paid  in  stock,  interest  on  stock  paid  in  stock, 
premium  on  stock  allowed  to  stockholders  at  the  time 
of  consolidation,  which  was  paid  in  stock,  and  a  balance 
of  stock  still  held  by  the  trustees. 

"  This,  however,  was  in  the  early  days  of  the  enter- 
prise, the  days  of  doubtful  success,  when  the  stock  was 
thought  worthless,  and  was  almost  given  away.  But 
in  1866  a  new  era  dawned  upon  the  Fort  Wayne  road ; 
it  began  to  pay  dividends.  In  1870  the  stock  of  the 
company,  the  history  of  a  portion  of  which  has  just 
been  given,  stood  at  $11,500,000,  while  its  indebted- 
ness amounted  to  about  $13,600,000  more,  being  in  all 
some  $1,150,000  above  the  cost  of  road  and  equipment 
as  they  stood  upon  the  books  of  the  company.  In  June 
of  this  year  a  lease  was  effected  of  the  entire  property 
by  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company.  The  Fort 
Wayne  stockholders  had  their  option  between  annual 
dividends  of  12  per  cent,  on  the  stock  then  in  exist- 
ence, or  the  more  moderate  rate  of  7  per  cent,  on  a 
proportionately  increased  amount.  They  wisely  chose 
the  latter,  and  forthwith  the  $11,500,000  of  stock  be- 
came $19,714,000,  while  the  road,  which  was  claimed 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        65 

to  have  cost  only  $24,000,000,  was  suddenly  represented 
by  $33,400,000  of  securities,  none  of  which  bore  a  less 
interest  than  7  per  cent. 

"  The  great  masterpieces  of  Commodore  Vanderbilt 
have,  however,  so  eclipsed  all  other  performances  in 
this  line  that  they  may  be  said  to  constitute  an  epoch 
in  the  history  of  paper  inflation — it  might  also  be  said 
of  bubble-blowing.  It  is  only  necessary,  therefore,  in 
this  connection,  to  recount  the  history  of  the  chain  of 
roads,  now  reduced  in  number  to  two,  which  connect 
New  York  and  Chicago  by  way  of  Albany.  The  dis- 
tance between  these  points  is  982  miles.  It  is  useless 
to  begin  the  story  further  back  than  1852,  when  the 
through  line  was  completed,  consisting  of  sixteen  inde- 
pendent links,  several  of  which  were  themselves  made 
up  of  numerous  smaller  and  once  independent  roads. 
That  was  a  year  of  active  and  much-needed  consolida- 
tion. The  New  York  Central  led  off  under  a  special 
act  of  legislature.  Eleven  roads  went  into  the  consoli- 
dation, with  an  aggregate  capital  of  $23,235,600.  The 
stock  lowest  in  value  of  the  eleven  was  settled  upon  as 
the  par  of  the  new  concern,  and  the  stocks  of  the  other 
ten  companies  were  received  at  a  premium  varying 
from  17  to  55  per  cent.  By  this  simple  financial 
arrangement,  $8,894,500  of  securities,  of  which  not  one 
cent  was  ever  represented  by  property,  but  which  in 
reality  constituted  so  much  guaranteed  stock,  was  made 
a  charge,  principal  and  interest,  against  future  income. 
This  was  the  price  paid  to  get  rid  of  the  vested  rights 
which  had  been  allowed  to  settle  down  upon  this 
thoroughfare.  Between  1852  and  1868,  the  stock  and 
indebtedness  of  the  consolidated  company  had  been  in- 
creased, for  one  reason  or  another,  until,  when  Mr. 

5 


66  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Vanderbilt  became  President  in  the  latter  year,  they 
amounted  in  round  numbers  to  $40,000,000,  represent- 
ing a  road  which  its  construction  account  showed  had 
cost  $36,600,000.  Vanderbilt  had  for  some  years  been 
President  of  the  Hudson  River  road,  and,  as  such,  in 
1867  had  doubled  its  capital  stock  ($7,000,000),  calling 
in  50  per  cent,  of  the  increased  amount,  and  thus  water- 
ing to  the  extent  of  $3,500,000.  Extending  his  control 
over  the  Central,  he  now  proceeded  to  better  his  pre- 
vious instructions.  A  stock  dividend  of  80  per  cent., 
not  a  dollar  of  which  was  called  in,  was  suddenly  de- 
clared. Over  $23,000,000  of  securities  were  thus 
created  at  once.  Operations  stood  still  at  this  point, 
but  only  for  a  moment.  The  next  measure  was  a  con- 
solidation of  the  Central  and  the  Hudson  River  Rail- 
roads. This  was  effected  in  the  succeeding  year  upon 
a  stock  basis  of  $90,000,000— a  further  watering  of  27 
per  cent,  being  allotted  to  the  Central — while  the  turn 
of  the  Hudson  River  road  now  having  come  again, 
there  was  provided  for  it  the  munificent  amount  of  85 
per  cent.  The  result  of  these  astounding  feats  of 
financial  legerdemain  was  that  a  property  which  in 
1866  appeared  from  its  own  books  to  have  cost  less 
than  $50,000,000,  and  which  was  then  represented  by 
over  $54,000,000  of  stock  and  indebtedness,  was  sud- 
denly shot  up  to  over  $103,000,000  in  1870,  upon  the 
whole  of  which  interest  and  dividends  were  paid.  At 
the  same  time  the  cost  of  the  road  stood  upon  the 
books  of  the  company  at  less  than  $60,000,000,  or 
about  $70,000  per  mile,  while  in  evidences  of  property 
each  mile  was  charged  with  no  less  than  $122,000. 
The  average  cost  of  railroads  throughout  the  world  has 
been  somewhat  less  than  $100,000  per  mile,  while  in 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         67 

America  it  has  stood  at  about  half  of  that  amount. 
According  to  the  books  of  the  company  over  $50,000 
of  absolute  water  has  been  poured  out  for  each  mile  of 
road  between  New  York  and  Buffalo. 

"  The  next  step  towards  Chicago  was  one  of  88  miles 
to  Erie.  This  was  made  up  of  a  consolidation  of  two 
roads  effected  in  1867,  which  went  in  with  $2,800,000 
of  capital  and  came  out  with  $5,000,000.  The  total 
capital  account  of  the  company  was  then  a  trifle  over 
$3,200,000.  In  1869,  the  consolidation  of  the  lines 
between  Buffalo  and  Chicago  was  effected,  and  this  road 
became  a  party  to  it  with  $6,000,000  of  stock  and 
$d, 000,000  of  indebtedness — at  least  30  per  cent,  of 
water  in  excess  of  all  cost  of  construction. 

"The  next  step  in  the  line  is  one  of  96  miles  to 
Cleveland ;  this  was  filled  by  the  celebrated  Cleveland, 
Painesville  and  Ashtabula  road,  which,  in  the  six 
years  between  1862-67,  divided  120  per  cent,  in  stock, 
33  per  cent,  in  bonds,  and  79  per  cent,  in  cash.  Hav- 
ing really  cost  less  than  $5,000,000  in  money,  it  was 
consolidated  at  nearly  $12,000,000. 

"  The  next  step  was  from  Cleveland  to  Toledo,  148 
miles.  Here  it  was  that  Vanderbilt  began  his  opera- 
tions, for  in  1866  he  secured  possession  of  this  road,  and 
signalized  his  administration  of  its  affairs  by  the  issuing 
of  a  scrip  dividend  of  25  per  cent,  upon  its  $5,000,000 
of  capital. 

"  The  last  two  roads  were  consolidated  into  the  Lake 
Shore  road,  258  miles  in  length,  in  1867;  the  stock  and 
indebtedness  of  the  new  company  was  $22,000,000.  In 
1869  the  work  of  consolidation  was  perfected  from 
Buffalo  to  Chicago  by  the  merging  of  all  the  connecting 
links  into  the  Lake  Shore  and  Michigan  Southern 


68  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Railroad  Company,  operating  nearly  1300  miles  of  road, 
represented  by  $57,000,000  of  stock  and  indebtedness, 
which  was  increased  to  $62,000,000  in  1871,  and  which 
it  had  the  further  privilege  of  increasing  to  about 
$73,000,000.  These  figures  throw  a  very  curious  light 
upon  the  real  cost  of  railroad  construction  in  America. 
They  represent  a  nominal  outlay  of  but  $48,000  per 
mile,  and  yet  it  is  not  denied  that  in  the  amount  was 
included  $20,000,000  of  fictitious  capital.  These  roads, 
not  improbably,  may  have  cost  those  who  constructed 
them  in  cash,  actually  paid  in  either  directly  in  money 
or  in  dividends  which  had  never  been  drawn  out,  the 
full  amount  of  the  consolidation  capital.  The  profits 
had,  it  is  true,  been  very  unequally  divided,  but  sub- 
stantial justice  was  done  in  the  end;  what  had  been 
lost  in  one  road  was  made  good  in  another,  but  as  a 
whole  the  community  was,  perhaps,  paying  for  nothing 
which  it  had  not  received.  No  credit  on  this  account 
is  due  to  those  managing  the  affairs  of  the  company. 
They  undoubtedly  regarded  the  Vanderbilt  operations 
as  masterpieces  of  railroad  management,  and  only  re- 
gretted that  the  earnings  of  the  company  under  their 
control  could  by  no  possibility  justify  any  similar  per- 
formances; and  yet  the  contrast  between  the  results 
hitherto  arrived  at  upon  this  line,  under  a  system  of 
moderate,  average  watering,  and  those  achieved  further 
east  by  Vanderbilt,  is  singularly  suggestive.  It  is  pro- 
bably safe  to  say  that  the  Vanderbilt  stock  waterings 
between  Buffalo  and  New  York  annually  cost  the 
American  people  not  less  than  $3,000,000  in  excess  of 
all  remuneration  which  ever,  under  any  construction  of 
right,  belonged  to  the  owners  of  the  lines.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  would  seem,  judging  by  the  example 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        69 

of  the  Lake  Shore  road,  that  comparatively  legitimate 
and  reasonable  waterings  should  satisfy  any  one  not 
inordinately  rapacious. 

" The  Pacific  Railroad  furnishes  a  fine 

example  of  all  these  ingenious  devices'.  In  speaking  of 
this  enterprise  it  is  not  pleasant  to  adopt  a  tone  of  criti- 
cism toward  the  able  and  daring  men  who  with  such 
splendid  energy  forced  it  through  to  completion.  It 
was  a  work  of  great  national  import  and  of  untold 
material  value.  Those  who  took  its  construction  in 
hand  incurred  great  risk,  and  at  one  time  trembled  on 
the  verge  of  ruin.  This  enterprise  was  to  them  a 
lottery,  in  which  they  might  well  draw  a  blank,  but, 
should  they  draw  a  prize,  the  greatness  of  the  prize 
must  justify  the  risk  incurred.  The  community  asked 
them  to  assume  the  risk,  and  was  willing  to  reward 
their  success.  Success  was  thought  to  be  well  worth 
all  it  might  cost.  At  the  same  time  the  process  of  con- 
struction afforded  a  curious  example  of  the  methods 
through  which  fictitious  evidences  of  value  can  be  piled 
upon  each  other.  The  length  of  the  united  road  was 
1919  miles,  and  the  cost  of  construction  was  estimated 
at  $60,000,000.  To  meet  this  outlay  a  stock  capital 
was  authorized  of  $100,000,000  for  each  of  the  two 
great  divisions  of  the  line ;  upon  this,  however,  no  de- 
pendence was  placed  as  a  means  of  raising  money ;  it 
was  only  a  debt  to  be  imposed,  if  possible,  on  the  future 
business  of  the  country.  A  curious  mystery  hangs  over 
this  part  of  the  financial  arrangements  of  the  concern. 
Probably  not  $20,000,000  ever  has  been,  or  ever  will 
be,  derived  from  this  source.  The  rest  is  very  clear. 
There  was  the  Government  subsidy  of  $30,000  a  mile 
and  $30,000  a  mile  of  mortgage  indebtedness ;  there  was 


70  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR. 

a  land  grant  of  12,800  acres  a  mile,  and,  where  there 
were  States,  there  were  bonds,  with  interest  guaranteed 
by  the  State  and  gifts  of  real  estate  from  cities,  where 
cities  existed;  and  there  were  even  millions  of  net 
earning  applied  to  construction.  The  means  to  build 
the  road  were  not  grudgingly  bestowed  Meanwhile, 
of  the  real  cost  of  construction  but  little  is  correctly 
known ;  absolutely  nothing  indeed  of  the  western  divi- 
sion, or  Central  Pacific.  Managed  by  a  small  clique  in 
California,  the  internal  arrangements  of  this  company 
were  involved  in  absolute  secrecy.  The  eastern  division 
was  built,  however,  by  an  organization  known  as  the 
Credit  Mobilier,  which  received  for  so  doing  all  the  un- 
issued stock,  the  proceeds  of  the  bonds  sold,  the  gov- 
ernment bonds,  and  the  earnings  of  the  road — in  fact, 
all  its  available  assets.  Its  profits  were  reported  to 
have  been  enormous,  and  they  made  the  fortunes  of 
many,  and  perhaps  of  most  of  those  connected  with  it. 
Who,  then,  constituted  the  Credit  Mobilier  ?  It  was 
but  another  name  for  the  Pacific  Railroad  ring.  The 
members  of  it  were  in  Congress ;  they  were  trustees  for 
the  bondholders,  they  were  directors,  they  were  stock- 
holders, they  were  contractors;  in  Washington  they 
voted  the  subsidies,  in  New  York  they  received  them, 
upon  the  Plains  they  expended  them,  and  in  the  Credit 
Mobilier  they  divided  them.  Ever-shifting  characters, 
they  were  ubiquitous — now  engineering  a  bill,  and  now 
a  bridge — they  received  money  into  one  hand  as  a  cor- 
poration, and  paid  it  into  the  other  as  a  contractor.  As 
stockholders  they  owned  the  road,  as  mortgagees  they 
had  a  hen  upon  it,  as  directors  they  contracted  for  its 
construction,  and  as  members  of  the  Credit  Mobilier 
they  built  it.  What  is  the  community  to  pay  for  it  ? 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         71 

"At  the  close  of  1870,  with  $103,000,000  of  their 
capital  yet  unsubscribed,  and  thus  reserved  for  issue, 
should  the  earnings  of  the  roads  at  any  future  period 
make  watering  practicable ;  with  this  amount  of  stock 
in  reserve,  the  two  companies  operated  2083  miles  of 
road,  represented  by  stock  and  debt  to  the  amount  of 
$240,000,000.  Thus  the  last  results  of  Vanderbilt's 
genius  have  been  surpassed  at  the  very  outset  of  this 
enterprise.  The  line  from  Chicago  to  New  York  repre- 
sents now  but  $60,000  to  the  mile,  as  the  result  of  many 
years  of  inflation,  while  the  line  between  Omaha  and 
Sacramento  begins  life  with  the  cost  of  $115,000  per 
mile.  It  would  be  safe  to  say  that  the  road  cost  in 
money  considerably  less  than  one  half  of  this  sum.  The 
difference  is  the  price  paid  for  every  vicious  element  of 
railroad  construction  and  management ;  costly  construc- 
tion, entailing  future  taxation  on  trade ;  tens  of  millions 
of  fictitious  capital;  a  road  built  on  the  sale  of  its  bonds, 
and  with  the  aid  of  subsidies;  every  element  of  real 
outlay  recklessly  exaggerated,  and  the  whole  at  some 
future  day  is  to  make  itself  felt  as  a  burden  on  the  trade 
which  it  is  to  create. 

"  Enough  has  been  said  to  illustrate  the  bearing  which 
stock-watering  and  extravagant  construction  have  upon 
taxation.  It  would  be  useless  to  attempt  to  estimate 
the  weight  of  the  burden  imposed  through  these  means 
upon  material  development.  The  statistics  which 
should  enter  into  any  reliable  estimate  are  not  accessi- 
ble, and  any  approximation  would  be  simply  a  matter 
of  guess-work.  A  table  was  published,  during  the  year 
1869,  in  a  leading  financial  organ,  comparing  the  capi- 
tal stocks  of  twenty-eight  roads  as  they  stood  on  July 
1,  1867,  and  May  1,  1869.  During  those  twenty-two 


72  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

months  it  was  found  that  the  total  had  increased  from 
$287,036,000  to  $400,684,000,  or  40  per  cent.  Carry- 
ing the  comparison  on  nine  of  these  roads  back  two 
years  further,  it  was  found  that,  in  less  than  four  years, 
their  capitals  had  increased  from  less  than  $84,000,000 
to  over  $208,000,000,  or  150  per  cent.  A  portion  of 
this,  perhaps  25  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  represents 
private  capital  actually  paid  in  and  expended  ;  another 
portion,  perhaps  equally  large,  represents  dividends  the 
payment  of  which  was  foregone  and  the  money  applied 
to  construction ;  the  whole  of  the  remainder  may  be  set 
down  as  pure,  unadulterated  '  water,'  which  calls  for 
an  annual  tax-levy  of  some  three  or  four  millions  a 
year." 

It  will,  of  course,  be  clear  to  the  reader  that  the 
motive  influencing  the  men  who  thus  increase  their 
stock  is  simply  to  increase  the  amount  drawn  from  the 
public  as  earnings  upon  the  sums  supposed  to  be  in- 
vested in  the  road.  A  road  operating  with  a  capital  of 
$3,000,000,  and  earning  ten  per  cent,  upon  this,  in- 
creases its  capital,  by  the  watering  process  to  $6,000,- 
000  and  claims  ten  per  cent,  upon  this  valuation.  In 
plain  English,  the  road  is  extorting  from  the  community 
the  $300,000  represented  by  the  earnings  upon  the 
$3,000;000  of  watered  stock.  That  sum  is  drawn  from 
the  people  and  transferred  to  the  pockets  of  the  stock- 
holders. 

Commenting  upon  this,  the  Chicago  Tribune  in  a 
recent  issue  said : 

'  The  railroads  have  the  full  protection  of  the  law  in 
the  decisions  of  the  United  States  courts,  which  hold 
their  charters  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  which 
the  State  cannot  violate.  They  can  set  up  the  law  in 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         73 

any  case  where  a  State  Legislature  or  the  people  en- 
deavor to  deprive  them  of  any  of  the  privileges  specifi- 
cally conferred  by  their  charters.  But  they  will  make 
a  mistake  if  they  presume  that  any  law  bars  out  the 
people  from  ascertaining  whether  or  not  they  are  com- 
plying with  their  obligations  under  the  contract.  The 
courts  will  extend  to  the  people  the  same  protection 
that  they  extend  to  the  corporations ;  and,  in  the  con- 
flict between  the  railroads  and  the  farmers,  the  princi- 
pal thing  to  be  determined  by  evidence  is  whether  the 
rates  charged  by  the  railroads  represent  a  profit  on  the 
actual  investment,  or  a  percentage  on  fictitious  capital 
not  authorized  under  the  charters,  but  created  in  a 
variety  of  ways  without  the  investment  of  money.  If 
the  former,  the  railroad  rates  will  be  sustained;  if  the 
latter,  the  rates  will  be  changed,  in  one  way  or  another, 
and  the  railroads  will  be  forced  to  be  content  with 
earnings  that  will  pay  a  fair  interest  on  the  actual  in- 
vestment. 

"  In  the  eyes  of  the  law  a  corporation  is  a  fictitious 
person,  created  for  special  purposes  and  strictly  limited 
to  the  terms  of  its  charter.  It  can  take  nothing  by 
implication.  It  can  form  no  copartnerships,  enter  into 
no  business  transactions,  spread  out  into  no  field  not 
explicitly  defined  in  the  law  which  originally  brought 
it  into  being,  or  in  amendments  thereto.  Now,  we 
know  of  no  railroad  charter  which  authorizes  the  cor- 
poration to  earn  a  percentage  on  fictitious  capital,  and 
the  courts  will  not  construe  this  to  be  an  unexpressed 
or  implied  privilege  of  the  railroads.  On  the  contrary, 
the  law  expressly  holds  that  railroads  must  make  fair 
and  reasonable  rates — and  rates  can  be  neither  fair  nor 
reasonable  which  represent  dividends  on  capital  that 


74  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

has  never  been  invested  or  profits  on  stocks  fictitiously 
issued  for  the  benefit  of  speculators.  It  is  on  this 
ground  that  farmers  can  make  their  best  fight,  and  if 
they  keep  close  to  this  line  of  battle  they  will  be  certain 
of  victory. 

"  We  have  no  means  of  knowing  what  proportion  of 
the  capital  stock  of  the  railroads  of  this  country  is  ficti- 
tious. An  estimate  made  some  two  years  ago  placed  it 
at  33  per  cent,  of  the  aggregate  railroad  stocks.  The 
proportion  is  certainly  not  less  to-day,  and  probably  is 
much  larger.  If  this  be  true  then  the  average  railroad 
rates  are  33  per  cent,  higher  than  they  would-be  if  the 
railroad  stocks  of  the  country  represented  the  capital 
actually  invested  in  constructing  and  operating  them. 
It  is  the  work  of  the  people  to  ascertain  the  precise  dif- 
ference between  the  actual  investments  and  the  fictitious 
stocks,  and  when  this  shall  have  been  done  there  will 
be  a  solid  basis  for  determining  what  reasonable  rates 
are. 

"  The  way  and  means  adopted  for  creating  fictitious 
railroad  stocks  are  at  once  numerous  and  ingenious.  A 
popular  method  is  to  declare  stock  dividends.  If  the 
Rock  Island  road,  for  instance,  is  earning  more  money 
than  it  cares  to  have  the  people  know  of,  it  declares  a 
stock  dividend.  The  capital  stock  is  thereby  increased 
and  the  earnings  appear  to  be  less.  The  fact  is,  that  a 
means  has  been  provided  whereby  the  earnings  may  be 
increased  without  arousing  the  suspicion  of  the  public. 
The  new  stock  represents  no  investments  of  capital 
whatever,  but  thenceforth  it  constitutes  a  basis  on  which 
the  railroads  claim  the  right  of  earning  the  current  rate 
of  interest.  The  rates  of  transportation  are  thus  in- 
creased to  pay  interest  on  stock  originally  issued  for  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         75 

purpose  of  covering  up  excessive  earnings.  Another 
favorite  way  of  issuing  fictitious  stock  is  by  the  leasing 
of  other  railroads.  But  the  most  common  means  of 
obtaining  fictitious  stock  is  by  what  is  known  as  the 
Credit  Mobilier  plan  of  building  railroads.  Starting 
with  a  land  grant  from  Congress,  or  subsidies  from  State 
or  municipal  governments,  the  construction  company 
issues  sufficient  bonds  to  cover  the  cost  of  building  the 
road,  outside  of  all  shrinkage  from  depreciation,  brokers' 
commissions,  etc.  These  bonds  are  sold,  and  the  road 
is  built  and  equipped  from  the  proceeds.  The  construc- 
tion company  then  have  the  capital  stock  of  the  road 
intact.  Whether  it  be  $1,000,000  or  $10,000,000,  it 
has  not  cost  them  one  dollar.  They  then  commence 
operating  the  road,  and  claim  that  it  should  not  only 
earn  money  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  bonds,  but  also 
enough  to  pay  dividends  on  capital  stock  that  does  not 
represent  a  single  dollar  of  actual  investment.  The 
cost  of  the  road  is  entirely  comprised  in  the  bonds  that 
have  been  issued,  and  the  capital  stock  is  altogether  fic- 
titious. How  large  a  proportion  of  the  63,000  miles 
of  railroads  in  the  United  States  has  been  constructed 
in  this  way,  it  is  not  possible  to  say.  But  the  time  has 
come  when  the  people  will  undertake  to  find  out.  The 
people  are  willing  that  the  railroads  shall  earn  a  fair 
profit  on  actual  cost,  but  they  can  no  longer  be  forced 
to  pay  a  royalty  on  fraudulent  issues.  That  time  has 
passed,  and  the  sooner  the  railroads  make  up  their 
minds  to  it  the  better  it  will  be  for  them." 


7C  HISTORY  CF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE   CONSOLIDATION   PROCESS. 

A  Railroad  of  necessity  a  Monopoly — George  Stephenson's  Views — The 
Interests  of  the  Roads  naturally  Hostile  to  those  of  the  People — Foolish 
Prodigality  of  the  People — Competition  disastrous  to  the  Roads — Consolida- 
tion of  Railroads  inaugurated  to  stop  Competition — Success  of  the  Efforts  for 
Consolidation — The  Four  Enemies  of  Free  Trade — Vanderbilt's  Success  with 
the  New  York  Central — The  Pennsylvania  Company — Jts  History — The 
Reign  of  Monopoly  successfully  inaugurated. 

A  RAILROAD  is  of  necessity  a  monopoly.  It  is  built 
for  the  express  purpose  of  monopolizing  the  trade  of 
the  region  through  which  it  passes,  and  its  first  necessity 
is  to  prevent  or  destroy  competition.  Competition 
means  cheap  freights,  low  fares,  and  is  in  the  interest 
of  the  community.  It  deprives  a  corporation  of  its 
power  to  tax  the  public  with  excessive  rates,  and  com- 
pels it  to  make  only  such  charges  as  are  fair  and  reason- 
able. The  interests  of  the  road  demand  that  there 
shall  be  no  interference  with  it  from  any  quarter,  that 
its  directors  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  fix  and 
arrange  the  rates  for  the  transportation  of  passengers 
and  freight,  and  that  nothing  shall  occur  to  interfere 
with  the  monopoly  they  seek  to  establish. 

The  true  nature  of  the  railway  system  was  plainly 
understood  and  stated  by  its  great  founder  and  advo- 
cate in  England,  George  Stephenson.  "  He  saw  that  a 
line  once  built  must  impose  a  tax  on  the  community, 
if  only  to  keep  itself  in  existence.  He  also  saw  that  if 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        77 

a  competing  road  was  built  to  divide  any  given  business 
which  could  by  any  possibility  be  done  over  a  road 
already  constructed,  in  the  end  that  business  must 
support  two  roads  instead  of  one.  A  very  slender 
knowledge  of  human  nature  would  have  enabled  him 
to  take  the  next  step,  and  conclude  that  any  number 
of  competing  roads  would  ultimately  unite  to  exact 
money  from  the  community,  rather  than  continue  a 
ruinous  competition." 

It  may  be  plainly  stated  then,  that  from  the  very 
outset,  the  interests  of  the  public  and  those  of  the  rail- 
road companies  were  antagonistic.  There  was  and  is 
an  irrepressible  conflict  between  them,  and  it  will 
require  a  more  than  ordinary  degree  of  forebearance 
and  patriotism  on  the  part  of  the  railroads  to  bring 
about  a  compromise. 

At  the  outset,  the  people  of  the  various  States,  in 
their  eagerness  to  obtain  the  roads,  granted  important 
privileges  without  demanding  any  equivalent.  Few 
restrictions  were  placed  upon  the  proposed  schemes. 
Corporations  were  given  the  right  of  way,  and  other 
important  privileges  the  granting  of  which  often  in- 
volved the  sacrifice  of  valuable  private  interests,  and  the 
State  or  the  people  demanded  and  received  practically 
nothing  in  return.  The  eagerness  of  the  people  to 
obtain  the  roads  was  so  great  that  nearly  every  projected 
enterprise  received  the  sanction  of  the  State,  and  was 
put  into  operation.  In  this  way  many  useless  roads 
were  built,  and  the  present  generation  is  called  upon 
to  suffer  for  this  folly. 

In  one  respect,  however,  the  system,  as  originally 
inaugurated,  was  correct.  It  provided  for  and  allowed 
the  construction  of  competing  roads,  and  thus  gave  the 


78  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

public  an  opportunity  to  pay  a  fair  price  for  transpor- 
tation. 

This  was  not  as  the  corporations  wished.  Their 
risk  was  increased  by  it  and  their  dividends  dimin- 
ished. They  began  to  cast  about  for.  ways  and  means 
of  putting  an  end  to  this  state  of  affairs,  and  at  length 
hit  upon  an  expedient  which  has  well  nigh  realized 
their  wildest  dreams  of  power  and  wealth.  They 
inaugurated  a  policy  of  consolidation  of  roads.  The 
great  corporations  of  the  East  set  to  work  to  lease  or 
buy  up  the  lines  connecting  with  them,  by  which  they 
must  reach  the  Western  States,  or  which  acted  as 
feeders  to  their  routes.  They  succeeded  in  their 
object,  and  soon  the  railroad  system  of  the  country  was 
narrowed  down  to  a  few  great  lines,  the  minor  enter- 
prises disappearing  as  independent  roads  and  forming 
parts  of  the  great  consolidated  companies. 

The  principal  railroad  enterprises  of  the  United 
States  were  undertaken  with  one  common  object — to 
bring  the  produce  of  the  West  to  the  Atlantic  markets, 
and  to  provide  the  Western  States  with  the  manufac- 
tures and  wares  of  the  Eastern  States.  This  was  the 
grand  prize  for  which  so  many  plans  were  laid,  and  so 
much  skilful  work  performed. 

By  the  process  of  consolidation,  the  communication 
between  the  seaboard  and  the  West  has  been  limited  to 
four  great  lines — the  New  York  Central,  the  Erie,  the 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroads. 
At  the  first  glance  it  would  seem  that  these  four  lines 
are  sufficient  to  furnish  all  the  competition  necessary  to 
secure  fair  rates  in  the  matter  of  transportation.  But 
such  is  not  the  case.  These  four  consolidated  companies 
were  formed  for  the  express  purpose  of  destroying  com- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         79 

petition,  and  they  stand  like  four  gigantic  sentinels  over 
the  avenues  of  trade  to.enforce  their  will.  They  offer  the 
only  means  of  communication  between  the  East  and 
West,  and  shippers  and  travellers  are  compelled  to  choose 
between  them.  Having  disposed  of  their  rivals,  they  have 
now  a  common  interest — to  keep  rates  up  to  the  highest 
point,  and  they  have  power  and  wealth  enough  to  carry 
out  their  wishes.  With  power  to  prevent  the  construc- 
tion of  any  rival  lines,  these  four  companies  hold  the 
transportation  business  of  the  country  in  their  grasp ; 
and,  being  subject  to  no  practical  restraint,  they  may 
make  such  regulations,  and  compel  the  public  to  pay 
such  rates  as  they  may  see  fit. 

It  will  be  well  to  glance  at  the  manner  in  which  the 
consolidation  of  the  two  most  powerful  corporations 
was  effected.  It  reveals  some  curious  facts  in  our  rail- 
road history.  We  tell  the  story  in  the  language  of  a 
brilliant  writer,*  from  whom  we  have  quoted  before  : 

"Twenty-one  years  ago,  the  New  York  Central  road, 
which  forms  the  nucleus  of  the  Vanderbilt  combination, 
was  not  in  existence  as  a  corporation.  In  1853  it  was 
chartered,  and  eleven  distinct  corporations  were  merged 
into  it.  Five  of  these  corporations,  the  longest  of  which 
could  boast  but  of  76  miles  of  track,  divided  among 
them  the  300  miles  which  separate  Albany  from  Buffalo. 
The  corporation  created  out  of  these  elements  was 
again,  in  its  turn,  merged  in  1869  into  the  larger  New 
York  Central  &  Hudson  River  Railroad  Company, 
which  controls  within  the  State  of  New  York  but  little 
less  than  a  thousand  miles  of  track,  and  is  represented 
by  rather  more  than  $100,000,000  of  capital.  The  con- 

*  Charles  F.  Adams,  Jr. 


80  HISTORY  OF   THE  GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

solidation,  so  far,  was  perfect,  and  had  taken  place 
under  a  State  law  and  within  State  limits.  Growth, 
however,  did  not  stop  here ;  the  combinations  of  capital 
simply  adapted  themselves  to  the  forms  of  a  political 
system.  Beyond  the  limits  of  New  York,  the  corpora- 
tion held,  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  no  property;  it  did  not 
control  a  mile  of  track.  At  Buffalo,  however,  the  Cen- 
tral connected  with  another  company,  itself  made  up 
of  four  separate  primal  links  which  had  once  connected 
Buffalo  with  Chicago,  and  which  had  united  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  same  law  of  development  which  had  built 
up  the  Central.  West  of  Chicago  came  yet  other  links 
in  the  trans-continental  chain.  Three  lines  competed 
to  fill  the  gap  which  lay  between  Chicago  and  the  east- 
ern terminus  of  the  Pacific  road, — the  Northwestern, 
the  Rock  Island,  and  the  Burlington  &  Missouri.  In 
the  autumn  of  1869,  the  consolidation  of  the  Central 
and  the  Hudson  River  took  place.  Immediately  after- 
wards, at  the  annual  election  of  the  Lake  Shore  & 
Michigan  Southern,  the  Vanderbilt  interest  took  open 
possession  of  that  corporation,  controlling  a  majority 
of  its  stock.  In  May,  1870,  it  in  like  maun  or  assumed 
control  of  the  Rock  Island  and  Chicago  &  Northwestern. 
The  same  parties  in  interest  were  now  practically  the 
owners  of  a  connected  line  of  road  from  New  York  to 
Omaha ;  there  was  no  consolidation  as  yet,  but,  so  far 
as  the  public  and  competing  roads  were  concerned,  the 
close  of  1870  found  the  six  parties,  which  but  a  short 
time  before  had  been  in  possession  of  the  trans-conti- 
nental thoroughfare,  reduced  to  three.  Without  taking 
into  consideration  the  immense  influence  which  their 
position  necessarily  gave  to  them  over  other  and  less 
powerful  members  of  the  railroad  system,  here  was  a 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        81 

single  combination  of  capital  representing  the  control 
of  at  least  4500  miles  of  road  and  not  less  than 
$250,000,000  of  capital. 

"  This,  however,  is  but  the  result  of  a  loose  alliance 
between  men  notorious  for  their  feuds  and  their  selfish- 
ness ;  the  combination  is  temporary,  depending  perhaps 
upon  the  continued  life  of  one  who  lacks  little  of  being 
an  octogenarian.  The  men  who  control  it  not  infre- 
quently evince  talents  of  a  very  high  order,  and  their 
course  is  made  continually  interesting  by  episodes  of 
dramatic  surprise.  They  lack,  however,  the  greatest 
and  most  indispensable  element  of  permanent  success, — 
some  underlying,  indissoluble  bond  of  union.  In  this 
respect  they  differ  entirely  from  the  great  combination 
which  has  gradually  taken  shape  in  the  neighboring 
State  of  Pennsylvania.  What  is  commonly  known  as 
the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad  Company  is  prob- 
ably to-day  the  most  powerful  corporation  in  the  world, 
as,  indeed,  it  owns  and  operates  one  of  the  oldest  of 
railroads.  Its  organization,  as  compared  with  that  of 
its  great  rival,  the  New  York  Central,  bears  the  relation 
of  a  republic  to  an  empire.  Csesarism  is  the  principle 
of  the  Yanderbilt  group ;  the  corporation  is  the  essence 
of  the  Pennsylvania  system.  The  marked  degree  in 
which  the  character  of  the  people  have  given  an  insen- 
sible direction  to  the  management  of  their  corporations 
in  these  two  States  is  well  deserving  of  notice.  In 
New  York  politics  the  individual  leader  has  ever  been 
the  centre ;  in  Pennsylvania,  always  the  party.  The 
people  of  this  last  State  are  not  marked  by  intelligence; 
they  are,  in  fact,  dull,  uninteresting,  very  slow  and 
very  persevering.  These  are  qualities,  however,  which 
they  hold  in  common  with  the  ancient  Romans,  and 

6 


82  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

they  possess,  also,  in  a  marked  degree,  one  other  char- 
acteristic of  that  classic  race,  the  power  of  organization, 
and  through  it  of  command.  They  have  always  deci- 
ded our  Presidential  elections ;  they  have  always,  in 
their  dull,  heavy  fashion,  regulated  our  economical 
policy.  Not  open  to  argument,  not  receptive  of  ide'as, 
not  given  to  flashes  of  brilliant  execution,  this  State 
none  the  less  knows  well  what  it  wants,  and  knows 
equally  well  how  to  organize  to  secure  it.  Its  great 
railroad  affords  a  striking  illustration  in  point.  It  is 
probably  the  most  thoroughly  organized  corporation, 
that  in  which  each  individual  is  most  entirely  absorbed 
in  the  corporate  whole,  now  in  existence.  With  its 
president  and  its  four  vice-presidents,  each  of  whom  de- 
votes his  whole  soul  to  his  peculiar  province,  whether 
it  be  to  fight  a  rival  line,  to  develop  an  inchoate  traffic, 
to  manipulate  the  Legislature,  or  to  operate  the  road, — 
with  this  perfect  machinery  and  subordination,  there  is 
no  reason  why  the  corporation  should  not  assume  abso- 
lute control  of  all  the  railroads  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  Such  is  this  great  corporation,  high  in  credit  in  the 
money-markets  of  the  world,  careful  withal  of  its  out- 
ward repute,  apparently  unbounded  in  its  resources. 
Organized  so  long  ago  as  1831,  it  had  thirty  miles  of 
road  ready  for  operation  in  the  succeeding  year.  Not 
until  1854,  however,  was  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
proper  completed.  It  then  controlled  the  line  from 
Harrisburg  to  Pittsburg,  210  miles,  which  had  cost  a 
little  less  than  $17,000,000,  and  was  represented  by 
about  $12,000,000  of  stock  and  $7,000,000  of  indebt- 
edness. This  might  be  considered  the  starting-point ; 
$3,500,000  of  annual  gross  earnings  on  a  capital  a  little 
less  than  $20,000,000.  For  many  years  its  growth 


FARMER'S  AVAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        83 

was  confined  to  Pennsylvania.  In  1869,  however,  its 
policy  in  this  respect  underwent  a  change,  and  it  burst 
through  State  limits,  extending  its  field  of  operations 
over  the  vast  region  lying  between  the  great  lakes  and 
the  Ohio  upon  the  north  and  south,  and  the  Missouri 
onrthe  west.  This  sudden  development  was,  as  ususl, 
the  immediate  result  of  competition,  and  was  almost 
forced  upon  the  corporation  in  spite  of  itself,  as  a 
measure  of  defence.  The  secret  history  of  the  railway 
intrigues  and  legislative  manipulations  of  1869  would 
make  a  very  singular  narrative  could  the  whole  of  it 
be  disclosed.  That  year  was,  in  fact,  a  turning-point 
in  our  railway  progress.  The  Erie  management  had 
then  fallen  into  confessed  discredit,  and  was  beginning 
its  remarkable  attempt  under  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk 
to  carry  on  a  great  commercial  enterprise  in  absolute 
disregard  of  every  principle  pf  good  faith,  commonly 
supposed  to  be  at  the  basis  of  civilized  transactions. 
Those  managing  this  thoroughfare  were  desperately 
thrusting  out  in  every  direction,  contracting,  buying, 
and  leasing  all  adjoining  roads  with  a  rashness  only 
surpassed  by  their  easy  disregard  of  the  obligations 
thus  contracted.  Early  in  1869  they  sought  to  cut  off 
the  connections  of  the  Pennsylvania  road,  and  to  shut  it 
up  within  the  limits  of  that  State.  For  a  brief  time 
the  battle  seemed  to  go  in  their  favor,  but  suddenly 
the  tide  turned.  The  result  showed  that  they  were  no 
match  for  the  powerful  antagonist  they  had  provoked ; 
— their  overthrow  was  so  effectual  as  to  have  in  it  some 
elements  of  the  ludicrous.  Bills  in  the  interest  of  the 
Pennsylvania  company,  which  it  was  doubtful  if  it 
were  in  the  power  of  any  legislature  to  pass,  were 
pushed  through  their  various  stages,  and  received  exe- 


84  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

cutive  approval,  with  a  speed  unprecedented ;  con- 
tracts, arranged  with  the  Erie  managers  by  boards  of 
directors,  were  unexpectedly  rejected  in  meetings  of 
stockholders;  and  for  a  time  this  irresistible  power 
even  threatened  to  wrest  from  the  Erie  road  its  own 
Deculiar  and  long-established  connections.  The  result 
of  these  operations  was  that  the  Pennsylvania  Central 
soon  controlled  by  perpetual  lease  a  whole  system  of 
roads  radiating  to  all  points  in  the  West  and  South- 
west. By  one  it  reached  Chicago,  by  another  St. 
Louis,  and  by  a  third  Cincinnati.  At  Indianapolis 
it  had  absorbed  a  network  of  routes ;  at  Chicago  and 
St.  Louis  it  had  formed  close  connections  looking 
directly  towards  the  Pacific.  Here  for  a  time  it 
rested,  declaring  that  its  policy  did  not  look  to  any 
expansion  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  corporation 
rested,  perhaps,  but  not  .the  ambitious  men  who  con- 
trolled it;  their  individual  operations  now  commenced. 
They  obtained  the  control  of  roads  endowed  with  vast 
land  grants  in  Michigan  and  in  Minnesota ;  they  were 
the  directors  of  the  Northern  Pacific ;  and  when  the 
men  who  had  constructed  the  Union  Pacific  broke 
down  under  the  multiplicity  of  their  engagements, 
the  first  vice-president  of  the  Pennsylvania  road  ap- 
peared as  the  new  president  of  that  road  also.  The 
very  land  grants  belonging  to  the  companies  these 
men  now  controlled  amounted  to  80,000  square  miles, 
or  an  area  equivalent  to  the  aggregate  possessions  of 
four  of  the  existing  kingdoms  of  Europe. 

"Meanwhile  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company, 
distinct  from  its  individual  directors,  now  owned  or 
held  by  lease  400  miles  of  road  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
directly  controlled  450  miles  more,  almost  entirely 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        85 

within  the  same  State ;  beyond  its  limits  it  leased  and 
operated  nearly  two  thousand  miles  in  addition,  hold- 
ing the  stock  and  bonds  of  railroads,  canals,  towns,  and 
cities,  like  some  vast  Credit  Mobilier ;  it  had,  indeed, 
no  less  than  $20,000,000  standing  on  its  books  as 
represented  by  these  investments.  In  the  sixteen 
years  its  own  capital  and  indebtedness  had  swollen 
from  $20,000,000  to  $65,000,000,  with  a  liberty  se- 
cured to  increase  them  to  nearly  $100,000,000;  at  the 
same  time  the  system  of  roads  which  it  held  in  its 
hands  returned  a  yearly  income  of  hardly  less  than 
$40,000,000,  of  which  about  $10,000,000  was  claimed 
as  net  profit. 

"  If,  however,  as  its  direction  had  officially  declared, 
the  corporation  had  no  distinct  interests  to  push  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  the  same  could  not  be  said  of  the 
region  east  of  the  Susquehanna.  In  the  closing  days 
of  1870  New  York  was  suddenly  startled  by  the  an- 
nouncement that  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  had  effec- 
ted a  perpetual  lease  of  the  whole  famous  railroad 
monopoly  known  as  the  United  Companies  of  New 
Jersey.  The  rumor  proved  true,  and  some  450  miles 
of  additional  track,  besides  65  miles  of  canals  and  some 
30  steamers,  in  all  some  $35,000,000  of  property,  was 
by  this  transaction  added  to  the  vast  consolidation,  and 
brought  it  to  the  shores  of  New  York  harbor. 

"  It  is  unnecessary  to  consider  how  much  further 
this  combination  will  carry  its  operations,  or  in  what 
they  will  result.  The  Pennsylvania  road  now  controls 
directly  and  as  itself  owner  or  proprietor,  and  wholly 
distinct  from  its  directors,  more  than  3000  miles  of 
track,  claiming  to  represent  $175,000,000  of  securities, 
and  returning  a  gross  income  of  at  least  $40,000,000 


86  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

per  annum.  It  is  far  from  impossible  that  this  combi- 
nation may,  from  its  very  magnitude,  lead  to  its  own 
downfall." 

The  Erie  Kailway  properly  extends  from  Jersey 
City  to  Dunkirk,  New  York,  a  distance  of  451  miles, 
but  with  its  various  branches  it  now  operates  a  total 
length  of  1032  miles.  Until  July,  1871,  it  was  the 
lessee  of  the  Atlantic  and  Great  Western  road,  which. 
connecting  with  the  track  of  the  Erie  at  Salamanca, 
New  York,  carried  the  line  to  Cincinnati,  a  distance 
of  447  miles.  Though  the  lease  has  been  surrendered, 
the  two  roads  are  practically  one  as  regards  the  ques- 
tion of  transportation.  The  Erie  Company  own  pro- 
perty to  the  amount  of  $118,295,979,  and,  in  1872, 
the  gross  earnings  were  $18,371,887. 

The  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  extends  properly 
from  Baltimore  to  the  City  of  Wheeling,  on  the  Ohio 
River,  a  distance  of  379  miles,  but,  with  its  branches 
and  leased  roads,  it  controls  and  operates  a  total  of 
10G7  miles  of  road.  It  already  touches  Lake  Erie  at 
Sandusky,  and  has  now  in  construction  a  branch  road 
extending  from  a  point  90  miles  north  of  Newark, 
Ohio,  on  the  Lake  Erie  Division,  to  Chicago.  The 
Company  own  property  to  the  amount  of  $56,014,481, 
and,  in  1872,  the  gross  earnings  were  $13,626,677. 

Here  we  have  four  corporations  representing  a  total 
ownership  of  nearly  $600,000,000,  and  an  aggregate 
annual  income  of  over  $100,000,000. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  mention  in  detail  all  the 
various  attempts  at  consolidation,  successful  and  un- 
successful, that  have  been  made  in  this  country.  What 
we  have  given  will  sufficiently  illustrate  this  part  of 
our  subject.  All  such  efforts  have  a  common  object, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        87 

and  that  object  is  the  extortion  from  an  already  over- 
taxed commuriity  of  the  highest  rates  of  transporta- 
tion that  can  be  obtained. 

We  shall  again  refer  to  this  portion  of  our  subject, 
to  point  out  some  of  the  evils  arising  from  the  monopoly 
we  have  been  considering. 


88  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   TRANSPORTATION   TAX   SWINDLE. 

Sources  of  Kailroad  Earnings — The  Freight  Business — Enormous  Tribute  paid 
by  the  People  to  the  Roads — The  Railroads  irresponsible  to  the  Public — 
The  Necessity  of  the  Roads  to  the  Country — Anomalous  Position  of  the 
Railroads — What  are  Legitimate  and  what  are  Fictitious  Earnings — Care- 
lessness of  the  People  respecting  their  Rights — Their  Punishment — Arbi- 
trary Course  of  the  Roads  in  levying  Freights — How  the  Railroads  tax  the 
People — The  Community  made  to  pay  the  Losses  of  the  Roads — Instructive 
Lessons — How  Competition  is  killed — Efforts  of  the  State  of  Illinois  to  pro- 
tect its  Citizens — The  Railroads  refuse  to  obey  the  Law — The  Railroad 
Yoke  fastened  upon  the  People. 

THE  object  for  which  railways  are  constructed  is  the 
earning  of  interest  on  the  amount  of  capital  invested 
in  them.  The  only  means  by  which  such  enterprises 
can  earn  money,  are  by  the  transportation  of  freight 
and  passengers.  All  roads  are  built  with  a  view  to 
the  ultimate  freight  business  that  will  come  to  them, 
the  passenger  traffic  being  with  most  corporations  a 
secondary  consideration. 

As  the  wealth  and  productiveness  of  the  country 
increase,  the  transportation  increases  also.  In  1840, 
when  there  were  less  than  3000  miles  of  railroad  in 
operation  in  the  United  States,  the  transportation  busi- 
ness of  the  country  amounted  to  about  $8,000,000,  or 
about  fifty  cents  to  each  inhabitant  of  the  Union.  In 
1860,  it  had  increased  to  about  $150,000,000,  or  about 
$5  to  each  inhabitant.  In  1871,  it  had  grown  to  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        89 

enormous  sum  of  $450,000,000,  or  nearly  $12  to  each 
inhabitant. 

This  enormous  sum  of  $450,000,000  may  be  taken 
as  a  fair  annual  average  of  the  value  of  our  internal 
commerce.  It  comes  directly  from  the  earnings  of  the 
whole  people  of  the  United  States,  and  is  gathered 
into  the  treasuries  of  the  various  railway  corporations 
in  the  form  of  sums  paid  for  the  transportation  of 
passengers  and  of  the  products  and  manufactures  of 
the  country. 

In  chartering  the  railways  of  the  Union,  the  people 
have  given  to  the  corporations  conducting  these  enter- 
prises, the  sole  right  to  regulate  the  freight  charges  of 
their  roads.  In  some  cases  there  has  been  a  stipulation 
that  the  earnings  of  the  road  should  not  exceed  a  cer- 
tain percentage  upon  the  capital  invested,  but,  as  we 
have  shown,  it  has  been  left  to  the  road  not  only  to 
regulate  its  charges,  but  to  make  such  returns  of  its 
earnings  as  it  may  see  fit.  The  people  have  surrendered 
the  right  to  scrutinize  the  proceedings  of  the  corpora- 
tion, and  the  corporation  charges  whatever  rates  it 
pleases,  and  as  much  as  it  thinks  the  public  will  pay. 

Men  may  travel  or  not,  as  they  are  inclined,  but  the 
farmer  must  send  his  products  to  market,  and  the 
merchant  and  manufacturer  must  transport  their  wares 
to  the  point  where  there  is  the  greatest  demand  for 
them.  So  the  road  is  sure  of  its  freight  traffic.  Men 
are  compelled  to  use  it,  for  it  is  the  only  means  of 
transportation  open  to  them.  They  are  fully  aware  of 
this,  and  the  corporation  is  equally  aware  of  it. 

The  railroads  then  occupy  the  position  of  a  body 
within  the  State,  and  almost,  if  not  quite,  independent 
of  it,  levying  a  tax  upon  its  citizens.  Not  one  man  in 


90  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  community  can  escape  the  necessity  of  in  some  way 
contributing  to  the  earnings  of  the  road.  The  aggre- 
gate amount  annually  contributed  is,  as  we  have  seen, 
enormous.  How  much  of  this  represents  a  legitimate 
profit  upon  the  capital  invested  in  railways  ?  and  how 
much  is  a  wanton  robbery  of  the  public?  These  are 
questions  of  the  deepest  interest  to  the  public,  and  yet 
they  have  attracted  so  little  attention  that  none  of  the 
State  Governments  have  made  an  effort  to  obtain  the 
requisite  data  from  which  to  answer  them.  We  only 
know  what  the  roads  choose  to  allow  us  to  learn,  and 
they  are  very  careful  to  keep  us  from  knowing  too 
much ;  while  staggering  under  this  enormous  tax,  and 
vaguely  comprehending  that  it  is  excessive  and  unjust, 
no  one  has  undertaken  to  introduce  measures  which 
will  lay  before  the  people  the  full  extent  of  the  evil 
from  which  they  are  suffering.  We  only  know  that 
"certain  private  individuals,  responsible  to  no  authority 
and  subject  to  no  supervision,  but  looking  solely  to 
their  own  interests,  or  to  those  of  their  immediate  con- 
stituency, yearly  levy  upon  the  internal  movement  of 
the  American  people  a  tax,  as  a  suitable  remuneration 
for  the  use  of  their  private  capital,  equal  to  about  one- 
half  of  the  expenses  of  the  United  States  Government, 
— army,  navy,  civil  list,  and  interest  on  the  national 
debt  included." 

The  power  to  levy  such  charges  as  they  think 
proper  on  the  transportation  of  freight  being  entrusted 
tc  the  railway  corporations,  they  are  not  slow  to  use  it. 
At  certain  periods  of  the  year  the  movement  of  freights 
is  very  brisk,  as  when  the  year's  harvest  is  finding  its 
way  to  market,  or  when  merchants  and  dealers  are 
sending  home  the  stock  they  have  purchased  in  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.         91 

great  centres  of  commerce.  Then,  when  men  are  com- 
pelled to  use  the  roads,  the  corporations  advance  the 
rates.  Complaint  is  useless.  The  directors  know  that 
goods  and  grain  must  be  carried  over  the  road,  and 
they  fix  the  rates  at  an  extravagant  figure,  and  the 
shipper  is  forced  to  submit  to  the  extortion. 

The  "  through  rates,"  as  they  are  called,  are  high 
enough,  but  they  do  not  affect  the  majority  of  shippers 
as  much  as  the  local  rates.  It  has  become  a  maxim 
with  railroad  men  that  if  in  the  war  of  competition  a 
loss  is  incurred  in  the  "  through  rates,"  it  must  be 
made  up  in  the  amount  received  for  local  freights.  It 
is  always  possible  to  ship  a  case  of  goods  or  a  sack  of 
grain  from  New  York  to  Chicago  at  a  proportion- 
ately cheaper  rate  than  is  charged  for  the  same 
article  from  New  York  to  Syracuse.  Often  times 
the  amount  charged  for  local  freight  is  double  that 
charged  for  through  freight.  The  reason  is  that  in 
the  through  freight  transportation,  the  competition 
of  a  few  great  lines  keeps  the  rate  down  to  a  compara- 
tively lower  figure;  while  a  given  road,  enjoying  a 
monopoly  of  the  local  business,  can  charge  what  it 
pleases.  It  is  utterly  irresponsible,  and  the  shipper  is 
at  its  mercy. 

This  irresponsibility  leads  to  continual  change,  espe- 
cially in  the  through  freight  business,  and  introduces 
an  element  of  chance  into  mercantile  transactions 
which  sound  business  men  find  it  hard  to  contend 
against.  Merchants  find  it  difficult  to  regulate  their 
purchases,  and  producers  are  sometimes  utterly  at  sea 
in  their  efforts  to-  calculate  their  profits,  when  the 
tariff  may  be  changed  in  a  day,  and  all  their  calcula- 
tions destroyed.  "  Just  this  fluctuation  took  place  in 


92  HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

September,  1870,  when  it  at  one  time  cost  far  more  to 
send  goods  from  Boston  to  Chicago  than  from  New 
York,  and  shortly  after  the  New  York  firms  had  to 
ship  their  goods  to  Boston  as  the  cheapest  way  of  get- 
ting them  to  the  West."  During  the  year  1869, 
freights  between  New  York  and  Chicago  fluctuated 
between  $5  and  $37.60  per  ton ;  and  between  New 
York  and  St.  Louis,  between  $7  and  $46  per  ton.  At 
one  time  during  that  year,  the  Erie  Railroad  carried 
freights  from  New  York  to  Chicago  for  $2  per  ton,  and 
soon  after  advanced  the  rate  to  $37  per  ton. 

The  year  1870  was  remarkable  for  its  fluctuations 
of  this  kind,  and  it  led  to  a  singular  warfare  between 
the  rival  lines  connecting  New  York  with  the  West. 
Each  met  with  considerable  losses,  but  each  undoubt- 
edly made  these  good  at  the  public  expense  by  some 
operation  entirely  within  its  control. 

"  During  that  year  competition  was  bitter  in  the 
extreme ;  the  rates  made  East  and  West  were  simply 
ruinous.  On  certain  descriptions  of  freight  they  lite- 
rally were  reduced  to  nothing,  and  cattle  were  carried 
over  the  Erie  road  at  a  cent  a  head,  as  against  one  dol- 
lar a  car,  the  rate  charged  on  the  Central.  On  other 
articles  the  reduction  was  not  so  great,  but,  both  on 
passengers  and  goods,  rates  were  purely  nominal,  and 
hardly  averaged  a  third  of  the  usual  amounts.  Of 
course  this  could  not  last.  Early  in  September,  1870, 
representatives  of  the  competing  lines  met  in  New 
York,  and  proceeded  to  put  a  stop  to  competition  in 
the  one  way  possible  among  monopolists, — by  combi- 
nation. The  parties  in  interest  were  the  Central,  the 
Erie,  and  the  Pennsylvania  railroads.  The  competition 
was  mainly  from  Illinois  to  New  York.  In  both 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        93 

Illinois  and  New  York,  laws  forbidding  the  consolida- 
tion of  competing  lines  were  in  force,  and  all  the  roads 
were  carrying  on  operations  in  one  or  both  of  those 
States.  At  the  meeting  in  question,  it  was  decided  to 
'pool'  the  earnings  of  the  colored  lines  to  all  competing 
points ;  in  other  words,  all  receipts  from  that  business 
which  was  supposed  to  receive  a  peculiar  benefit  from 
competition,  were  to  be  paid  into  a  common  fund,  com- 
petition was  immediately  to  cease,  fixed  rates  were  to 
be  charged,  and  thus,  at  last,  all  the  great  trunk  lines 
were  to  be  practically  consolidated,  in  so  far  as  the 
business  community  was  concerned.  This  arrange- 
ment was  agreed  to,  but  broke  down  for  the  moment 
because  of  quarrels  among  certain  of  the  individual 
contracting  potentates.  The  irreconcilables  were 
Messrs.  Gould  and  Vanderbilt,  two  New  York  men, 
who  represented  two  New  York  roads ;  and  yet  the 
New  York  statute-book  contained  a  recently  enacted 
law  intended  to  prevent  and  render  impracticable  any 
combination  like  the  one  agreed  upon.  Not  being  able 
to  effect  the  desired  arrangement  there,  certain  of  the 
same  parties  went  to  Chicago,  in  a  State  where  a  simi- 
lar provision  to  that  in  force  in  New  York  had  been 
made  a  part  of  the  Constitution,  and  there  they  actu- 
ally did  enter  into  an  agreement,  under  which  all  the 
roads  between  Chicago  and  Omaha  '  pooled '  their  re- 
ceipts between  those  points,  and  this  contract  went 
into  effect.  .  .  . 

''  The  failure  of  the  New  York  negotiators  was,  how- 
ever, only  temporary;  and,  moreover,  it  is  by  no  means 
clear  that  its  failure  was  not  a  disaster  to  the  commu- 
nity. In  this  combination  would  at  least  have  been 
found  some  degree  of  certainty  and  of  responsibility. 


94  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Rates  would  no  longer  have  varied  with  every  season 
and  to  every  city;  points  destitute  of  competition  would 
not  have  been  plundered,  as  they  now  habitually  are, 
that  competing  points  might  be  supplied  for  nothing. 
During  the  summer  of  1870,  accordingly,  many  towns 
in  New  England  were  charged  upon  Western  freights 
heavily  in  advance  of  the  sums  charged  for  carrying 
the  same  freights  on  the  same  roads  a  hundred  or  two 
miles  farther  on.  All  because  the  farther  point  was 
served  at  a  loss  to  the  carrier,  and,  therefore,  the  nearer 
had  to  pay  the  road  profits  for  both,  besides  replacing 
the  loss.  The  agents  of  the  roads  do  not  seek  to  deny 
this ;  they  acknowledge  and  defend  it.  They  say,  and 
say  truly:  'We  must  live.  If  our  through  business  is 
done  at  a  loss  (and  they  show  that  it  was  done  for 
nothing),  then  our  local  business  must  pay  for  all/ 
This  was  the  case  in  New  England.  The  cities  of  cen- 
tral New  York  fared  no  better.  During  a  war  of  rates, 
almost  any  manufactured  article  will  be  carried  from 
the  seaboard  to  the  West  for  perhaps  one  half  of  the 
amount  charged  for  carrying  the  article  there  from  a 
semi-interior  point.  So  also  as  regards  Eastern  freights. 
Syracuse,  Rochester,  and  the  like  class  of  cities  can 
neither  compete  on  equal  terms  with  Boston  in  the 
markets  of  the  West,  nor  with  Chicago  in  those  of  the 
East.  The  discrimination  against  them  is  said  to 
amount  in  certain  cases  to  ten  per  cent,  of  the  whole 
value  of  the  article  transported.  Neither,  under  the 
competing  system,  is  there  any  remedy  for  this  evil, 
and  a  consciousness  of  this  fact,  of  the  risk  to  which 
they  are  continually  exposed,  has  caused  the  breaking 
up  of  many  manufacturing  establishments  at  interior 
points." 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        95 

The  State  of  Illinois  has  undertaken  to  investigate 
the  management  of  its  railroads,  and  to  impose  upon 
the  railroad  companies  a  series  of  regulations  for  the 
protection  of  the  public. 

The  new  railroad  law  passed  by  the  Legislature 
of  Illinois  in  May,  1873,  directs  the  Railroad  and 
Warehouse  Commissioners  to  prepare  for  each  rail- 
road in  the  State  a  schedule  of  reasonable  maximum 
rates;  prohibits  as  extortion  more  than  a  fair  and 
reasonable  rate  to  be  charged  for  transportation  of 
passengers  or  freight,  or  for  the  use  of  track ;  pro- 
hibits as  unjust  discrimination  any  difference  in  the 
prices  charged  for  equal  services  of  these  three  kinds 
rendered  at  different  points  or  to  different  persons,  the 
penalty  being  fines  (recoverable  in  an  action  of  debt, 
in  the  name  of  the  People)  of  $1000  to  $5000  for 
the  first  offence,  $5000  to  $10,000  for  the  second 
offence,  $10,000  to  $20,000  for  the  third  offence, 
and  for  every  subsequent  offence  $25,000,  either 
party  having  the  right  of  trial  by  jury.  Moreover, 
the  overcharged  person  may  recover  in  any  form  of 
action  thrice  the  damages  sustained,  with  costs  and 
attorney's  fee. 

As  may  be  supposed,  this  law  gave  great  offence  to 
the  railroad  interest  of  the  State,  and  every  obstacle 
has  been  thrown  in  the  way  of  its  execution.  Indeed 
the  roads  have  steadily  disregarded  it.  Governor 
Palmer,  of  Illinois,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  Springfield, 
on  the  4th  of  July,  1873,  said: 

"  The  last  Legislature  enacted  a  law  for  the  govern- 
ment of  railroads  in  this  State,  which  is  a  monument 
of  the  patience  and  reasonableness  of  the  people.  It 
merely  declares  that  the  railroads  shall  not  charge  for 


96  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

their  services  more  than  a  fair  and  reasonable  rate; 
that  they  shall  make  no  unjust  discriminations  in  their 
charges  for  any  kind  of  service;  that  to  charge  a 
greater  sum  for  services  rendered  to  one  person  than  is 
charged  to  another  for  greater  services,  shall  be  pre- 
sumptive evidence  of  extortion;  and  the  whole  law 
merely  assumes  that  the  relation  of  the  railroads  and 
their  customers  shall  hereafter  exist  and  continue  upon 
the  footing  of  equality  and  justice,  and  that  like  ser- 
vices shall  be'  presumed  to  be  worthy  a  like  compensa- 
tion. I  regret  to  be  compelled  to  say  that  the  railroad 
managers  have  as  yet  shown  no  disposition  to  accept 
this  law  in  the  just  spirit  in  which  it  was  enacted. 
On  the  contrary,  they  have  found  in  its  passage  a  new 
pretext  for  extortion.  They  assume,  in  the  first  place, 
that  they  must  have  ten  per  cent,  net  profit  on  the 
nominal  capital  invested  in  their  roads,  and  the  large 
sums  furnished  to  them  by  the  people  is  a  part  of  the 
aggregate  upon  which  the  same  people  are  required  to 
pay  them  the  interest.  Such  a  claim  is  most  unreason- 
able. Their  capital  was  invested  in  railroads,  subject 
to  the  fluctuations  and  casualties  of  business,  and 
that  is  all  that  will  be  conceded  to  them.  They  must 
also  submit  the  cost  and  methods  of  their  management 
to  the  scrutiny  of  the  juries  of  the  State,  and  must 
account  for  all  unnecessary  expenses  incurred  in  efforts 
to  counteract  rivals,  or  to  force  business  into  unwilling 
channels.  In  their  pretended  obedience  to  law,  it  is 
manifest  they  are  merely  acting  a  part,  intended  to 
test  the  firmness  of  the  people.  They  no  longer  dis- 
criminate, they  say.  They  now  apply  the  knife  to 
the  root  of  every  branch  of  industry.  I  have  seen 
the  proposed  tariffs  of  many  of  the  roads,  and  they 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        97 

are  avowals  of  a  distinct  purpose  to  crush  out  every 
interest  with  the  utmost  impartiality.  They  intend 
to  compel  the  next  Legislature  to  repeal  the  railroad 
law  of  last  winter;  they  mean  to  make  war  upon 
every  effort  to  curb  them,  and  to  use  the  people 
as  the  agents  of  their  own  undoing." 
1 


98  H-ISTOEY  OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;   OR, 


CHAPTER    VI. 

RAILROAD   TYRANNY. 


s— 


Dangers  arising  from  the  Eailroad  Monopoly—  Irresponsibility  of  the  Road 
Their  Disregard  of  Individual  Eights—  A  Man's  Fight  with  a  Railroad— 
A  Corporation's  Idea  of  a  Contract—  What  a  Eailroad  Ticket  is  Worth- 
Brutal  Assault  on  Mr.  Coleman—  A  Struggle  for  Justice—  The  Policy  of 
Eailroad  Corporations  Announced—  The  Public  to  be  tied  Hand  and  Foot 
—  Railroad  Testimony—  How  to  Manufacture  Evidence—  What  a  Negro  got 
by  Losing  his  Ticket—  A  Specimen  Eailroad  Murder—  A  Life  for  a  Lost 
Ticket—  A  new  Penalty  for  Drunkenness—  Startling  Details—  The  Avenue 
of  Death—  Eailroad  Killing  not  considered  Murder—  Unjust  Treatment  of 
Passengers—  The  Palace  Car  Swindle—  Baggage  Smashers—  The  War  on 
the  Merchants—  How  a  Eailroad  endeavored  to  ruin  a  Business  Firm—  The 
Power  of  the  Corporations. 

WE  have  seen  the  gradual  growth  of  the  railroad 
system  of  the  country  ;  how  many  of  the  roads  have 
been  built  at  the  public  expense  by  means  of  the  im- 
mense land  grants  they  have  obtained  ;  how  fictitious 
capital  has  been  created  by  the  issuing  of  watered  stock 
for  the  purpose  of  concealing  the  impositions  of  the 
road  upon  the  public  ;  how  that  which  is  a  monopoly 
in  itself  has  been  made  a  more  odious  monopoly  by  the 
process  of  consolidation;  and  how  these  corporations 
have  committed  to  them  the  right  to  tax  the  whole 
community,  without  being  responsible  to  any  one. 
We  come  now  to  consider  some  of  the  evils  springing 
from  this  immense  system  of  monopolies. 

Conceding  all  the  good  results  that  have  been  brought 
about  by  the  successful  growth  of  our  railways  ;  admit- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.        99 


THE  MEN  WHO  BUILD  THE  RAILROADS  Otf  THE  PACIFIC  COAST. 

ting  all  that  they  have  done  towards  furnishing  a  rapid 
and  convenient  method  of  communication  between  dis- 
tant points,  and  all  that  they  have  accomplished  in 
developing  new  sections  of  country,  we  are  sure  it  will 
be  admitted  by  the  majority  of  the  thinking  men  of  the 
country  that  the  railroads  of  the  present  day  are  as 
much  of  a  danger  as  a  convenience  to  the  country,  and 
that  unless  they  are  soon  subjected  to  some  system  of 
regulation  by  which  they  can  be  compelled  to  respect 
the  rights  of  the  people  to  whom  they  owe  their  exists 
ence,  they  will  become  not  only  sources  of  danger,  but 
the  most  annoying  tyrannies  that  have  ever  cursed  a 
land.  That  there  is  danger  from  this  source  we  hope 
to  show. 

Practically  the  railroads  of  the  United  States  are 
subject  to  no  restraint.     Nominally  they   are   acting 


100          HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

under  the  law,  but  in  reality  they  make  themselves 
superior  to  it,  and  when  occasion  suits  them,  they  do 
not  hesitate  to  violate  and  defy  it.  They  claim  the 
right  to  manage  their  road  for  their  own  benefit  only, 
and  are  utterly  regardless  of  the  rights  of  others.  The 
sole  object  of  the  directors  is  to  wring  money  from  those 
who  are  forced  to  use  the  line,  and  the  public,  for  whose 
convenience  the  road  is  supposed  to  have  been  built, 
are  denied  the  simplest  privileges.  Scarcely  a  day 
passes  that  some  individual's  rights  are  not  violated  by 
these  companies,  and  if  the  injured  party  is  bold  enough 
to  carry  the  matter  before  the  courts,  he  has  a  hard 
task  before  him  to  obtain  the  simplest  justice.  He  has 
to  encounter  the  immense  power  of  the  road,  backed 
by  its  wealth,  and  the  chances  are  ten  to  one  against 
him.  He  will  either  be  beaten  by  the  money  of  the 
corporation,  or  he  will  be  forced  to  drag  his  case  along, 
at  ruinous  expense,  until  he  abandons  it  in  despair. 

A  fair  specimen  of  the  disregard  of  the  railroads  for 
individual  rights  was  afforded  a  few  years  ago  in  the 
case  of  Mr.  John  A.  Coleman,  of  Providence,  Ehode 
Island.  This  gentleman  was  shamefully  maltreated 
and  thrown  from  a  train  on  the  New  York  and  New 
Haven  Railroad,  and  thereby  injured  for  life,  merely 
for  demanding  to  ride  over  the  road  with  a  ticket  for 
which  he  had  already  paid,  instead  of  buying  a  new 
one.  The  case  is  so  characteristic  that  we  shall  let 
Mr.  Coleman  tell  the  story  in  his  own  words : 

"About  four  years  ago"  (the  matter  occurred  in 
1868),  says  Mr.  Coleman,  "I  purchased  a  ticket  from 
Providence  to  New  York  via  Hartford  and  New  Haven. 
At  New  Haven  my  business  detained  me  until  too  late 
in  the  evening  to  resume  my  journey  by  rail.  I  there- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      101 

fore  took  the  eleven  o'clock  boat,  in  order  to  pass  a 
comfortable  night  and  to  be  able  to  meet  my  engage- 
ments the  next  day.  That  left  the  railway  coupon 
ticket  from  New  Haven  to  New  York  on  my  hands.  I 
afterwards  had  no  opportunity  to  use  the  ticket  in  the 
direction  in  which  it  was  marked — always  happening 
thereafter  to  travel  with  through  tickets  from  Boston 
to  New  York.  In  returning  to  Boston  from  New  York, 
June  11,  1868,  I  applied  at  the  office  of  the  New  York 
and  New  Haven  Railroad,  in  Twenty-seventh  street, 
New  York,  for  a  ticket  to  Boston  via  Springfield ;,  the 
ticket  master  refused  to  sell  me  one  unless  I  would 
wait  three  hours  for  the  train,  which  left  at  three 
o'clock,  p.  M.,  going  through  to  Boston.  He  said  he 
would  sell  me  a  local  ticket  to  Springfield,  and  I  could 
buy  another  from  there  to  Boston.  This  would  cost  me 
more  than  seven  dollars  to  Boston,  instead  of  six  dol- 
lars, the  regular  through  fare,  which  of  course  I  did  not 
want  to  pay.  I  told  him  expressly  that  I  wished  to 
stop  over  at  a  way  station  one  train  to  do  some  tele- 
graphing, but  without  avail ;  he  would  not  sell  the 
ticket.  As  I  could  not  wait  three  hours,  I  thought  it 
would  be  a  good  time  to  use  my  old  coupon,  as  I  was 
accustomed  to  do  upon  other  roads  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances. Accordingly  I  presented  the  coupon  to 
the  guard  stationed  at  the  entrance  to  the  cars.  He 
rudely  and  imperiously  refused  me  admittance,  stating 
that  the  ticket  was  'good  for  nothing.'  Some  warm 
words  passed  between  us,  and  he  finally  called  the  con- 
ductor, who  stood  near.  The  conductor  was,  if  possible, 
more  imperious  than  the  guard.  He  said  the  ticket 
was  '  good  for  nothing,'  and  peremptorily  ordered  me 
not  to  go  on  board  the  cars.  I  told  him  I  thought  the 


102         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;   OR, 

ticket  was  good,  and  that  I  was  accustomed  to  use 
coupons  in  that  way  upon  all  other  roads  over  which  I 
travelled.  He  replied  that  '  it  was  no  such  thing  ;  he 
travelled  more  than  I  did  and  knew  all  about  it; '  and 
concluded  by  saying  that  if  I  '  attempted  to  get  upon 
the  cars '  he  '  would  put  me  off.'  Severe  remarks  were 
made  by  several  gentlemen  standing  near  to  the  con- 
ductor during  this  time,  to  the  effect  that  this  was  an- 
other manifestation  of  the  general  spirit  of  insolence 
and  meanness  towards  passengers  for  which  that  road 
was  noted.  I  then  purchased  a  ticket  to  Providence 
via  New  Haven  and  Hartford,  and  got  on  board  the 
train.  I  felt  irritated  at  the  treatment  I  had  received, 
and  having  a  constitutional  objection  to  being  brow- 
beaten, I  determined  to  ascertain  why  the  practice  with 
regard  to  tickets  on  this  road  was  so  unlike  that  upon 
other  roads.  Having  had  time  to  recover  my  equan- 
imity somewhat  after  the  cars  had  started,  and  suppos- 
ing the  conductor  might  be  still  angry  and  unreasonable, 
I  determined  to  put  the  case  to  him,  as  one  gentleman 
would  to  another,  and  to  exercise  self-control,  that  my 
manner  should  be  quiet  and  give  him  no  cause  for 
offence.  Accordingly,  as  he  approached  me  in  taking 
up  his  tickets,  I  said,  '  Mr.  Conductor,  there  is  no  use 
for  you  and  me  to  quarrel  about  this  ticket.  This  is  a 
plain  business  matter,  an  affair  of  dollars  and  cents 
only.  The  case  stands  like  this  :  I  am  travelling  nearly 
all  the  time ;  and  being  frequently  compelled  to  diverge 
from  the  route  that  I  intended  to  take  in  starting,  I  am 
left  with  unused  coupons.  These  coupons  all  cost  me 
money ;  and  by  the  end  of  the  year  they  would  accu- 
mulate to  such  an  extent  that  they  would  represent  too 
large  a  sum  for  me  to  lose.' 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      103 

"  The  conductor  replied,  '  That  coupon  is  good  from 
New  Haven  to  New  York,  but  it  is  not  good  from  New 
York  to  New  Haven.  My  directors  ordered  me,  three 
years  ago,  not  to  take  such  tickets,  and  I  shall  not  do 
it.'  I  then  said,  '  My  position  is  this ;  I  have  paid  this 
road  a  certain  amount  of  money  for  a  certain  amount 
of  service,  and  I  think  I  am  entitled  to  that  amount  of 
service,  whether  my  face  is  turned  east  or  west.  You 
say  this  ticket  is  good  from  New  Haven  to  New  York, 
which  is  seventy-four  miles  j  I  think  it  is  good  from 
New  York  to  New  Haven,  which  is  also  seventy-four 
miles ;  and  I  cannot  understand  the  distinction  which 
you  make.'  A  gentleman  who  sat  before  me  remarked 
at  this  moment,  ( If  there  is  any  meanness  which  has 
ever  been  discovered  upon  a  railroad,  it  is  sure  to  be 
found  upon  this  one,  for  it  is  the  meanest  railroad  ever 
laid  out  of  doors.'  I  replied,  '  If  this  is  so,  I  hope  they 
will  make  an  exception  in  my  case,  as  all  I  require  are 
the  common  courtesies  of  the  road  and  an  equivalent 
for  my  money.'  The  conductor  said, '  I  see  you  are  all 
linked  together  to  make  me  trouble.'  And  he  went 
along. 

"  The  gentleman  who  had  spoken  to  me  requested 
to  see  my  coupon,  and  remarked  that  he  had  never 
heard  the  question  raised  before,  and  certainly  had 
never  heard  the  case  put  in  that  way.  He  further  re- 
marked that,  '  Whether  it  was  law  or  not,  it  was  com- 
mon sense.'  A  part  of  the  Board  of  Trade  delegation 
of  Boston  was  in  the  car,  returning  from  the  Philadel- 
phia Convention.  Among  these  were  Mr.  Curtis  Guild, 
Mr.  Eugene  H.  Sampson,  and  a  prominent  railroad  di- 
rector of  Boston,  Mr.  B.  B.  Knight,  a  cotton  manufao 
turer  of  Providence,  and  other  gentlemen  from  both 


104         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

cities.  Several  of  these  gentlemen,  who  had  become 
interested  in  the  discussion,  requested  to  see  the  coupon, 
and  they  took  the  same  view  of  the  matter  that  I  did. 
"  As  we  were  approaching  Stamford,  the  conductor 
again  came  to  me,  and  said  in  a  very  abrupt  manner, 
1  Well,  sir !  how  shall  we  settle  this  matter  ? '  I  said, 
*  Just  as  before ;  there  is  the  ticket,  and  I  wish  to  go  to 
New  Haven ;  the  circumstances  have  not  altered  in  the 
least.'  I  had  determined  to  take  the  matter  quietly; 
the  conductor  saw  that  it  was  useless  to  attempt  to 
frighten  me  by  his  imperious  manner,  and  then  began  to 
remonstrate,  saying, i  You  have  no  business  to  make  me 
disobey  my  directors,  and  lose  my  place  upon  the  road  ; 
I  have  to  get  my  living  in  this  way,  and  it  is  mean  for 
you  to  do  so.'  This  was  a  new  aspect  of  the  case,  and  I 
replied,  '  That  is  the  only  embarrassing  question  which 
has  arisen  in  this  discussion.  I  have  no  quarrel  with 
you,  and  I  would  not  do  you  a  personal  injury  upon 
any  consideration ;  but  you  and  I  both  have  travelled 
long  enough  to  know  that  this  matter  is  wholly  within 
your  discretion.  You  can  take  this  coupon  and  turn  it 
in  at  New  York  where  you  turn  in  your  other  tickets, 
and  no  one  will  know  whether  it  is  taken  going  east  or 
going  west,  and  no  one  will  care.'  My  meaning  was, 
that,  as  no  injury  was  done,  no  injury  could  be  known. 
He  took  the  remark  the  other  way;  and  said,  in  a 
sneering  tone,  evidently  for  the  benefit  of  the  other 
passengers,  *  You  might  just  as  well  ask  me  to  steal  ten 
dollars  from  the  company,  because  they  would  not  know 
it.'  I  replied,  '  Theoretically,  that  may  be  true ;  but, 
practically,  it  is  nonsense  ;  you  very  well  know  that  I 
have  no  intention  to  defraud  this  road ;  but  in  order  to 
relieve  you  of  all  embarrassment  about  your  position,  I 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      105 

will  make  you  a  proposition  :  Here  is  my  address,  and 
these  gentlemen  know  that  I  am  responsible ;  you  take 
the  ticket  and  turn  it  in,  and  if  you  are  even  repri- 
manded for  it  by  your  directors,  write  to  me,  and  I  will 
send  you  the  money  for  the  ticket,  upon  your  promise 
as  a  gentleman  that  you  will  send  the  ticket  to  me 
again ;  for  I  shall  want  the  ticket.' 

"  The  passengers  said, l  That  was  very  fair  and  would 
avoid  all  trouble.'  The  conductor  said, l  It  is  very  fair, 
but  I  sha'n't  do  it,  that's  all;  I  want  another  ticket  out 
of  you,  sir.'  I  said,  '  I  shall  not  give  you  one.'  He 
said,  '  Then  I  shall  request  you  to  get  off  this  train  at 
Stamford.'  I  replied,  '  I  shall  just  as  politely  decline 
to  do  so.'  He  said,  '  Then  I  will  put  you  off.'  I  replied 
in  general  terms,  and  with  some  natural  heat,  that  I  did 
not  believe  he  was  able  to  do  it.  He  said,  '  I  guess  I 
can  put  you  off  if  I  get  help  enough.'  I  told  him  that 
was  undoubtedly  true,  but  warned  him  that  I  would 
pursue  the  matter  further,  if  he  brought  his  roughs  into 
the  car  and  laid  hands  upon  me. 

"  At  this  moment  the  elderly  gentleman  who  sat  in 
front  of  me  rose  and  said,  '  Mr.  Conductor,  I  am  a  "  rail- 
road man"  anci  in  my  judgment  this  gentleman's  position 
is  correct.  If  he  brings  it  to  an  issue,  I  think  he  will 
beat  you ;  but  if  you  think  he  is  not  correct,  but  trying 
to  evade  his  fare,  the  proper  way  is  to  telegraph  to  New 
Haven,  and  have  a  policeman  come  aboard  and  quietly 
arrest  him ;  that  is  business-like ;  but  don't  you  take 
the  law  into  your  own  hands  and  throw  him  off  the 
train,  for  that  is  not  done  nowadays  upon  any  respect- 
able railroad.'  I  said,  '  Certainly,  I  will  submit  to  a 
policeman,  but  I  will  not  be  thrown  off  by  him.'  The 
conductor  sneeringly  replied,  '  We  don't  do  business  in 


106          HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT ;    OR, 

that  style  on  this  road.'  I  said,  '  I  have  been  aware  of 
that  for  ten  years  past ;  and  I  propose  to  see  if  you  can- 
not be  compelled  to  do  business  in  that  style  upon  this 
road.'  He  said  we  were  all  against  him,  and  lie  would 
leave  it  to  the  superintendent. 

"  The  train  had  stopped  in  the  mean  time  at  Stam- 
ford. I  paid  no  further  attention  to  the  conductor,  but 
commenced  reading.  Very  soon  some  one  shouted, 
'  They  are  coming  for  you.'  The  conductor  came  in  at 
the  head  of  five  or  six  rough  brakemen  and  baggage- 
men, and  said,  pointing  to  me,  '  This  is  the  man ;  pull 
him  out,  and  put  him  out  on  the  platform.'  They 
seized  my  coat  and  tried  to  roll  me  out  of  the  seat.  My 
coat  tore,  and  they  did  not  move  me.  This  seemed  to 
enrage  them,  and  they  sprang  upon  me  like  so  many 
tigers.  Two  of  them  seized  me  by  the  legs,  and  as 
many  as  could  got  in  back  of  the  seat  and  seized  me  by 
the  shoulders  and  commenced  violently  wrenching  me 
from  the  seat.  I  instinctively  grasped  the  arms  of  the 
seat,  and  they  took  the  cushion  and  frame  up  with 
me.  When  they  got  me  into  the  aisle,  and  had  me 
completely  at  their  mercy,  three  heavy  blows  with 
the  clinched  fist  were  struck  upon  the  back  of  my 
head.  Every  individual  in  the  car  jumped  to  his  feet 
the  instant  the  blows  were  struck.  The  ladies  screamed, 
and  some  of  the  gentlemen  rushed  to  stop  the  conductor 
and  his  roughs  from  striking  me.  Fearing  for  my  life, 
I  struck  one  of  the  ruffians  under  the  chin,  and  planted 
a  blow  square  in  the  face  of  another.  We  had  a  hard 
struggle  until  they  overpowered  me.  They  carried  me 
horizontally  until  they  reached  the  car  door,  when  they 
dropped  my  feet  a  little  to  pass  through  singly.  I 
struck  another  away  from  me,  and  he  went  over  be- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      107 

tween  the  cars.  They  fiercely  grasped  me  again  and 
threw  me  broadside  from  the  platform  of  the  car  down 
upon  the  platform  of  the  depot.  I  struck  heavily  on 
my  side,  my  whole  length.  In  this  struggle  they  tore 
the  flesh  upon  my  arm  and  legs,  and  they  ruptured  me 
for  life.  The  passengers  swarmed  out  of  the  cars,  and 
gave  me  their  addresses.  The  superintendent  came  up, 
and  I  told  him  I  would  give  him  a  dose  of  common 
law,  and  see  if  I  could  not  teach  him  something.  He 
said  he  would  give  me  all  the  law  I  wanted,  if  I  wished 
to  test  the  case.  I  then  ran  and  jumped  on  the  train 
as  it  was  in  motion.  The  superintendent  and  his  son 
and  another  man  ran  after  and  seized  me  around  the 
body,  stripped  me  off  the  car,  and  held  me  by  main 
strength  until  the  train  was  clear  of  the  depot.  As 
soon  as  they  released  me,  I  drew  my  through  ticket 
from  my  pocket,  and  asked  them  why  they  held  me. 
The  superintendent  started  as  though  I  had  struck  him, 
and  said, '  Why  didn't  you  show  that  ticket  before,  sir  ? ' 
I  said,  '  Because  it  is  not  customary  to  show  tickets  in 
getting  on  at  the  way-stations,  and  you  did  not  give  me 
a  chance.'  He  said, t  If  you  had  been  a  gentleman,  you 
would  have  shown  that  ticket.'  I  replied,  '  I  do  not 
ask  your  opinion  as  to  who  is  a  gentleman,  for  you  are 
no  judge.'  He  said,  '  You  tried  to  steal  your  ride  to 
New  Haven  and  sell  your  ticket;  and  now  we  will 
give  you  all  the  law  you  want ;  and  we'll  show  you  that 
the  laws  in  Connecticut  are  different  from  where  you 
came  from.' 

"  I  took  that  for  granted,  and  returned  to  New  York. 
When  I  reached  Boston  again,  I  attached  the  New 
York  and  Boston  express-train,  partly  owned  by  the 
New  Haven  road,  in  the  Boston  and  Albany  depot, 


108         HISTORY  OF  THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

and  brought  suit  against  them  in  the  Superior  Court  of 
Massachusetts  for  ten  thousand  dollars  damages.  The 
first  trial  of  the  case  occurred  in  April,  1869.  The 
judge  charged  directly  against  passengers  upon  every 
point.  He  ruled  that  the  ticket  was  a  contract.  That 
the  road  had  a  right  to  make  any  rule  it  pleased  for 
its  own  government;  and  if  a  passenger  broke  a  rule, 
he  was  a  trespasser ;  and,  being  a  trespasser,  the  road 
had  the  same  right  to  eject  him  from  its  cars  that  one 
of  the  jurymen  had  to  eject  a  man  from  his  private 
house  if  he  did  not  want  him  there.  The  only  question 
for  the  jury  to  consider  was,  whether  an  excess  of 
violence  had  been  used  by  the  road  in  the  maintenance 
of  a  right.  The  jury,  after  being  out  only  one  hour, 
awarded  me  thirty-three  hundred  dollars  damages.  The 
judge,  at  the  request  of  the  road,  after  several  weeks' 
delay,  set  the  verdict  aside  on  the  exclusive  ground 
that  the  amount  was  excessive. 

"  The  second  trial  occurred  in  the  same  court  in  Jan- 
uary, 1870,  and  resulted  in  a  disagreement  of  the  jury. 
They  stood  eleven  to  one  for  me,  arid  it  was  afterwards 
understood  that  the  man  who  disagreed  had  been  con- 
nected in  some  capacity  with  the  road.  The  third  trial 
took  place  in  May,  1870,  and  resulted  in  an  award  of 
thirty-four  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  damages.  Again 
the  road  demanded  a  new  trial,  which  the  judge  refused 
to  grant.  The  road  then  appealed  to  the  Supreme 
Court  upon  points  of  law.  The  judge  in  charging  the 
jury  had  happened  to  say,  that  if  the  resistance  of  the 
plaintiff  to  ejectment  from  the  car  consisted  in  simply 
refusing  to  walk  out  when  he  was  told  to  go  by  the 
conductor,  of  course  blows  on  the  head,  such  as  had 
been  testified  to,  were  unnecessary ;  and  if  the  jury  were 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      109 

satisfied  that  such  blows  had  been  given,  a  verdict 
should  be  rendered  accordingly.  This  bit  of  common 
sense  gave  a  new  opportunity  for  the  exhibition  of  that 
wonderful  subtlety  called  '  law/  The  Supreme  Court, 
after  the  usual  tedious  delay  of  several  months,  in 
which  plaintiff  and  witnesses  had  abundant  time  to  die, 
gave  the  New  York  and  New  Haven  Railway  Corpora- 
tion another  opportunity  to  fulfil  their  threat  of  making 
it '  terrible  for  the  public  to  fight  it,  right  or  wrong.' 
It  decreed  that  the  judge  had  no  right  to  give  an 
opinion  as  above,  but  should  have  left  the  question  for 
the  jury.  Accordingly  a  new  trial  was  granted,  which 
took  place  in  June,  1871.  Up  to  this  time  three  people 
connected  with  the  suit  had  died,  and  one  witness  for 
the  plaintiff  had  moved  to  Kansas ;  while  young  girls 
who  were  on  the  train  when  the  outrage  was  committed 
had  passed  from  girlhood  through  long  courtships  and 
were  already  matrons.  However,  with  the  impetuosity 
of  a  youthful  temperament  and  the  knowledge  of  a  just 
cause,  I  made  another  onslaught  upon  the  corporation 
after  only  thirteen  months'  delay  since  the  last  trial, 
and  eventually  obtained  a  verdict  of  thirty-five  hun- 
dred dollars  damages,  after  one  hour's  deliberation  by 
the  jury. 

"  For  the  fifth  time  the  road  demanded  another  trial, 
which  being  refused  by  the  judge,  they  again  appealed 
from  his  ruling  to  the  Supreme  Court.  They  asked  the 
judge  to  charge  the  jury,  that  if  the  plaintiff  had  a 
tendency  to  hernia,  or  any  physical  disability  that  was 
liable  to  be  increased  by  violence,  the  plaintiff  ought  to 
have  so  informed  the  employe's  of  the  road  ;  and  failing 
in  that,  he,  and  not  the  road,  was  responsible  for  tha 
consequences.  According  to  the  railroad  theory,  there- 


110  HISTORY  OF   THE  GRANGE   MOVEMENT. 

fore,  if  a  gentleman  is  attacked  by  a  scoundrel,  unless 
the  victim  gives  a  complete  diagnosis  of  his  condition  to 
the  ruffian,  he,  and  not  the  villian  who  struck  him,  is 
responsible  for  consequences  when  his  skull  is  broken. 
To  obtain  the  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts upon  this  important  point  has  taken  twelve 
months  more,  but  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  state,  that 
at  last  one  point  is  established  by  the  Massachusetts 
courts  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  railroad  passengers, 
namely,  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  a  man  to  inform  a 
ruffianly  aggressor  what  h^s.  grandmother  died  of,  nor  to 
describe  his  hereditary  symptoms,  even  though  it  is  the 
employe*  of  a  railroad  corporation  who  comes  to  strike 
him. 

"  The  case  was  of  simple  brutal  assault  in  a  public 
railroad  car.  The  witnesses  for  the  plaintiff  were 
well-known  merchants  of  Boston,  who  were  members  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  railroad  directors,  and  steamboat 
men,  as  well  as  others,  including  ladies.  Their  testi- 
mony was  clear  and  consistent  throughout  every  trial. 
Pitted  against  their  testimony  was  that  of  the  brake- 
men,  the  baggage-men  and  the  conductor,  every  one  of 
whom  was  in  the  employment  of  the  road  and  a  party 
to  the  assault.  Not  a  passenger  who  saw  the  outrage 
committed  in  the  car  was  brought  forward  by  the  road. 
The  testimony  of  the  employe's  was  so  absurd  upon  the 
first  trial,  that  the  court  was  repeatedly  interrupted 
by  laughter.  No  testimony  of  theirs  upon  any  after 
trial  has  been  like  that  of  the  first,  but  was  manufac- 
tured to  suit  the  theory  of  the  railroad.  It  has  been 
privately  admitted  by  the  road  that  'the  facts  were 
with  me,  but  the  law/  meaning,  I  suppose,  the  judge's 
rulings,  '.was  with  them.'  So  simple  a  case  would 


112         HISTORY  OF   THE  GEANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

have  been  disposed  of  at  a  single  hearing  in  a  minor 
court,  had  it  occurred  between  two  poor  men.  But  I 
have  been  compelled  to  pass  through  four  weary  trials, 
lasting  four  years,  gaining  quick  verdicts  from  juries, 
and  being  defeated  only  by  the  first  judge,  who  granted 
a  new  trial  to  this  railroad  corporation,  because  thirty- 
three  hundred  dollars  were  excessive  damages  for  the 
beating  and  rupturing  of  a  man  by  their  servants. 
Being  the  chief  justice,  his  rulings,  of  course,  were 
taken  as  the  law  by.  the  associate  judges  who  presided 
at  the  subsequent  trials,  and  from  whom  I  received 
great  courtesy  and  fairness.  * 

"But  the  contest  is  finished  after  the  exhaustion 
of  every  legal  advice,  and  there  is  something  to  be  said 
about  it  in  the  interest  of  the  public.  I  have  been  re- 
peatedly told  by  parties  interested  in  the  road  that  the 
company  had  too  much  money  to  be  beaten  by  me,  and 
they  would  spend  enough  to  defeat  me.  The  paragraph 
at  the  head  of  this  article  is  quoted  from  a  statement 
made  to  me  by  an  influential  person  connected  with 
the  corporation.  These  threats  were  of  no  consequence 
as  applied  to  me,  for  their  object  was  intimidation. 
They  did  not  succeed.  The  corporation  is  beaten.  I 
have  received  the  money  for  damages  which  they  said 
they  would  never  pay,  and  my  personal  contest  is 
ended.  But  these  threats  were  not  directed  against 
myself  alone,  but  against  the  public.  If  a  limb  is 
crushed  by  the  negligence  of  the  railroad  men,  fight 
instead  of  pay  the  victim,  is  their  theory  of  dealing 
with  the  public ;  and  they  will  remove  all  opposition 
by  the  power  of  wealth,  influence  with  courts,  and 
sheer  terrorism.  'They  may  make  any  rules  they 
please'  for  the  public,  and  may  carry  out  their  arbitrary 


TUB  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       113 

designs  against  the  people,  in  spite  of  decency  or  com- 
mon sense."  * 

During  the  progress  of  the  trials  of  this  case,  one 
of  the  officials  of  the  road,  in  a  conversation  with  Mr. 
Coleman,  arrogantly  announced  the  policy  of  his  cor- 
poration in  such  matters,  and  in  doing  so  revealed  the 
policy  of  the  entire  system  of  which  his  road  forms 
a  part.  "  The  Road"  he  said,  " has  no  personal  ani- 
mosity against  you,  Mr.  Coleman,  but  you  represent  the 
public ;  and  the  Road  is  determined  to  make  it  so  ter- 
rible to  the  public  to  fight  it,  right  or  wrong,  that  they 
will  stop  it.  We  are  not  going  to  be  attacked  in  this 
way" 

Let  it  be  remembered.  This  is  the  policy  of  the 
numerous  roads  that  traverse  our  country.  Each  cor- 
poration represents  a  large  amount  of  wealth  and 
power.  It  claims  the  right  to  do  as  it  pleases,  to  vio- 
late the  rights  of  the  public  whenever  they  come  in 
conflict  with  its  own  selfish  ends,  and  when  the  public 
undertakes  to  assert  its  rights  in  the  courts,  the  road, 
using  its  wealth  and  power  for  this  purpose,  "will 
make  it  so  terrible  for  the  public  to  fight  it,  right  or 
wrong,  that  they  will  stop  it."  In  plain  English,  the 
road  assumes  to  be  the  master  instead  of  the  servant 
of  the  public,  and  it  is  rapidly  making  good  this 
assumption. 

"  Every  year  the  power  of  the  railroad  corporations 
to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  the  public  is  becoming 
greater,  notwithstanding  its  proportions  are  already 
frightful.  The  corporations  are  centralizing  power, 
making  themselves  a  unit  against  the  public.  They 

*  The  reader  will  find  the  whole  of  Mr.  Coleman's  able  and  interest- 
ing article  in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  for  December,  1872. 
8 


114          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

overawe  and  control  the  entire  business  of  the  country. 
This  is  no  mere  figure  of  speech.  Two  men  equal  in 
intelligence  and  means  own  mills  situated  upon  roads 
converging  at  a  certain  point  and  equidistant  from 
that  point.  Their  conditions  may  be  precisely  alike, 
and  both  compete  for  the  same  market.  By  the  ruling 
of  the  judge  (in  the  Coleman  case)  the  'railroad  has 
a  right  to  make  any  rule  it  pleases  for  its  own  govern- 
ment/ and  one  of  the  roads  makes  a  rule  that  its 
freight  tariff  shall  be  double  the  rates  upon  the  other 
road.  The  profit  is  swept  from  the  manufacturer,  and 
the  field  given  to  his  competitor  upon  that  other  road, 
his  business  is  ruined,  his  mill  is  idle,  and  becomes 
worthless ;  he  is  shut  up  by  the  railroad.  The  freights 
may  afford  the  road  an  exorbitant  profit,  but  the  '  road 
has  a  right  to  make  any  rule  it  pleases.'  Does  the 
public  charter  railroad  corporations  as  pecuniary  specu- 
lations against  itself?  Does  the  public  take  away 
private  property  and  give  it  to  a  company  of  private 
individuals  called  a  railway  corporation,  so  that  it  may 
make  any  rule  it  pleases,  and  though  it  can  carry  the 
public  at  a  handsome  profit  at  two  cents  a  mile,  it 
may  charge  three,  five,  or  ten  cents  per  mile,  at  its 
pleasure  ?  Does  the  public  intend  to  furnish  a  set  of 
men  a  weapon  to  cut  its  own  throat?  Does  it  intend 
deliberately  to  tax  itself  through  them  for  a  common 
service,  so  that  a  few  favored  individuals  may  become 
inordinately  arrogant  and  rich  ?  " 

Mr.  Coleman  was  very  fortunate  in  securing  sub- 
stantial justice  at  the  end  of  his  long  fight  with  the 
railroad.  The  company  fought  him  persistently,  re- 
sorting to  every  artifice,  and  it  would  seem  that  it  did 
not  hesitate  to  introduce  manufactured  testimony  for 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       115 

the  purpose  of  defeating  him.  In  the  Atlantic,  for 
May,  1873,  in  describing  some  of  the  incidents  of  the 
trial,  Mr.  Coleman  says  : 

"  The  first  witness  was  as  prompt  as  a  well-drilled 
recruit.  He  described  the  incidents  of  my  ejection: 
the  conductor  called  upon  him  and  some  of  the  other 

*  boys '  to  take  a  man  out  of  the  car ;  they  attempted 
to  carry  out  his  order  quietly,  but  the  man  refused  to 
go;  therefore  they  laid  gentle  hands  on  him,  where- 
upon the  man  kicked  and  struck  and  bit,  and  he  (the 
witness)  had  to  take  hold  of  the  man's  hands  to  re- 
strain his  violence.     He  swore  positively  that  it  took 
six  men  to  move  the  man.     In  answer  to  an  inviting 
question,  he  eagerly  testified  that  he  saw  Mr.  Coleman 
bite  one  of  the  boys  on  the  arm, — right  through  the 
woollen  garment  that  the  man  wore.     The  story  was 
clear,  concise,  and  told  with  an  air  of  confidence  that 
was  quite  impressive.     *  Mr.  Witness/  said  my  lawyer, 
beginning  the  cross-examination,  'you  said  just  now 
that  you   saw  Mr.   Coleman  bite  one   of  the   men?' 

*  Yes,  sir;  on  the  arm.'     '  Which  arm?'     The  witness 
hesitated;   he  was  well  prepared  in  generalities,  but 
not  in  details.     Presently  he  answered,  '  The  left  arm/ 

*  How  many  men  had  hold  of  Mr.  Coleman  at  this 
time?'     *  One  man  was  on  his  left  side  and  another  on 
his  right,  others  had  him  by  his  legs,  and   I  was  in 
front.'      '  These   men  were   abreast  of  Mr.   Coleman, 
taking  him  out  squarely  through  the  car,  were  they?' 

*  Yes,  sir.'     '  Will  you  swear  to  that  positively  ?'     '  Yes, 
sir,'  said  the  witness,  resolutely.     'Careful,  now;  are 
you  sure  of  that?'     'Yes,  sir ;  I  am  sure  of  it.'     'On 
which  side  of  Mr.  Coleman  was  the  man  who  was 
bitten?'      Again  the  witness  hesitated,  and  his  face, 


116          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT ;    OR, 

hitherto  calm,  grew  flushed  and  anxious.  But  he 
answered  at  last,  '  The  left  side,  sir.'  '  Will  you  swear 
positively  to  that  also?'  '  Yes,  sir;  I  swear  positively 
to  it.'  '  Now,  sir,'  resumed  the  lawyer,  ( do  you  not 
know  that  a  man  of  Mr.  Coleman's  breadth  in  that 
narrow  car-aisle  would  completely  fill  it,  so  that  neither 
two  men  nor  one  could  stand  at  his  side,  as  you  swear 
they  did?'  Flustered,  but  not  daunted,  the  witness 
explained,  '  The  men  were  a  little  back  of  Mr.  Cole- 
man;'  and  witness  quitted  the  stand,  leaving  the  court 
to  meditate  on  the  strange  spectacle  of  a  man  curving 
his  giraffe-like  neck,  and  fastening  his  teeth  in  the  left 
arm  of  a  man  who  stood  on  his  left  side,  and  a  '  little 
back  of  him  ! ' 

"  Several  other  honest  witnesses  gave  similar  testi- 
mony as  to  the  biting,  and  as  to  the  violent  behavior  of 
the  plaintiff,  and  the  gentle  but  firm  deportment  of  the 
railroad  men ;  these  latter  struck  no  blows,  but  several 
were  delivered  by  the  plaintiff.  The  harmony  of  the 
witnesses  was  beautiful.  They  seemed  to  have  beheld 
the  scenes  which  they  described  with  a  single  eye :  as 
to  the  biting,  the  arm  bitten,  and  the  position  of  the 
biter,  their  agreement  was  perfect.  At  this  stage  of  the 
proceedings  a  recess  was  taken.  On  the  reassembling 
of  the  court,  other  witnesses  for  the  railroad  were  ex- 
amined ;  but,  strange  to  say,  not  one  of  them  could  give 
any  particular  information  as  to  the  biting;  they  swore 
that  Mr.  Coleman  did  bite,  but  though  they  had  en- 
joyed the  same  opportunities  for  observation  with  their 
predecessors  on  the  stand,  they  'couldn't  exactly  remem- 
ber the  details.'  Such  is  the  effect  of  lunch. 

"The  conductor  told  a  plausible  story,  modelled 
carefully  on  my  own  statement,  but  differing  in  certain 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       117 

points  that  could  be  turned  against  me.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  he  told  me  in  the  cars  that  the  directors 
had  made  a  *  rule '  forbidding  him  to  take  tickets  back- 
ward. On  cross-examination,  my  counsel  asked' him 
where  he  was  accustomed  to  turn  in  his  tickets  to  the 
company.  He  attempted  to  evade  the  question  again 
and  again,  but  finally  answered,  with  painful  reluctance, 
'  in  New  York.'  It  was  further  extorted  from  him  that 
the  tickets  were  turned  in  at  New  York  whether  taken 
in  going  to  or  from  that  city ;  that  it  made  no  difference 
which  way  my  coupon  was  used ;  and,  finally,  that  the 
directors  of  the  road  had  never  given  him  (as  he  as- 
serted to  me)  a  rule  against  taking  coupons  l  backward,' 
but  that  the  superintendent  had  verbally  ordered  him 
not  to  take  them,  about  three  years  before !  This 
superintendent,  who,  with  his  son,  wrenched  me  from 
the  train  at  Stamford  when  I  attempted  to  re-enter  it 
after  my  ejection,  was  obliged  to  swear  that  it  was  the 
exclusive  right  of  the  directors  to  make  'rules,'  and, 
further,  that  they  never  had  made  a  '  rule '  touching 
the  ticket  question;  he  himself  having  verbally  in- 
structed the  conductors  not  to  take  tickets  '  backward,' 
which  he  had  no  shadow  of  authority  to  do.  Thus  it 
seems  that  the  l  rule '  for  the  violation  of  which  I  had 
been  mildly  rebuked  by  the  servants  of  the  railroad — a 
violation  which  was  the  soul  of  the  defence,  its  single 
excuse  and  answer  to  my  allegations — was  not  a  '  rule' 
at  all,  but  a  mere  verbal  order  given  by  an  unauthorized 
person.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  the  declaration,  by  one  of 
the  highest  officers  of  the  road,  that  there  was  no  *  rule,' 
the  judge  charged  the  jury  that  a  'rule'  had  been 
broken,  that  I  was  a  trespasser,  and  that  the  railroad 
company  had  a  right  to  eject  me  from  the  train,  em- 


118          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ploying  the  necessary  force  and  no  more !  Such  a 
charge  concerns  every  person  in  the  community ;  for  it 
seems  that  any  of  us,  for  disobedience  to  a,  non-existent 
rule,  may  be  brutally  dragged  from  a  railway  car,  and, 
seeking  redress,  shall  be  informed  by  the  court  that  the 
railway  company  is  responsible  only  for  '  excess  of  vio- 
lence.' 

"  The  examination  of  the  superintendent  having  been 
concluded,  the  counsel  for  the  railroad  stated  to  the 
court  that  the  victim  of  Mr  Coleman's  carnivorous 
ferocity  had  been  discharged  from  the  road  immediately 
after  his  mifortune  ;  that  diligent  search  had  been  made 
for  him,  but  in  vain.  By  one  of  those  dramatic  felici- 
ties, so  frequent  in  fiction  and  so  rare  in  real  life,  just 
at  this  juncture  a  telegram  was  brought  in  announcing 
that  the  bitten  man  had  been  found,  and  would  arrive 
on  a  train  due  in  ten  minutes.  The  judge  granted  the 
delay  asked  for,  and  the  spectators  brightened  up  in 
anticipation  of  new  and  measurably  tragic  revelations. 
The  delay  was  brief.  In  a  few  minutes  the  door  of  the 
court  room  was  thrust  open,  and  in  rushed  the  witness, 
breathless  with  haste.  A  brisk,  bronzed  person  he  was, 
self-contained  and  self-satisfied,  with  locomotive  gait, 
and  a  habit  of  gesture  suggestive  of  brake-rods.  He 
mounted  the  witness  stand,  was  sworn,  and  delivered 
his  direct  testimony  with  easy  indifference,  coupling  his 
sentences  as  he  would  couple  cars,  with  a  jerk.  This 
is  his  story  in  brief:  '  The  conductor  c'm  out  the  car  'n' 
said,  "  'S  man  in  there  want  ye  t'  take  out."  Went  in 
the  car,  and  he  said,  "  That's  th'  man  :  put  'yn  out ! " 
I  jes'  took  'im  up  and  carried  him  out  through  the  car 
out  on  t'  th'  platform  th'  dep6t,  an'  took  'n'  set  'im.down, 
an'  never  hurt  him  a  mite.'  'Did  Mr.  Coleman  bite 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      119 

you  ? '  inquired  the  counsel  for  the  railroad.  *  Yes,  sir.' 
'  Did  he  bite  you  on  the  arm  ? '  '  Yes,  sir.'  The  law- 
yer asked  him  no  more  questions,  evidently  satisfied 
with  the  effect  of  his  evidence  thus  far,  and  possibly 
remembering  that,  unlike  the  other  witnesses  for  the 
road,  he  had  not  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  lunch.  Re- 
mitted to  my  counsel  for  cross-examination,  the  witness, 
well  pleased  with  his  success,  and  confident  in  his  own 
powers,  met  the  inquisitorial  onset  with  calm  dignity. 

" '  Mr.  Witness,'  said  the  lawyer,  '  you  were  in  the 
car  on  the  day  when  Mr.  Coleman  was  taken  out,  were 
you  ? '  '  Yes,  sir ;  I  took  him  out  myself.'  '  Ah !  you 
assisted  the  men  to  take  him  out,  did  you  ? '  '  No,  sir  ; 
didn't  have  no  men ;  took  him  out  myself.'  '  Oh !  you 
took  him  out  alone,  then  ? '  '  Yes,  sir ;  took  him  out 
alone.'  '  You  swear  to  that  ? '  '  Yes,  sir ;  swear  to  it.' 
4  Nobody  helped  you  ? '  l  No,  sir ;  took  him  out  myself.' 
f  Well,  sir,'  pursued  the  lawyer,  '  you  must  be  a  stout 
fellow  to  handle  a  man  like  that.  Won't  you  please 
describe  just  how  you  took  him  out?'  'Well,  I  jes' 
went  up  to  th'  man,  reached  one  arm  'round  his  neck, 
so  fashion,  had  his  head  right  up  here  on  my  arm,  'n* 
I  jes'  took  'im  right  through  the  car  out  on  t'  the  plat- 
form th'  depot,  an'  set  'im  down  and  never  hurt  'im  a 
mite.' 

"  Every  face  was  intent  upon  the  witness,  and  not  a 
sound  was  heard  save  his  voice,  though  there  were 
premonitory  symptoms  of  laughter.  With  a  suavity 
delightful  to  see,  the  lawyer  said,  while  he  scanned  the 
compact  frame  of  the  witness,  '  Why,  you  must  be  a 
powerful  fellow  ! '  '  Yes,  sir  ;  I'm  big  enough  for  him.' 
*  Well,  now,  will  you  be  kind  enough  to  tell  the  jury, 
did  Mr.  Coleman  strike  anybody  ? '  '  No,  sir ;  I  didn't 


120          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

give  'im  no  chance ;  I  had  'im.'  '  You  swear  to  that 
positively  ? '  '  Yes,  sir.'  A  look  of  dismay  and  disgust 
settled  upon  the  faces  of  the  earlier  witnesses  for  the 
road,  who  had  graphically  and  minutely  described  my 
violent  resistance,  my  kicks  and  blows.  The  spectators 
giggled,  and  even  the  judge  relaxed  the  solemnity  of 
his  visage.  '  Did  anybody  strike  Mr.  Coleman  ? '  con- 
tinued the  lawyer.  'No,  sir;  I  had  'im  and  didn't  give 
'em  no  chance.'  '  You  swear  to  that,  too  ? '  '  Yes,  sir/ 
'  Well,  Mr.  Witness,  when  you  had  Mr.  Coleman's  head 
upon  your  arm,  as  you  described,  I  suppose  you  had  his 
face  turned  a  little  toward  your  breast  ? '  The  witness, 
eagerly  following  this  description  of  the  situation  and 
the  gestures  which  illustrated  it,  his  face  now  flushed 
and  beaded  with  perspiration  (for  the  work  was  harder 
than  he  had  thought  it),  nodded  assent.  '  Mr.  Cole- 
man's  mouth,  then,  would  come  about  there  ? '  inquired 
the  lawyer,  pointing  to  the  inside  of  the  arm,  next  to 
the  body.  'Yes,  sir;  that's  just  the  place  where  he  bit 
me.'  *  You  swear  to  that  positively  ? '  l  Yes,  sir,  posi- 
tively.' All  the  witnesses  for  the  road,  except  the  con- 
ductor, who  did  not  commit  himself  as  to  the  biting, 
swore  emphatically  that  the  bite  was  on  the  outside  of 
the  left  arm,  some  of  them  placing  the  bitten  man  upon 
the  left  of  the  biter;  and  now  comes  a  third  untutored 
witness,  who  claimed  to  be  the  sufferer,  and  who  of 
course  ought  to  know  the  place  of  the  bite,  testifying 
with  equal  positiveness  that  the  bite  was  on  the  inside 
of  his  arm.  Even  the  counsel  for  the  road  could  not 
refuse  to  join  in  the  universal  merriment  which  ensued. 
"  On  subsequent  trials  all  this  testimony  as  to  the 
biting  was  rearranged.  The  victim  of  my  ferocity  was 
obliged  to  share  the  honor  of  taking  me  out  with  five 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       121 

auxiliaries,  and  the  bite  was  transferred  to  his  right 
arm.  Being  a  draughtsman,  I  had  measured  the  car, 
and  was  ready  with  a  drawing  to  show  that  the  new 
theories  of  the  defence  as  to  the  method  of  taking  me 
out  left  just  three  inches  for  the  movement  of  each 
stalwart  brakeman  as  he  walked  at  my  side. 

"  I  suppose  that  I  need  give  no  extended  report  of 
the  argument  of  the  road's  counsel.  He  took  the  high- 
est ground — the  ground  that  the  public  had  no  right  to 
question  the  management  of  the  road ;  that  the  company 
owned  it,  and  had  the  right  to  manage  it  as  any  other 
property  is  managed  by  a  private  corporation ;  that  is, 
he  denied  the  fact  that  the  public  is  virtually  a  partner 
in  railroad  companies,  which  it  creates  and  lifts  into 
power  by  grants  of  franchises  and  land.  Indeed,  this 
distinction  between  public  and  private  corporations  has 
been  carefully  ignored  by  the  judiciary  of  the  country; 
and  to  this  the  present  alarming  domination  of  railroad 
corporations  is  mainly  traceable. 

"I  may  say,  for  the  encouragement  of  those  who 
look  to  the  courts  for  deliverance  from  a  railroad  tyr- 
anny, whose  bonds  the  judiciary  seems  willing  enough 
to  rivet,  that,  in  every  trial,  my  counsel  •  carried  the 
jury  with  him,  one  single  juror  of  the  forty-eight  ex- 
cepted.  This  juror  was  said  to  have  been  formerly  an 
employe*  of  the  New  York  and  New  Haven  Railroad. 
The  action  of  the  several  juries,  so  far  as  the  public  is 
concerned  in  it,  is  satisfactory  and  cheering ;  for  it  indi- 
cates unmistakably  that  the  spring  of  railroad  power  in 
our  courts  is  not  in  the  deliberate  judgment  of  intelli- 
gent men ;  but  the  judges'  charges  were  in  effect  re- 
statements of  the  arguments  of  the  counsel  for  the 
railroad  touching  the  general  question  of  the  rights  and 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

powers  of  railroads.  The  juries  were  instructed  that 
the  public  has  no  voice  in  the  affairs  of  railroads ;  that 
contracts  with  passengers  were  to  be  made  on  condi- 
tions fixed  by  one  party,  the  railroad ;  that  if  a  passen- 
ger violated  its  regulations,  an  assault  upon  him  by  the 
agents  of  the  corporation  was  justifiable,  though  these 
latter  must  be  careful  to  avoid  excess  of  violence.  The 
juries  were  also  instructed  that  if  they  found  that,  in 
this  case,  the  defendants  had  employed  an  excess  of 
violence,  they  must  not  allow  punitive  damages,  but 
only  such  as  would  compensate  the  plaintiff  for  his  in- 
juries. Despite  these  instructions  the  four  juries 
promptly  brought  in  verdicts  in  my  favor,  each  one 
giving  heavier  damages  than  its  immediate  predecessor. 
On  the  second  trial  the  jury  disagreed,  owing  to  one  of 
its  members ;  I  am  informed  that  many  of  his  associates 
desired  to  award  me  $15,000.  The  first  jury  agreed 
upon  a  verdict  of  $10,000 ;  but  one  of  their  number, 
versed  in  the  ways  of  courts,  suggested  that  it  would 
probably  be  set  aside,  and  that  I  would  consequently 
be  subjected  to  great  trouble  and  expense ;  so  they  re- 
duced the  figures  to  $3300,  which  was  increased  to 
$3500  on  the  last  trial." 

All  persons  are  not  so  lucky  as  Mr.  Coleman.  Very 
few  of  those  who  mive  the  courage  to  seek  redress  for 
injuries  sustained,  succeed  in  obtaining  justice.  They 
must  be  possessed  of  either  the  patience  of  Job  or  the 
wealth  of  Croesus  to  maintain  their  cases  against  the 
roads.  Instances  will  occur  to  every  reader  of  these 
pages  of  acts  of  railroad  tyranny.  He  may  himself 
have  been  the  victim  of  some  outrage  of  this  kind. 

A  few  years  previous  to  the  war,  the  writer  chanced 
to  be  travelling  on  the  Washington  Branch  of  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       123 

Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad,  coming  from  the  Capital  to 
Baltimore.  Among  the  passengers  was  a  negro  man, 
who  had  no  ticket.  When  the  conductor  demanded  of 
him  his  ticket,  he  was  unable  to  produce  it,  and  the 
official  at  once  and  very  properly  told  him  he  must 
pay  his  fare.  The  poor  fellow  was  terribly  confused, 
and  began  a  stammering  explanation  of  his  position. 
The  conductor  lost  patience,  and  pulled  the  bell  cord 
to  stop  the  train.  Then,  summoning  a  brakesman  to 
his  aid,  he  seized  the  poor  negro,  who  made  no  resist- 
ance, and  pushed  him  out  upon  the  platform.  There 
the  unfortunate  wretch  was  seized  by  the  two  "offi- 
cials." and,  before  the  train  had  fairly  stopped,  was 
literally  thrown  from  the  platform  to  the  ground 
beyond  the  track.  He  fell  heavily,  and  was  doubtless 
injured,  but  it  was  impossible  to  tell,  for  the  train  shot 
forward  again,  and  the  unfortunate  victim  of  railroad 
brutality  was  left  behind. 

Now,  suppose  this  man  had  been  killed  by  the  fall, 
when  thrown  from  the  train,  does  any  one  suppose  the 
conductor  would  have  suffered  for  his  crime?  The 
whole  power  of  this  very  powerful  road  would  have 
been  exerted  to  shield  him.  The  victim  was  but  a 
negro,  and  in  those  days  a  poor  African  had  no  right — 
not  even  the  right  to  his  life.  In  case  he  had  been 
killed,  his  master  might  have  demanded  his  value  in 
money  from  the  road ;  it  would  have  been  refused,  and 
a  suit  would  have  been  necessary  to  recover  it.  Even 
then  the  chances  would  have  been  in  favor  of  the 
road. 

Some  three  years  ago — perhaps  not  so  long — a  train 
on  the  New  Jersey  Railroad  was  crossing  the  Hack- 
ensack  Meadows,  which  lie  between  Newark  and 


124          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Jersey  City.  It  was  night,  and  a  very  dark  night  at 
that.  One  of  the  passengers  was  found  to  have  lost 
his  ticket.  The  conductor  refused  to  accept  his  ex- 
planation. He  must  pay  his  fare  a  second  time  or 
leave  the  train.  He  refused  to  submit  to  the  outrage. 
He  was  hustled  to  the  platform;  but  no  effort  was 
made  to  stop  the  train,  which  at  this  moment  swept  on 
to  .the  open  bridge  which  crosses  the  Hackensack  river 
on  the  outskirts  of  Jersey  City.  Another  push  from 
the  ruffians  in  charge  of  the  train,  and  the  man  was 
thrown  to  the  floor  of  the  bridge.  The  momentum  of 
the  train  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  secure  a  foot- 
hold upon  the  bridge.  He  rolled  helplessly  over  the 
side  and  into  the  river,  where  he  was  drowned.  There 
was  no  one  to  blame,  in  the  opinion  of  the  officials  of 
the  road,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  prevent  an  in- 
vestigation and  "  keep  the  matter  quiet."  No  one  was 
punished.  The  murdered  man  had  dared  to  refuse  to 
pay  twice  for  his  ride,  and  his  life  was  forfeit  to  the 
company. 

Another  instance  is  that  of  a  man  who  embarked 
upon  a  train  in  a  neighboring  State,  and  was  too  drunk 
either  to  pay  his  fare  or  to  answer  the  questions  of  the 
conductor.  The  train  was  stopped,  and  he  was  thrust 
from  it,  at  a  considerable  distance  from  any  station. 
In  his  helpless  condition  he  staggered  on  to  the  track 
and  fell  upon  it  in  a  drunken  stupor.  An  hour  later,  a 
train,  following  that  from  which  he  had  been  ejected, 
ran  over  him  as  he  lay  on  the  rails,  and  killed  him. 

In  the  State  of  Vermont,  not  long  since,  an  old  lady 
and  her  daughter,  believing  that  railroad  tickets  are 
"  good  until  used,"  took  passage  on  one  of  the  night 
trains  on  a  certain  road,  and,  securing  berths  in  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      125 


INTERIOR   OF  PALACE  CAR. 


sleeping  car,  proceeded  to  make  themselves  comfortable 
for  the  night.  About  midnight  they  were  aroused  by 
the  conductor,  who  had  discovered  that  their  tickets 
were  two  or  three  days  old,  or,  in  other  words,  had 
been  purchased  two  or  three  days  before.  He  pro- 
nounced the  tickets  worthless,  and  demanded  that  they 
.should  pay  their  fares  in  money.  This  they  declined 
to  do.  In  spite  of  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  and  the 
fact  that  a  heavy  rain  was  falling  at  the  time,  the  con- 
ductor compelled  them  to  leave  the  train  at  a  little 
wayside  station,  where  they  could  procure  only  shelter 
from  the  storm  in  the  cold  and  dirty  waiting-room  of 
the  dep6t. 


126  HISTORY   OF   THE  GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

In  the  city  of  New  York,  the  Fourth  avenue,  from 
Forty-second  street  to  the  Harlem  river,  is  used  by  the 
trains  of  the  New  York  Central  &  Hudson  River,  the 
New  York,  Harlem  &  Albany,  and  the  New  York, 
New  Haven  &  Hartford  railroads.  Along  this  thor- 
oughfare, which  is  intersected  by  some  ninety  odd  of 
the  "  cross  streets  "  of  the  city,  about  eighty  trains  pass 
up  and  down  every  day.  Although  in  the  heart 
of  the  city,  a  dangerously  high  rate  of  speed  is 
maintained.  Within  a  single  month,  as  many  as 
three  persons  have  been  cut  down  and  killed  by  the 
railroad  trains,  and  others  have  been  more  or  less 
injured.  No  one  has  been  punished.  The  roads 
using  the  track  hold  their  officials  blameless,  and 
exert  their  power — the  power  of  the  Vanderbilt  Mo- 
nopoly— to  prevent  investigation  and  screen  the  offen- 
ders from  punishment. 

The  truth  is,  that  railroads,  having  learned  to  dis- 
regard individual  rights,  have  come  to  disregard  human 
life.  They  kill  and  maim  with  utter  recklessness,  and 
insolently  deny  the  right  of  the  victims  to  seek  redress 
for  their  injuries. 

Descending  to  minor  points,  we  find  the  roads  intent 
upon  making  money  and  careless  of  the  comfort  of 
their  passengers.  A  traveller  purchasing  a  ticket  is 
promised  by  the  road  a  seat  in  the  car  in  which 
he  is  to  travel.  Frequently  the  train  is  crowded, 
and  there  are  no  seats  left  to  the  late-comers,  who 
must  stand  during  the  entire  journey.  Should  the 
injured  party  in  this  case  complain  to  the  company 
of  a  breach  of  contract  on  their  part,  he  would  simply 
be  laughed  at. 

Very  many  lines  are  now  using  Palace  and  Drawing- 


THE  PARLOR  CAB — EXTRA  CHARGE  FOR  ITS  USE. 


127 


128          HISTORY    OP    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

room  cars,  for  admission  to*  which  passengers  are 
required  to  pay  a  sum  in  excess  of  the  regular  fare. 
These  cars  are  luxurious  and  comfortable,  and  few, 
who  are  able  to  afford  it,  neglect  to  use  them.  There 
is  no  reason  why  they  should  not  be  attached  to  every 
train.  The  roads  using  them,  however,  do  not  leave 
their  occupancy  to  the  discretion  of  the  passenger. 
They  compel  him  to  use  them  by  providing  an  insuffi- 
cient number  of  ordinary  cars,  or  cars  which  are  so 
filthy  and  uncomfortable  that  men  gladly  pay  the  extra 
charge  to  escape  from  them. 

Who  is  there  that  has  travelled  but  could  tell  an 
eloquent  tale  of  loss  in  the  matter  of  baggage  ?  It  is 
safe  to  say,  that  thousands  of  dollars  are  lost  annually 
by  the  travelling  public  in  the  way  of  trunks  and  port- 
manteaus, broken  or  injured  by  the  carelessness  of 
railroad  employe's. 

But  travellers  are  not  the  only  victims  of  the  "  Com- 
pany's" disregard  of  private  rights.  The  vast  army  of 
shippers  of  freight  throughout  the  Union  represent 
another  class  of  sufferers;  and  each  man  of  this  class 
could  tell  his  tale  of  individual  wrong.  We  could 
multiply  instances ;  but  to  do  so,  would  simply  fatigue 
the  reader.  One  characteristic  case  shall  serve  to 
illustrate  this  feature  of  railroad  tyranny.  It  is  told 
in  the  circular  of  a  Boston  firm  addressed  to  its  West- 
ern correspondents,  and  it  shows  in"  a  vigorous  light 
the  utter  helplessness  of  the  individual  in  his  struggle 
with  the  great  corporations : 

"BOSTON,  October  31,  1872. 

"GENTLEMEN:  On  account  of  the  unusual  and  un- 
warranted action  of  the  Boston  &  Albany  Railroad 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       129 

Co.,  in  sending  broadcast  through  the  West  public 
notice  that  no  property  consigned  us  would  be  received 
by  them  at  Albany  for  transportation  to  us,  unless 
freight  and  charges  on  such  were  prepaid,  we  are  forced 
to  take  this  course  to  set  us  right  with  our  friends  and 
shippers  throughout  the  West.  During  the  past  two 
years  we  have  received  considerable  grain  over  the 
Red,  White,  and  Blue  Transit  Lines,  such  coming  to 
this  city  over  the  B.  &  A.  R.  R.,  one  of  the  co-partners 
to  such  lines.  This  grain  has  been  largely  short  in 
weight,  the  losses  in  transit  on  cars  being  many  times 
large  and  often  excessive.  We  have  repeatedly  called 
attention  of  the  R.  R.  Co.  to  such  shortages,  but  they 
have  invariably,  and  usually  in  an  arrogant  arid  arbi- 
trary way  (a  way  peculiar  to  this  corporation,  as  our 
merchants  all  can  testify  to),  refused  to  pay  any  atten- 
tion to  our  demands.  We  have  submitted  to  this 
species  of  robbery  as  long  as  we  feel  inclined  to,  and 
now,  having  been  thus  forced  to  it,  take  the  stand,  that, 
as  common  carriers,  the  railroads  are  liable,  and  should 
be  held  responsible,  for  failure  to  deliver  property  in- 
trusted to  them,  in  like  good  order  and  quantity  as 
received  by  them;  that,  when  we  can  prove  a  certain 
quantity  shipped  in  a  car  at  the  West,  we  are  entitled 
to  a  like  quantity  delivered  us  here,  or  payment  for 
the  shortage.  We  therefore  declined  paying  the  B.  & 
A.  R.  R.  Co.  a  lot  of  their  freight  bills  unless  they 
would  allow  our  shortages,  which  we  were  desirous  of 
having  them  look  into,  to  satisfy  themselves  as  to  the 
justice  of.  They,  however,  most  positively  refused  to 
notice  our  claims  against  them,  but  said  we  must  pay 
their  bills  as  presented,  right  or  wrong,  and,  if  wrong, 
trust  to  their  refunding  them  when  they  see  fit;  and  as 
9 


130          HISTORY    OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

we  have  not  submitted  to  their  arbitrary  demands,  but 
have  decided  to  hold  out,  and  let  our  courts  settle  the 
question,  they  have  taken  the  course — as  it  seems  to 
us  out  of  sheer  malice,  to  injure  us — of  notifying  all 
their  Western  connections  to  refuse  all  property  con- 
signed us  unless  freight  was  prepaid.  This  is  not 
through  fear  that  they  shall  lose  by  us  on  freight  their 
due,  as  they  have  commenced  suit  against  us  for 
amount  of  their  bills,  and  we  have  given  them  a  bond 
to  cover  the  same,  so  they  are  secure  on  that  score;  but 
it  is  done  simply  so  to  annoy  us  as  to  make  us  surren- 
der unconditionally  to  them.  We  propose  to  see,  how- 
ever, if  we  have  any  rights  at  all  in  the  matter,  or 
whether  the  railroad  corporations  are  the  supreme  law 
in  themselves,  and  everything  must  yield  to  them. 
The  B.  &  A.  R.  R.  Co.  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to 
refuse  to  receive  at  Albany  grain  for  which  we  hold 
through  bills  of  lading,  contracting  to  deliver  such  at 
East  Boston;  and  through  their  influence  flour  and 
bran  in  transit  to  us,  and  for  which  we  also  hold 
through  bills  of  lading,  contracting  to  deliver  such  at 
East  Boston,  have  been  stopped  at  Toledo  and  Cleve- 
land. We  are  also  daily  in  receipt  of  advices  from 
our  friends,  that  cars  for  shipments  intended  for  us  are 
being  refused  by  them  at  all  points  throughout  the 
West. 

"  SCUDDER,  BARTLETT  &  Co." 

The  instances  given  are  enough  to  sustain  our 
position — that  the  railroads  recognize  no  such  thing  as 
individual  rights.  Neither  do  they  recognize  nor 
respect  the  rights  of  the  public  as  represented  by  the 
State.  They  are  humble  enough,  plausible  enough 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       131 

until  the  charter  is  granted  and  the  road  built.  Then 
they  do  not  hesitate  to  defy  even  the  power  of  the 
State.  They  have  little  to  fear  from  the  courts ;  and 
they  understand  the  art  of  managing  State  Legisla- 
tures. Nay,  even  the  National  Congress  is  regarded 
as  subject  to  them. 


132          HISTORY   07    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  COURTS. 

Sources  of  Redress  for  the  People  against  Railroad  Tyranny — Failure  of  the 
Courts  to  afford  Protection — Efforts  of  the  Railroads  to  debauch  the  Courts 
of  Justice — The  Free  Pass  System — Judicial  Stockholders — Designs  of  the 
Railroads  upon  the  Law — A  Caso  in  Pgint — How  the  Erie  Road  managed 
the  Courts — A  New  System  of  Railroad  Jurisprudence — Curious  Details — 
How  Boss  Tweed  became  a  Director  of  Erie — Efforts  of  Fisk  &  Co.  to  lock 
up  Money — Daniel  Drew  beaten — The  Government  intervenes — The  War  in 
the  Courts — The  Value  of  an  Injunction — How  the  Law  was  made  to  aid 
Sharp  Practice — Mr.  Jas.  Fisk's  llttlo  Journey — Tho  Country  Judge  vx.  The 
City  Judge — The  Railroad  makes  V/ar  on  the  Press — Arrest  of  Mr.  Samuel 
Bowles — Justice  turned  against  the  People. 

WHEN  the  individual,  or  the  community,  is  aggrieved 
by  the  railroad,  redress  may  be  sought  from  two 
sources — the  legislature  and  the  courts.  These  august 
bodies  are  popularly  supposed  to  be  the  very  centres 
and  fountains  of  justice;  but  are  they? 

People  are  beginning  to  lose  their  faith  in  the  courts 
— in  judges  and  juries.  Recent  developments  have 
shown  that  men  who  should  be  spotless  are  not  fit  to 
sit  in  judgment  upon  a  case  involving  such  issues  as  are 
presented  in  a  matter  between  an  individual  and  a 
great  corporation.  Judges,  attorneys,  and  jurors  are 
often  directly  or  indirectly  interested  in  the  cause  of  the 
corporation,  because  they  are  holders  of  stock  or  bonds 
of  some  similar  enterprise.  Or,  if  the  judge  be  not  a 
stock  or  bond  holder,  he  has  no  doubt  received  at  vari- 
ous times  courtesies  from  the  road,  or  some  road,  in  the 
shape  of  free  passes  and  the  like,  which  incline  him 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       133 

toward  the  side  of  the  corporation.  Railroad  men  are 
keen  judges  of  human  nature.  They  understand  the 
use  and  effect  of  a  free  pass.  They  never  give  the  use 
of  them  and  its  facilities  from  mere  friendship  or 
admiration  for  a  man,  be  he  never  BO  famous.  They 
grant  the  favor  with  the  distinct  expectation  of  some 
day  asking  and  receiving  an  equivalent.  It  has  been 
charged  in  the  public  press  that  a  judge  of  one  of  the 
Western  Supreme  Courts  permits  a  railroad  corporation, 
which  is  a  party  to  several  suits  pending  before  him,  to 
transport,  free  of  charge,  building  material  for  his  new 
house,  thereby  saving  him  from  five  hundred  to  one 
thousand  dollars  in  freight  money.  Railroad  companies 
are  always  glad  to  number  judges  of  the  State  courts, 
and  Members  of  Congress  among  their  stockholders,  and 
it  is  common  to  make  very  great  concessions  to  these 
gentlemen  in  their  purchases.  As  the  late  Mr.  Oakes 
Ames  expressed  it,  they  are  "let  in  on  the  ground  floor." 

Appreciating  the  fact  that  their  interests  and  those 
of  the  public  are  antagonistic,  the  railroads  of  this 
country  have  deliberately  undertaken  to  beat  the  people, 
and  to  cht2at  them  out  of  their  rights.  In  order  to  ac- 
complish this  they  have  set  to  work  to  corrupt  and 
capture  both  the  legislative  and  the  judiciary  powers 
of  the  States. 

The  history  of  the  Erie  Railroad  is  very  instructive 
of  the  daring  of  railroad  corporations,  and  the  lengths 
to  which  they  are  willing  to  go  in  their  outrages  upon 
the  public.  It  is  also  suggestive  as  showing  just  what 
can  be  done  in  the  courts  when  "  properly  managed." 
The  following  account  of  one  of  the  "Erie  fights,"  will 
show  how  easily  the  courts  can  be  manipulated  by  the 
great  corporations. 


134          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT ;    OR, 


WTLLIAM  M.   TWEED,  FORMERLY  A  DIRECTOR  IK  THE  ERIE 
RAILROAD  COMPANY. 

The  Erie  road  had,  at  the  time  of  the  occurrences 
related  below,  settled  its  first  quarrel  with  Mr.  Vander- 
bilt,  and  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  Messrs.  James 
Fisk,  Jr.,  and  Jay  Gould,  Mr.  Drew  having  retired 
from  the  treasurership  of  the  corporation.  The  first 
*tep  of  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk,  upon  obtaining  posses- 
sion of  the  road,  had  been  to  dismiss  the  old  Board  of 
Auditors,  and  to  concentrate  all  the  power  in  their  own 
hands  as  president,  treasurer,  and  controller.  Fortu- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       135 

nately  for  them,  it  being  summer,  the  receipts  of  the 
road  were  very  heavy  at  that  time,  and  the  stock  had 
suddenly  come  into  great  favor  in  the  English  market, 
and  was  selling  rapidly  in  London.  A  new  feature 
was  now  introduced  into  the  road,  and  Peter  B. 
Sweeney  and  William  M.  Tweed  were  admitted  to  the 
Board  of  Directors.  Erie  had  formed  an  alliance  with 
Tammany.  The  infamous  Ring  of  New  York,  then  in 
the  height  of  its  power,  had  bound  itself  to  sustain  the 
road  in  any  of  its  outrages.  The  annual  election  of  the 
Board  of  Directors  was  at  hand,  and  the  only  fear  felt 
by  Messrs.  Fisk,  Gould  &  Co.  was,  that  their  powerful 
rival,  Commodore  Vanderbilt,  who  was  supposed  to 
cherish  still  his  designs  upon  the  road,  might  obtain 
possession  of  a  sufficient  amount  of  stock  to  give  him 
control  of  the  election.  In  order  to  prevent  this,  the 
trane^"  books  of  the  company  were  closed  about  thirty 
days  ahead  of  the  usual  time  previous  to  an  election. 
The  device  was  successful;  the  election  passed  off  quietly, 
with  no  opposition.  Fisk  and  Gould  succeeded  in 
reelecting  themselves  and  their  friends,  and  Tweed  and 
Sweeney  were  included  in  the  board,  and  the  alliance 
with  Tammany  formed  as  above  stated. 

The  month  of  October,  1868,  witnessed  the  formation 
of  this  new  combination.  The  same  month  witnessed 
the  beginning  of  one  of  their  most  determined  efforts 
to  rob  the  community  and  enrich  themselves.  Their 
plan  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  stringency  existing 
in  the  money  market,  in  consequence  of  the  demand 
for  ready  money  from  the  rural  districts  for  the  purpose 
of  moving  the  year's  harvest,  and  by  suddenly  throw- 
ing a  new  issue  of  stock  into  Wall  street,  produce 
such  a  depression  in  the  stock  of  their  road  as  would 


13G  HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

enable  them,  subsequently,  to  buy  up  the  stock  of  the 
road  at  their  own  figures,  and  by  producing  a  greater 
stringency,  compel  the  dealers  to  pay  them  a  usurious 
rate  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money  and  the  carrying 
of  stocks. 

"  Towards  the  end  of  October  it  had  become  perfectly 
notorious  in  Wall  street  that  large  new  issues  of  Erie 
had  been  made,  and  that  these  new  issues  were  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  sharp  stringency  then  exist- 
ing in  the  money  market."  On  the  27th  of  October, 
the  Stock  Exchange  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon 
the  officers  of  the  road  for  the  purpose  of  procuring 
such  information  respecting  these  new  issues  as  they 
might  be  willing  to  afford.  The  committee  waited  upon 
Mr.  Gould,  but  received  only  vague  assurances.  "  Mr. 
Gould  informed  them  that  Erie  convertible  bonds  for 
ten  millions  of  dollars  had  been  issued,  half  of  which 
had  already  been,  and  the  rest  of  which  would  be,  con- 
verted intc  stock ;  that  the  money  had  been  devoted  to 
the  purchase  of  Boston,  Hartford  &  Erie  bonds  for  five 
millions,  and  also — of  course — to  payments  for  steel 
rails."  The  committee  endeavored  to  ascertain  if  any 
further  issue  of  stock  was  contemplated,  but  were  told 
by  Mr.  Gould  that  no  new  issue  was  contemplated  at  that 
time,  except "  in  certain  contingencies  ;  "  which  mysteri- 
ous phrase  the  acute  financier  declined  to  explain.  The 
committee  went  back  to  the  Exchange  with  the  convic- 
tion that  Erie  meant  mischief  and  was  not  to  be  depended 
on.  Meanwhile,  vague  rumors  concerning  the  new  is- 
sue began  to  pervade  the  street,  and  to  alarm  the  brokers. 
"  It  was  not  until  months  afterwards  that  a  sworn  state- 
ment of  the  secretary  of  the  Erie  Railway  revealed  the 
fact  that  the  stock  of  the  corporation  had  been  in- 
creased from  $34.265,300  on  the  1st  of  July,  1868,  the 


JAY  GOULD. 


137 


138          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

date  when  Drew  and  his  associates  had  left  it,  to 
766,300  on  the  24th  of  October  of  the  same  year,  or  by 
two  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  shares  in  four 
months.  This,  too,  had  been  done  without  consultation 
with  the  Board  of  Directors,  and  with  no  other  authority 
than  that  conferred  by  the  ambiguous  resolution  of 
February  19th.  Under  that  resolution  the  stock  of  the 
company  had  now  been  increased  one  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  per  cent,  in  eight  months." 

The  suspicions  of  the  committee  of  the  Stock  Ex- 
change were  soon  verified,  for  the  Erie  managers  at 
once  threw  off  all  reserve,  and  by  forcing  new  issues  of 
stock  upon  the  market,  gradually  forced  the  price  of 
Erie  down  to  35.  The  banks,  taking  the  alarm,  and 
knowing  what  a  terrible  disaster  to  them  a  general 
panic  in  the  stock  market  foreboded,  held  on  to  their 
greenbacks,  until  the  enormous  sum  of  twelve  millions 
of  dollars  was  locked  up  and  withdrawn  from  circula- 
tion. The  effect  upon  the  money  market  was  terrible, 
and  the  business  of  the  whole  country  suffered  in  sym- 
pathy with  it.  Prices  of  all  kinds  declined,  and  trade 
in  every  branch  began  to  drop  off.  The  movement  of 
the  crops  of  the  year  was  brought  to  a  sudden  stop,  it 
was  almost  impossible  to  negotiate  a  loan ;  and  as  much 
as  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  a  day  was  paid  for  carrying 
stocks.  Wall  street  and  its  gamblers  were  lost  sight  of 
in  the  general  distress  of  the  country,  and  it  was  evi- 
dent that  unless  some  relief  was  speedily  found,  the 
reckless  men  who  had  brought  about  the  trouble  would 
drive  the  entire  mercantile  community  into  one  of  the 
most  terrible  convulsions  it  had  ever  experienced. 
When  matters  had  reached  this  alarming  point,  the 
General  Government  intervened  in  the  interests  of  le- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       139 

gitimate  business,  and  the  Erie  managers  were  informed 
that  fifty  millions  of  additional  currency  would  be  issued 
if  necessary  to  relieve  the  community.  This  threat — 
and  only  this — brought  the  conspirators  to  a  halt. 

They  had  calculated  their  movements  well,  however, 
and  they  now  wheeled  about  and  began  to  run  up  the 
stock,  and  instantly  sent  it  from  40  up  to  50. 

"  At  this  point  Mr.  Daniel  Drew  once  more  made  his 
appearance  on  the  stage.  ...  At  first  he  had  combined 
with  his  old  friends,  the  present  directors,  in  their  '  lock- 
ing-up '  conspiracy.  He  had  agreed  to  assist  them  to 
the  extent  of  four  millions.  The  vacillating,  timid 
nature  of  the  man,  however,  could  not  keep  pace  with 
his  more  daring  and  determined  associates,  and  after 
embarking  a  million,  becoming  alarmed  at  the  success 
of  the  joint  operations  and  the  remonstrances  of  those 
who  were  threatened  with  ruin,  he  withdrew  his  funds 
from  the  operators'  control,  and  himself  from  their  coun- 
cils. But  though  he  did  not  care  to  run  the  risk  or  to 
incur  the  odium,  he  had  no  sort  of  objection  to  sharing 
the  spoils.  Knowing,  therefore,  or  supposing  that  he 
knew,  the  plan  of  campaign,  and  that  plan  jumping 
with  his  own  bearish  inclinations,  he  continued,  on  his 
own  account,  operations  looking  for  a  fall.  One  may 
easily  conceive  the  wrath  of  the  Erie  operators  at  such 
a  treacherous  policy ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine 
their  vows  of  vengeance.  Meanwhile  all  went  well 
with  Daniel  Drew.  Erie  looked  worse  and  worse,  and 
the  golden  harvest  seemed  drawing  near.  By  the  mid- 
dle of  November  he  had  contracted  for  the  delivery  of 
some  seventy  thousand  shares  at  current  prices,  averag^ 
ing,  perhaps,  38,  and  probably  was  counting  his  gains. 
He  did  not  appreciate  the  full  power  and  resources  of 


140          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


MR.  DREW  CALLS  ON  MR.  FISK. 


his  old  associates.  On  the  14th  of  November  their  tac- 
tics changed,  and  he  found  himself  involved  in  terrible 
entanglements, — hopelessly  cornered.  His  position  dis- 
closed itself  on  Saturday.  Naturally  the  first  impulse 
was  to  have  recourse  to  the  courts.  An  injunction — a 
dozen  injunctions — could  be  had  for  the  asking,  but,  un- 
fortunately, could  be  had  by  both  parties.  Drew's  own 
recent  experience,  and  his  intimate  acquaintance  with 
the  characters  of  Fisk  and  Gould,  were  not  calculated 
to  inspire  him  with  much  confidence  in  the  efficacy  of 
the  law.  But  nothing  else  remained,  and,  after  hurried 


THE  FARMEB'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       141 

consultations  among  the  victims,  the  lawyers  were  ap- 
plied to,  the  affidavits  were  prepared,  and  it  was  decided 
to  repair  on  the  following  Monday  to  the  so-called  courts 
of  justice. 

"  Nature,  however,  had  not  bestowed  on  Daniel  Drew 
the  steady  nerve  and  sturdy  gambler's  pride  of  either 
Vanderbilt  or  of  his  old  companions  at  Jersey  City.  His 
mind  wavered  and  hesitated  between  different  courses 
of  action.  His  only  care  was  for  himself,  his  only 
thought  was  of  his  own  position.  He  Avas  willing  to  be- 
tray one  party  or  the  other,  as  the  case  might  be.  He 
had  given  his  affidavit  to  those  who  were  to  bring  the 
suit  on  the  Monday,  but  he  stood  perfectly  ready  to 
employ  Sunday  in  betraying  their  counsels  to  the  de- 
fendants in  the  suit.  A  position  more  contemptible,  a 
state  of  mind  more  pitiable,  can  hardly  be  conceived. 
After  passing  the  night  in  this  abject  condition,  on  the 
morning  of  Sunday  he  sought  out  Mr.  Fisk  for  purposes 
of  self-humiliation  and  treachery.*  He  then  partially 
revealed  the  difficulties  of  his  situation,  only  to  have  his 
confidant  prove  to  him  how  entirely  he  was  caught,  by 
completing  to  him  the  revelation.  He  betrayed  the 
secrets  of  his  new  allies,  and  bemoaned  his  own  hard 
fate;  he  was  thereupon  comforted  by  Mr.  Fisk  with 
the  cheery  remark  that  "  he  (Drew)  was  the  last  man 
who  ought  to  whine  over  any  position  in  which  he 
placed  himself  in  regard  to  Erie."  The  poor  man  begged 
to  see  Mr.  Gould,  and  would  take  no  denial.  Finally 
Mr.  Gould  was  brought  in,  and  the  scene  was  repeated 
for  his  edification.  The  two  must  have  been  satiated 

*  It  ought  perhaps  to  be  stated  that  this  portion  of  the  narrative 
has  no  stronger  foundation  than  an  affidavit  of  Mr.  Fisk,  which  has 
not,  however,  been  publicly  contradicted. 


142          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

with  revenge.  At  last  they  sent  him  away,  promising 
to  see  him  again  that  evening.  At  the  hour  named  he 
again  appeared,  and,  after  waiting  their  convenience, — 
for  they  spared  hi  in  no  humiliation, — he  again  appealed 
to  them,  offering  them  great  sums  if  they  would  issue 
new  stock  or  lend  him  of  their  stock.  He  implored, 
he  argued,  he  threatened.  At  the  end  of  two  hours  of 
humiliation,  persuaded  that  it  was  all  in  vain,  that  he 
was  wholly  in  the  power  of  antagonists  without  mercy, 
he  took  his  hat,  said,  '  I  will  bid  you  good  night,'  and 
went  his  way. 

"  With  the  lords  of  Erie  forewarned  was  forearmed. 
They  knew  something  of  the  method  of  procedure  in 
New  York  courts  of  law.  At  this  particular  juncture 
Mr.  Justice  Sutherland,  a  magistrate  of  such  pure  char- 
acter and  unsullied  reputation  that  it  is  inexplicable 
how  he  ever  came  to  be  elevated  to  the  bench  on  which 
he  sits,  was  holding  chambers,  according  to  assignment, 
for  the  four  weeks  between  the  first  Monday  in  Novem- 
ber and  the  first  Monday  in  December.  By  a  rule  of 
the  court,  all  applications  for  orders  during  that  time 
were  to  be  made  before  him,  and  he  only,  according  to 
the  courtesy  of  the  Bench,  took  cognizance  of  such 
proceedings.  Some  general  arrangement  of  this  nature 
is  manifestly  necessary  to  avoid  continual  conflicts  of 
jurisdiction.  The  details  of  the  assault  on  the  Erie 
directors  having  been  settled,  counsel  appeared  before 
Judge  Sutherland  on  Monday  morning,  and  petitioned 
for  an  injunction  restraining  the  Erie  directors  from 
any  new  issue  of  stock  or  the  removal  of  the  funds  of 
the  company  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court,  and 
also  asking  that  the  road  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a 
receiver.  The  suit  was  brought  in  the  name  of  Mr. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       143 

August  Belmont,  who  was  supposed  to  represent  large 
foreign  holders.  The  petition  set  forth  at  length  the 
alleged  facts  in  the  case,  and  was  supported  by  the  affi- 
davits of  Mr.  Drew  and  others.  Mr.  Drew  apparently 
did  not  inform  the  counsel  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
had  passed  his  leisure  hours  on  the  previous  day ;  had 
he  done  so,  Mr.  Belmont's  counsel  probably  would  have 
expedited  their  movements.  The  injunction  was,  how- 
ever, duly  signed,  and,  doubtless,  immediately  served. 

"  Meanwhile  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk  had  not  been 
idle.  Applications  for  injunctions  and  receiverships 
were  a  game  which  two  could  play  at ;  arid  long  expe- 
rience had  taught  these  close  observers  the  very  great 
value  of  the  initiative  in  law.  Accordingly,  some  two 
hours  before  the  Belmont  application  was  made,  they 
had  sought  no  less  a  person  than  Mr.  Justice  Barnard, 
caught  him,  as  it  were,  either  in  his  bed  or  at  his  break- 
fast, whereupon  he  had  held  a  lit  de  justice,  and  made 
divers  astonishing  orders.  A  petition  was  presented  in 
the  name  of  one  Mclntosh,  a  salaried  officer  of  the  Erie 
road,  who  claimed  also  to  be  a  shareholder.  It  set 
forth  the  danger  of  injunctions  and  of  the  appointment 
of  a  receiver,  the  great  injury  likely  to  result  there- 
from, etc.  After  due  consideration  on  the  part  of  Judge 
Barnard,  an  injunction  was  issued,  staying  and  restrain- 
ing all  suits,  and  actually  appointing  Jay  Gould  re- 
ceiver, to  hold  and  disburse  the  funds  of  the  company 
in  accordance  with  the  resolutions  of  the  Board  of 
Directors  and  the  Executive  Committee.  This  certainly 
was  a  very  brilliant  flank  movement,  and  testified  not 
less  emphatically  to  Gould's  genius  than  to  Barnard's 
law ;  but  most  of  all  did  it  testify  to  the  efficacy  of  the 
new  combination  between  Tammany  Hall  and  the  Erie 


144          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Railway.  Since  the  passage  of  the  bill  'to  legalize 
counterfeit  money,'  in  April,  and  the  present  November, 
new  IHit  had  burst  upon  the  judicial  mind;  and  as  the 
news  of  one  injunction  and  a  vague  rumor  of  the  other 
crept  through  Wall  street  that  day,  it  was  no  wonder 
that  operators  stood  aghast  and  that  Erie  fluctuated 
wildly  from  50  to  61  and  back  to  48. 

"  The  Erie  directors,  however,  did  not  rest  satisfied 
with  the  position  which  they  had  won  through  Judge 
Barnard's  order.  That  simply  placed  them,  as  it  were, 
in  a  strong  defensive  attitude.  They  were  not  the  men 
to  stop  there  :  they  aspired  to  nothing  less  than  a  vigor- 
ous offensive.  With  a  superb  audacity,  which  excites 
admiration,  the  new  trustee  immediately  filed  a  supple- 
mentary petition.  Therein  it  was  duly  set  forth  that 
doubts  had  been  raised  as  to  the  legality  of  the  recent 
issue  of  some  two  hundred  thousand  shares  of  stock, 
and  that  only  about  this  amount  was  to  be  had  in 
America;  the  trustee  therefore  petitioned  for  authority 
to  use  the  funds  of  the  corporation  to  purchase  and 
cancel  the  whole  of  this  amount  at  any  price  less  than 
the  par  value,  without  regard  to  the  rate  at  which  it 
had  been  issued.  The  desired  authority  was  conferred 
by  Mr.  Justice  Barnard  as  soon  as  asked.  Human 
assurance  could  go  no  further.  The  petitioners  had 
issued  these  shares  in  the  bear  interest  at  40,  and  had 
run  down  the  value  of  Erie  to  35;  they  had  then 
turned  around,  and  were  now  empowered  to  buy  back 
that  very  stock  in  the  bull  interest,  and  in  the  name 
and  with  the  funds  of  the  corporation,  at  par.  A  law 
of  the  State  distinctly  forbade  corporations  from  oper- 
ating in  their  own  stock ;  but  this  law  was  disregarded 
as  if  it  had  been  only  an  injunction.  An  injunction 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      145 

forbade  the  treasurer  from  making  any  disposition  of 
the  funds  of  the  company,  and  this  injunction  was 
respected  no  more  than  the  law.  These  trustees  had 
sold  the  property  of  their  wards  at  40 ;  they  were  now 
prepared  to  use  the  money  of  their  wards  to  buy  back 
the  same  property  at  80,  and  a  judge  had  been  found 
to  confer  an  them  the  power  to  do  so." 

The  resul":  of  the  fight  in  the  stock  market  was  that 
Drew  was  beaten.  He  made  good  his  contracts  at  57, 
and  lost,  as  was  generally  supposed  at  the  time,  a 
million  and  a  half  of  dollars. 

From  the  Stock  Board  the  battle  was  shifted  to  the 
Courts. 

"On  Monday,  November  23d,  Judge  Sutherland 
vacated  Judge  Barnard's  order  appointing  Jay  Gould 
receiver,  and,  after  seven  hours'  argument  and  some 
exhibitions  of  vulgarity  and  indecency  on  the  part  of 
.  counsel,  which  vied  with  those  of  the  previous  April, 
he  appointed  Mr.  Davies,  an  ex-chief  justice  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals,  receiver  of  the  road  and  its  franchise, 
leaving  the  special  terms  of  the  order  to  be  settled  at  a 
future  day.  The  seven  hours'  struggle  had  not  been 
without  an  object;  that  day  Judge  Barnard  had  been 
peculiarly  active.  The  morning  hours  he  had  beguiled 
by  the  delivery  to  the  grand  jury  of  one  of  the  most 
astounding  charges  ever  recorded;  and  now,  as  the 
shades  of  evening  were  falling,  he  closed  the  labors  of 
the  day  by  issuing  a  stay  of  the  proceedings  then  pend- 
ing before  his  associate.  Tuesday  had  been  named  by 
Judge  Sutherland,  at  the  time  he  appointed  his  receiver, 
as  the  day  upon  which  he  would  settle  the  details  of 
the  order.  His  first  proceeding  upon  that  day,  on  find- 
ing his  action  stayed  by  Judge  Barnard,  was  to  grant  a, 
10 


146          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

motion  to  show  cause,  on  the  next  day,  why  Barnard's 
order  should  not  be  vacated.  This  style  of  warfare, 
however,  savored  too  much  of  the  tame  defensive  to 
meet  successfully  the  bold  strategy  of  Messrs.  Gould  and 
Fisk.  They  carried  the  war  into  Africa.  In  the 
twenty-four  hours  during  which  Judge  Sutherland's 
order  to  show  cause  was  pending,  three  new  actions 
were  commenced  by  them.  In  the  first  place,  they 
sued  the  suers.  Alleging  the  immense  injury  likely  to 
result  to  the  Erie  road  from  actions  commenced,  as 
they  alleged,  solely  with  a  view  of  extorting  money  in 
settlement,  Mr.  Belmont  was  sued  for  a  million  of  dol- 
lars in  damages.  Their  second  suit  was  against  Messrs. 
Work,  Schell,  and  others,  concerned  in  the  litigations 
of  the  previous  spring,  to  recover  the  $429,250  then 
vpaid  them,  as  was  alleged,  in  a  fraudulent  settlement. 
These  actions  were,  however,  commonplace,  and  might 
have  been  brought  by  ordinary  men.  Messrs.  Gould 
and  Fisk  were  always  displaying  the  invention  of 
genius.  The  same  day  they  carried  their  quarrels  into 
the  United  States  courts.  The  whole  press,  both  of 
New  York  and  of  the  country,  disgusted  with  the 
parody  of  justice  enacted  in  the  State  courts,  had  cried 
aloud  to  have  the  whole  matter  transferred  to  the 
United  States  tribunals,  the  decisions  of  which  might 
have  some  weight,  and  where,  at  least,  no  partisans 
upon  the  bench  would  shower  each  other  with  stays, 
injunctions,  vacatings  of  orders,  and  other  such  pellets 
of  the  law.  The  Erie  ring,  as  usual,  took  time  by  the 
forelock.  While  their  slower  antagonists  were  deliber- 
ating, they  acted.  On  this  Monday,  the  23d,  one 
Henry  B.  Whelpley,  who  had  been  a  clerk  of  Gould's, 
and  who  claimed  to  be  a  stockholder  in  the  Erie  and  a 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       147 

citizen  of  New  Jersey,  instituted  a  suit  against  the 
Erie  Railway  before  Judge  Blatchford,  of  the  United 
States  District  Court.  Alleging  the  doubts  which  hung 
over  the  validity  of  the  recently  issued  stock,  he  peti- 
tioned that  a  receiver  might  be  appointed,  and  the 
company  directed  to  transfer  into  his  hands  enough 
property  to  secure  from  loss  the  plaintiff  as  well  as  all 
other  holders  of  the  new  issues.  The  Erie  counsel 
were  on  the  ground,  and,  as  soon  as  the  petition  was 
read,  waived  all  further  notice  as  to  the  matters  con- 
tained in  it;  whereupon  the  court  at  once  appointed 
Jay  Gould  receiver,  and  directed  the  Erie  Company  to 
place  eight  millions  of  dollars  in  his  hands  to  protect 
the  rights  represented  by  the  plaintiff.  Of  course  the 
receiver  was  required  to  give  bonds  with  sufficient 
sureties.  Among  the  sureties  was  James  Fisk,  Jr. 
The  brilliancy  of  this  move  was  only  surpassed  by  its 
success.  It  fell  like  a  bombshell  in  the  enemy's  camp, 
and  scattered  dismay  among  those  who  still  preserved 
a  lingering  faith  in  the  virtue  of  law  as  administered 
by  any  known  courts.  The  interference  of  the  court 
was  in  this  case  asked  for  on  the  ground  of  fraud.  If 
any  fraud  had  been  committed,  the  officers  of  the  com- 
pany alone  could  be  the  delinquents.  To  guard  against 
the  consequences  of  that  fraud,  a  receivership  was 
prayed  for,  and  the  court  appointed  as  receiver  the  very 
officer  in  whom  the  alleged  frauds,  on  which  its  action 
was  based,  must  have  originated.  It  is  true,  as  was 
afterwards  observed  by  Judge  Nelson  in  setting  it 
aside,  that  a  prima  facie  case,  for  the  appointment  of  a 
receiver, '  was  supposed  to  have  been  made  out/  that  no 
objection  to  tHe  person  suggested  was  made,  and  that 
the  right  was  expressly  reserved  to  other  parties  to 


148          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT ;    OR, 

come  into  court,  with  any  allegations  they  saw  fit 
against  Receiver  Gould.  The  collusion  in  the  case 
was,  nevertheless,  so  evident,  the  facts  were  so  notori- 
ous and  so  apparent  from  the  very  papers  before  the 
court,  and  the  character  of  Judge  Blatchford  is  so  far 
above  suspicion,  that  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  this 
order  was  not  procured  from  him  by  surprise,  or  through 
the  agency  of  some,  counsel  in  whom  he  reposed  a  mis- 
placed confidence.  The  Erie  ring,  at  least,  had  no 
occasion  to  be  dissatisfied  with  this  day's  proceedings. 

"  The  next  day  Judge  Sutherland  made  short  work 
of  his  brother  Barnard's  stay  of  proceedings  in  regard 
to  the  Da  vies  receivership.  He  vacated  it  at  once,  and 
incontinently  proceeded,  wholly  ignoring  the  action  of 
Judge  Blatchford  on  the  day  before,  to  settle  the  terms 
of  the  order,  which,  covering  as  it  did  the  whole  of  the 
Erie  property  and  franchise,  excepting  only  the  opera- 
ting of  the  road,  bade  fair  to  lead  to  a  conflict  of  juris- 
diction between  the  State  and  Federal  courts. 

"And  now  a  new  judicial  combatant  appears  in  the 
arena.  It  is  difficult  to  say  why  Judge  Barnard,  at 
this  time,  disappears  from  the  narrative.  Perhaps  the 
notorious  judicial  violence  of  the  man,  which  must  have 
made  his  eagerness  as  dangerous  to  the  cause  he  espoused 
as  the  eagerness  of  a  too  swift  witness,  had  alarmed  the 
Erie  counsel.  Perhaps  the  fact  that  Judge  Sutherland's 
term  in  chambers  would  expire  in  a  few  days  had  made 
them  wish  to  intrust  their  cause  to  the  magistrate  who 
was  to  succeed  him.  At  any  rate,  the  new  order  stay- 
ing proceedings  under  Judge  Sutherland's  order  was 
obtained  from  Judge  Cardozo, — it  is  said,  somewhat 
before  the  terms  of  the  receivership  had  been  finally 
settled.  The  change  spoke  well  for  the  discrimination 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      149 

of  those  who  made  it,  for  Judge  Cardozo  is  a  very  dif- 
ferent man  from  Judge  Barnard.  Courteous  but  inflex- 
ible, subtle,  clear-headed,  and  unscrupulous,  this  magis- 
trate conceals  the  iron  hand  beneath  the  silken  glove. 
Equally  versed  in  the  laws  of  New  York  and  in  the 
mysteries  of  Tammany,  he  had  earned  his  place  by  a 
partisan  decision  on  the  excise  law,  and  was  nominated 
for  the  bench  by  Mr.  Fernando  Wood,  in  a  few  remarks 
concluding  as  follows :  *  Judges  were  often  called  on  to 
decide  on  political  questions,  and  he  was  sorry  to  say 
the  majority  of  them  decided  according  to  their  political 
bias.  It  was  therefore  absolutely  necessary  to  look  to 
their  candidate's  political  principles.  He  would  nomi- 
nate, as  a  fit  man  for  the  office  of  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  Albert  Cardozo.'  Nominated  as  a  partisan,  a 
partisan  Cardozo  has  always  been,  when  the  occasion 
demanded.  Such  was  the  new  and  far  more  formidable 
champion  who  now  Confronted  Sutherland,  in  place  of 
the  vulgar  Barnard.  His  first  order  in  the  matter — to 
show  cause  why  the  order  of  his  brother  judge  should 
not  be  set  aside — was  not  returnable  until  the  30th, 
and  in  the  intervening  five  days  many  events  were  to 
happen. 

"  Immediately  after  the  settlement  by  Judge  Suther- 
land of  the  order  appointing  Judge  Da  vies  receiver, 
that  gentleman  had  proceeded  to  take  possession  of  his 
trust.  Upon  arriving  at  the  Erie  building,  he  found  it 
converted  into  a  fortress,  with  a  sentry  patrolling  be- 
hind the  bolts  and  bars,  to  whom  was  confided  the  duty 
of  scrutinizing  all  comers,  and  of  admitting  none  but 
the  faithful  allies  of  the  garrison.  It  so  happened  that 
Mr.  Davies,  himself  unknown  to  the  custodian,  was 
accompanied  by  Mr.  Eaton,  the  former  attorney  of  the 


150          HISTORY   OF   THE    GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Erie  corporation.  This  gentleman  was  recognized  by 
the  sentry,  and  forthwith  the  gates  flew  open  for  him- 
self and  his  companion.  In  a  few  moments  more  the 
new  receiver  astonished  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk,  and 
certain  legal  gentlemen  with  whom  they  happened  to 
be  in  conference,  by  suddenly  appearing  in  the  midst 
of  them.  The  apparition  was  not  agreeable.  Mr. 
Fisk,  however,  with  a  fair  appearance  of  cordiality, 
welcomed  the  strangers,  and  shortly  after  left  the  room. 
Speedily  returning,  his  manner  underwent  a  change, 
and  he  requested  the  new-comers  to  go  the  way  they 
came.  As  they  did  not  comply  at  once,  he  opened  the 
door,  and  directed  their  attention  to  some  dozen  men 
of  forbidding  aspect  who  stood  outside,  and  who,  he 
intimated,  were  prepared  to  eject  them  forcibly  if  they 
sought  to  prolong  their  unwelcome  stay.  As  an  indi- 
cation of  the  lengths  to  wThich  Mr.  Fisk  was  prepared 
to  go,  this  was  sufficiently  significant.  The  movement, 
however,  was  a  little  too  rapid  for  his  companions ;  the 
lawyers  protested,  Mr.  Gould  apologized,  Mr.  Fisk  cooled 
down,  and  his  familiars  retired.  The  receiver  then 
proceeded  to  give  written  notice  of  his  appointment, 
and  the  fact  that  he  had  taken  possession ;  disregarding, 
in  so  doing,  an  order  of  Judge  Cardozo,  staying  pro- 
ceedings under  Judge  Sutherland's  order,  which  one  of 
the  opposing  counsel  drew  from  his  pocket,  but  which 
Mr.  Davies  not  inaptly  characterized  as  a  l  very  singular 
order,'  seeing  that  it  was  signed  before  the  terms  of  the 
order'it  sought  to  affect  were  finally  settled.  At  length, 
however,  at  the  earnest  request  of  some  of  the  subor- 
dinate officials,  and  satisfied  with  the  formal  possession 
he  had  taken,  the  new  receiver  delayed  further  action 
until  Friday.  He  little  knew  the  resources  of  his  oppo- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      151 

nents,  if  he  vainly  supposed  that  a  formal  possession 
signified  anything.  The  succeeding  Friday  found  the 
directors  again  fortified  within,  and  himself  a  much 
enjoined  wanderer  without.  The  vigilant  guards  were 
now  np  longer  to  be  beguiled.  Within  the  building, 
constant  discussions  and  consultations  were  taking 
place ;  without,  relays  of  detectives  incessantly  watched 
the  premises.  No  rumor  was  too  wild  for  public  cre- 
dence. It  was  confidently  stated  that  the  directors 
were  about  to  fly  the  State  and  the  country — that  the 
treasury  had  already  been  conveyed  to  Canada.  At 
last,  late  on  Sunday  night,  Mr.  Fisk  with  certain  of 
his  associates  left  the  building,  and  made  for  the  Jersey 
Ferry ;  but  on  the  way  he  was  stopped  by  a  vigilant 
lawyer,  and  many  papers  were  served  upon  him.  His 
plans  were  then  changed.  He  returned  to  the  office  of 
the  company,  and  presently  the  detectives  saw  a  car- 
riage leave  the  Erie  portals,  and  heard  a  loud  voice 
order  it  to  be  driven  to  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel.  In- 
stead of  going  there,  hpwever,  it  drove  to  the  ferry,  and 
presently  an  engine,  with  an  empty  directors'  car  at- 
tached, dashed  out  of  the  Erie  station  in  Jersey  City, 
and  disappeared  in  the  darkness.  The  detectives  met 
and  consulted ;  the  carriage  and  the  empty  car  were 
put  together,  and  the  inference,  announced  in  every 
New  York  paper  the  succeeding  day,  was  that  Messrs. 
Fisk  and  Gould  had  absconded  with  millions  of  money 

to  Canada. 

i 

"That  such  a  ridiculous  story  should  have  been 
published,  much  less  believed,  simply  shows  how  utterly 
demoralized  the  public  mind  had  become,  and  how  pre- 
pared for  any  act  of  high-handed  fraud  or  outrage. 
The  libel  did  not  long  remain  uncontradicted.  The 


152          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

next  day  a  card  from  Mr.  Fisk  was  telegraphed  to  the 
newspapers,  denying  the  calumny  in  indignant  terms. 
The  eternal  steel  rails  were  again  made  to  do  duty, 
and  the  midnight  flitting  became  a  harmless  visit  to 
Binghamton  on  business  connected  with  a  rollipg-niill. 
Judge  Balcom,  however,  of  injunction  memory  in  the 
earlier  records  of  the  Erie  suits,  resides  at  Binghamton, 
and  a  leading  New  York  paper  not  inaptly  made  the 
timid  inquiry  of  Mr.  Fisk,  '  If  he  .really  thought  that 
Judge  Balcom  was  running  a  rolling-mill  of  the  Erie 
Company,  what  did  he  think  of  Judge  Barnard  ?'  Mr. 
Fisk,  however,  as  became  him  in  his  character  of  the 
Msecenas  of  the  bar,  instituted  suits  claiming  damages 
in  fabulous  sums,  for  defamation  of  character,  against 
some  half-dozen  of  the  leading  papers,  and  nothing 
further  was  heard  of  the  matter,  nor,  indeed,  of  the 
suits  either.  Not  so  of  the  trip  to  Binghamton.  On 
Tuesday,  the  1st  of  December,  while  one  set  of  law- 
yer's were  arguing  an  appeal  in  the  Whelpley  case 
before  Judge  Nelson  in  the  Federal  courts,  and  another 
set  were  procuring  orders  from  Judge  Cardozo  staying 
proceedings  authorized  by  Judge  Sutherland,  a  third 
set  were  aiding  Judge  Balcom  in  certain  new  proceed- 
ings instituted  in  the  name  of  the  Attorney-General 
against  the  Erie  road.  The  result  arrived  at  was,  of 
course,  that  Judge  Balcom  declared  his  to  be  the  only 
shop  where  a  regular,  reliable  article  in  the  way  of  law 
was  retailed,  and  then  proceeded  forthwith  to  restrain 
and  shut  up  the  opposition  establishments.  The  action 
was  brought  to  terminate  the  existence  of  the  defend- 
ant as  a  corporation,  and,  by  way  of  preliminary, 
application  was  made  for  an  injunction  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  receiver.  His  Honor  held  that,  as  only 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      153 

three  receivers  had.  as  yet  been  appointed,  he  was  cer- 
tainly entitled  to  appoint  another.  It  was  perfectly 
clear  to  him  that  it  was  his  duty  to  enjoin  the  defend- 
ant corporation  from  delivering  the  possession  of  its 
road,  or  of  any  of  its  assets,  to  either  of  the  receivers 
already  appointed ;  it  was  equally  clear  that  the  cor- 
poration would  be  obliged  to  deliver  them  to  any  re- 
ceiver he  might  appoint.  He  was  not  prepared  to 
name  a  receiver  just  then,  however,  though  he  inti- 
mated that  he  should  not  hesitate  to  do  so  if  necessary. 
So  he  contented  himself  with  the  appointment  of  a 
referee  to  look  into  matters,  and,  generally,  enjoined 
the  directors  from  omitting  to  operate  the  road  them- 
selves, or  from  delivering  the  possession  of  it  to  '  any 
person  claiming  to  be  a  receiver.' 

"  This  raiding  upon  the  agricultural  judges  was  not 
peculiar  to  the  Erie  party.  On  the  contrary,  in  this 
proceeding  it  rather  followed  than  set  an  example ;  for 
a  day  or  two  previous  to  Mr.  Fisk's  hurried  journey, 
Judge  Peckham,  of  Albany,  had,  upon  papers  identical 
with  those  in  the  Belmont  suit,  issued  divers  orders, 
similar  to  those  of  Judge  Balcom,  but  on  the  other 
side,  tying  up  the  Erie  directors  in  a  most  astonishing 
manner,  and  clearly  hinting  at  the  expediency  of  an 
additional  receiver  to  be  appointed  at  Albany.  The 
amazing  part  of  these  Peckham  and  Balcom  proceed- 
ings is,  that  they  seem  to  have  been  initiated  with 
perfect  gravity,  and  neither  to  have  been  looked  upon 
as  jests,  nor  intended  by  their  originators  to  bring  the 
courts  and  the  laws  of  New  York  into  ridicule  and 
contempt.  Of  course  the  several  orders  in  these  cases 
were  of  no  more  importance  than  sa  -much  waste 
paper,  unless,  indeed,  some  very  cautious  counsel  may 


154          HISTORY   OF  THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

have  considered  an  extra  injunctign  or  two  very  con- 
venient things  to  have  in  his  house ;  and  yet,  curiously 
enough,  from  a  legal  point  of  view,  those  in  Judge 
Balcom's  court  seem  to  have  been  almost  the  only 
properly  and  regularly  initiated  proceedings  in  the 
whole  case. 

"  These  little  rural  episodes  in  no  way  interfered 
with  a  renewal  of  vigorous  hostilities  in  New  York. 
While  Judge  Balcom  was  appointing  his  referee,  Judge 
Cardozo  granted  an  order  for  a  reargument  in  the  Bel- 
mont  suit, — which  brought  up  again  the  appointment 
of  Judge  Davies  as  receiver, — and  assigned  the  hearing 
for  the  Gth  of  December.  This  step  on  his  part  bore 
a  curious  resemblance  to  certain  of  his  performances 
in  the  notorious  case  of  the  Wood  leases,  and  made  the 
plan  of  operations  perfectly  clear.  The  period  during 
wjrich  Judge  Sutherland  was  to  sit  in  chambers  was 
to  expire  on  the  4th  of  December,  and  Cardozo  himself 
was  to  succeed  him;  he  now,  therefore,  proposed  to 
signalize  his  associate's  departure  from  chambers  by 
reviewing  his  orders.  No  sooner  had  he  granted  the 
motion,  than  the  opposing  counsel  applied  to  Judge 
Sutherland,  who  forthwith  issued  an  order  to  show 
cause  why  the  reargument  ordered  by  Judge  Cardozo 
should  not  take  place  at  once.  Upon  which  the  coun- 
sel of  the  Erie  road  instantly  ran  over  to  Judge  Car- 
dozo, who  vacated  Judge  Sutherland's  order  out  of 
hand.  The  lawyers  then  left  him  and  ran  back  to 
Judge  Sutherland  with  a  motion  to  vacate  this  last 
order.  The  contest  was  now  becoming  altogether  too 
ludicrous.  Somebody  must  yield,  and  when  it  was  re- 
duced to  that,  the  honest  Sutherland  was  pretty  sure 
to  give  way  to  the  subtle  Cardozo.  Accordingly  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      155 

hearing  on  this  last  motion  was  postponed  until  next 
morning,  when  Judge  Sutherland  made  a  not  undigni- 
fied statement  as  to  his  position,  and  closed  by  remit- 
ting the  whole  subject  to  the  succeeding  Monday,  at 
which  time  Judge  Cardozo  was  to  succeed  him  in 
chambers.  Cardozo,  therefore,  was  now  in  undisputed 
possession  of  the  field.  In  his  closing  explanation 
Judge  Sutherland  did  not  quote,  as  he  might  have 
done,  the  following  excellent  passage  from  the  opinion 
of  the  court,  of  which  both  he  and  Cardozo  were  jus- 
tices, delivered  in  the  Schell  case  as  recently  as  the 
last  day  of  the  previous  June  :  '  The  idea  that  a  cause, 
by  such  manoeuvres  as  have  been  resorted  to  here,  can 
be  withdrawn  from  one  judge  of  this  court  and  taken 
possession  of  by  another;  that  thus  one  judge  of  the 
same  and  no  other  powers  can  practically  prevent  his 
associate  from  exercising  his  judicial  functions;  that 
thus  a  case  may  be  taken  from  judge  to  judge  when- 
ever one  of  the  parties  fears  that  an  unfavorable  de- 
cision is  about  to  be  rendered  by  the  judge  who,  up  to 
that  time,  had  sat  in  the  cause,  and  that  thus  a  de- 
cision of  a  suit  may  be  constantly  indefinitely  post- 
poned at  the  will  of  one  of  the  litigants,  only  deserves 
to  be  noticed  as  being  a  curiosity  in  legal  tactics, — a 
remarkable  exhibition  of  inventive  genius  and  fertility 
of  expedient  to  embarrass  a  suit  which  this  extraor- 
dinarily conducted  litigation  has  developed 

Such  a  practice  as  that  disclosed  by  this  litigation, 
sanctioning  the  attempt  to  counteract  the  orders  of 
each  other  in  the  progress  of  the  suit,  I  confess  is  new 
ind  shocking  to  me,  ....  and  I  trust  that  we  have 
seen  the  last  in  this  high  tribunal  of  such  practices  as 
this  case  has  exhibited.  No  apprehension,  real  or 


156          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

fancied,  that  any  judge  is  about,  either  wilfully  or 
innocently,  to  do  a  wrong,  can  palliate,  much  less 
justify  it.'*  Neither  did  Judge  Sutherland  state,  as 
he  might  have  stated,  that  this  admirable  expression  of 
the  sentiments  of  the  full  bench  was  written  and  de- 
livered by  Judge  Albert  Cardozo.  Probably  also  Judge 
Cardozo  and  all  his  brother  judges,  rural  and  urban,  as 
they  used  these  bow-strings  of  the  law,  right  and  left, 
— as  their  reckless  orders  and  injunctions  struck  deep 
into  business  circles  far  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
State, — as  they  degraded  themselves  in  degrading  their 
order,  and  made  the  ermine  of  supreme  justice  scarcely 
more  imposing  than  the  motley  of  the  clown, — these 
magistrates  may  have  thought  that  they  had  developed 
at  least  a  novel,  if  not  a  respectable,  mode  of  con- 
ducting litigation.  They  had  not  done  even  this. 
They  had  simply,  so  far  as  in  them  lay,  turned  back 
the  wheels  of  progress  and  reduced  the  America  of  the 
nineteenth  century  to  the  level  of  the  France  of  the 
sixteenth.  l  The  advocates  and  judges  of  our  times 
find  bias  enough  in  all  causes  to  accommodate  them  to 

what   they  themselves   think   fit What  one 

court  has  determined  one  way  another  determines 
quite  contrary,  and  itself  contrary  to  that  at  another 
time ;  of  which  we  see  very  frequent  examples,  owing 
to  that  practice  admitted  among  us,  and  which  is  a 
marvellous  blemish  to  the  ceremonious  authority  and 
lustre  of  our  justice,  of  not  abiding  by  one  sentence, 
but  running  from  judge  to  judge,  and  court  to  court, 
to  decide  one  and  the  same  cause.'  -\ 

"  It  was  now  very  clear  that  Receiver  Davies  might 

*  Schell  v.  Erie  Railway  Co.,  51  Barbour's  S.  C.  373,  374. 
t  Montaigne's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  316. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      157 
j 

abandon  all  hope  of  operating  the  Erie  Railway,  and 
that  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk  were  borne  upon  the 
swelling  tide  of  victory.  The  prosperous  aspect  of  their 
affairs  encouraged  these  last-named  gentlemen  to  yet 
more  vigorous  offensive  operations.  The  next  attack 
was  upon  Vanderbilt  in  person.  On  Saturday,  the  5th 
of  December,  only  two  days  after  Judge  Sutherland  and 
Receiver  Davies  were  disposed  of,  the  indefatigable 
Fisk  waited  on  Commodore  Vanderbilt,  and,  in  the 
name  of  the  Erie  Company,  tendered  him  fifty  thou- 
sand shares  of  Erie  common  stock  at  70.*  As  the 
stock  was  then  selling  in  Wall  street  at  40,  the  Com- 
modore naturally  declined  to  avail  himself  of  this 
liberal  offer.  He  even  went  further,  and,  disregarding 

*  Throughout  these  proceedings  glimpses  are  from  time  to  time 
obtained  of  the  more  prominent  characters  in  their  undress,  as  it 
were,  which  have  in  them  a  good  many  elements  both  of  nature  and 
humor.  The  following  description  of  the  visit  in  which  this  tender 
was  made  was  subsequently  given  by  Fisk  on  the  witness  stand :  "  I 
went  to  his  ( Vanderbilt 's)  house  4sit  was  a  bad,  stormy  day,  and  I  had 
the  shares  in  a  carpet-bag ;  I  told  the  Commodore  I  had  come  to  tender 
50,000  shares  of  Erie,  and  wanted  back  the  money  which  we  had  paid 
for  them  and  the  bonds,  and  I  made  a  separate  demand  for  the 
$1,000,000  which  had  been  paid  to  cover  his  losses ;  he  said  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Erie  now,  and  must  consult  his  counsel ;  .  . 
.  .  Mr.  Shearman  was  with  me ;  the  date  I  don't  know ;  it  was  about 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  don't  know  the  day,  don't  know  the 
month,  don't  know  the  year;  I  rode  up  with  Shearman,  holding  the 
carpet-bag  tight  between  my  legs ;  I  told  him  he  was  a  small  man  and 
not  much  protection ;  this  was  dangerous  property,  you  see,  and  might 
blow  up ;  .  .  .  .  besides  Mr.  Shearman  the  driver  went  in  with 
the  witnesses,  and  besides  the  Commodore  I  spoke  with  the  servant 
girl ;  the  Commodore  was  sitting  on  the  bed  with  one  shoe  off  and  one 
shoe  on ;  ....  don't  remember  what  more  was  said  ;  I  remem- 
ber the  Commodore  put  on  his  other  shoe ;  I  remember  those  shoes  on 
account  of  the  buckles ;  you  see  there  were  four  buckles  on  that  shoe, 
and  I  know  it  passed  through  my  mind  that  if  such  men  wore  that 
kind  of  shoe  I  must  get  me  a  pair ;  this  passed  through  my  mind,  but 
I  did  not  speak  of  it  to  the  Commodore ;  I  was  very  civil  to  him." 


158          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

his  usual  wise  policy  of  silence,  wrote  to  the  New  York 
Times  a  short  communication,  in  which  he  referred  to 
the  alleged  terms  of  settlement  of  the  previous  July,  so 
for  as  they  concerned  himself,  and  denied  them  in  the 
following  explicit  language :  '  I  have  had  no  dealings 
with  the  Erie  Railway  Company,  nor  have  I  ever  sold 
that  company  any  stock  or  received  from  them  any 
bonus.  As  to  the  suits  instituted  by  Mr.  Schell  and 
others,  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  them,  nor  was  I  in 
any  way  concerned  in  their  settlement.'  This  was 
certainly  an  announcement  calculated  to  confuse  the 
public;  but  the  confusion  became  confounded,  when, 
upon  the  10th,  Mr.  Fisk  followed  him  in  a  card,  in 
which  he  reiterated  the  alleged  terms  of  settlement,  and 
reproduced  two  checks  of  the  Erie  Company,  of  July 
11,  1868,  made  payable  to  the  Treasurer  and  by  him 
endorsed  to  C.  Vanderbilt,  upon  whose  order  they  had 
been  paid.  These  two  checks  were  for  the  sum  of  a 
million  of  dollars.  He  further  said  that  the  company 
had  a  paper  in  Mr.  Vanderbilt's  own  handwriting, 
stating  that  he  had  placed  fifty  thousand  shares  of  Erie 
stock  in  the  hands  of  certain  persons,  to  be  delivered  on 
payment  of  $3,500,000,  which  sum  he  declared  had 
been  paid.  Undoubtedly  these  apparent  discrepancies 
of  statement  admitted  of  an  explanation ;  and  some  thin 
veil  of  equivocation,  such  as  the  transaction  of  the  busi- 
ness through  third  parties,  justified  Vanderbilt's  state- 
ments to  his  own  conscience.  Comment,  however,  is 
wholly  superfluous,  except  to  call  attention  to  the 
amount  of  weight  which  is  to  be  given  to  the  statements 
and  denials,  apparently  the  most  general  and  explicit, 
which  from  time  to  time  were  made  by  the  parties  to 
these  proceedings.  This  short  controversy  merely 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      159 

added  a  little  more  discredit  to  what  was  already  not 
deficient  in  that  respect.  On  the  10th  of  December  the 
Erie  Company  sued  Commodore  Yanderbilt  for  $3,500,- 
000,  specially  alleging  in  their  complaint  the  particulars 
of  that  settlement,  all  knowledge  of  or  connection  with 
which  the  defendant  had  so  emphatically  denied. 

"  None  of  the  multifarious  suits  which  had  been 
brought  as  yet  were  aimed  at  Mr.  Drew.  The  quon- 
dam Treasurer  had  apparently  wholly  disappeared  from 
the  scene  on  the  19th  of  November.  Mr.  Fisk  took 
advantage,  however,  of  a  leisure  day,  to  remedy  this 
oversight,  and  a  suit  was  commenced  against  Drew,  on 
the  ground  of  certain  transactions  between  him,  as 
Treasurer,  and  the  railway  company,  in  relation  to 
some  steamboats  concerned  in  the  trade  of  Lake  Erie. 
The  usual  allegations  of  fraud,  breach  of  trust,  and  other 
trifling,  and,  technically,  not  State  prison  offences,  were 
made,  and  damages  were  set  at  a  million  of  dollars. 

"  Upon  the  8th  the  argument  in  Belmont's  case  had 
been  reopened  before  Judge  Cardozo  in  New  York,  and 
upon  the  same  day,  in  Oneida  county,  Judge  Boardman, 
another  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  had  proceeded 
to  contribute  his  share  to  the  existing  complications. 
Counsel  in  behalf  of  Receiver  Davies  had  appeared  be- 
fore him,  and,  upon  their  application,  the  Cardozo  in- 
junction, which  restrained  the  receiver  from  taking 
possession  of  the  Erie  Railway,  had  been  dissolved. 
Why  this  application  was  made,  or  why  it  was  granted, 
surpasses  comprehension.  However,  the  next  day, 
Judge  Boardman's  order  having  been  read  in  court 
before  Judge  Cardozo,  that  magistrate  suddenly  revived 
to  a  full  appreciation  of  the  views  expressed  by  him  in 
June  in  regard  to  judicial  interference  with  judicial 


160          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

action,  and  at  once  stigmatized  Judge  Boardman's 
action  as  '  extremely  indecorous.'  Neglecting,  however, 
the  happy  opportunity  to  express  an  opinion  as  to  his 
own  conduct  during  the  previous  week,  he  simply 
stayed  all  proceedings  under  this  new  order,  and  applied 
himself  to  the  task  of  hearing  the  case  before  him  re- 
argued. 

"This  hearing  lasted  many  days,  was  insufferably 
long  and  inexpressibly  dull.  While  it  was  going  on, 
upon  the  15th,  Judge  Nelson,  in  the  United  States 
Court,  delivered  his  opinion  in  the  Whelpley  suit,  re- 
versing, on  certain  technical  grounds,  the  action  of 
Judge  Blatchford,  and  declaring  that  no  case  for  the 
appointment  of  a  receiver  had  been  made  out ;  accord- 
ingly he  set  aside  that  of  Gould,  and,  in  conclusion, 
<serit  the  matter  back  to  the  State  court,  or,  in  other 
words,  to  Judge  Cardozo,  for  decision.  Thus  the  gen- 
tlemen of  the  ring,  having  been  most  fortunate  in  get- 
ting their  case  into  the  Federal  court  before  Judge 
Blatchford,  were  now  even  more  fortunate  in  getting  it 
out  of  that  court  when  it  had  come  before  Judge  Nel- 
son. After  this,  room  for  doubt  no  longer  existed. 
Brilliant  success  at  every  point  had  crowned  the  stra- 
tegy of  the  Erie  directors.  For  once  Vanderbilt  was 
effectually  routed  and  driven  from  the  field.  That  he 
shrunk  from  continuing  the  contest  against  such  oppo- 
nents is  much  to  his  credit.  It  showed  that  he,  at 
least,  was  not  prepared  to  see  how  near  he  could  come 
to  the  doors  of  a  State  prison  and  yet  not  enter  them ; 
that  he  did  not  care  to  take  in  advance  the  opinion  of 
leading  counsel  as  to  whether  what  he  meant  to  do 
might  place  him  in  the  felons'  dock.  Thus  Erie  was 
wholly  given  over  to  the  control  of  the  ring.  No  one 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      161 

seemed  any  longer  to  dispute  their  right  and  power  to 
issue  as  much  new  stock  as  might  seem  to  them  expe- 
dient. Injunctions  had  failed  to  check  them;  receivers 
had  no  terrors  for  them.  Secure  in  their  power,  they 
now  extended  their  operations  over  sea  and  land,  leas- 
ing railroads,  buying  steamboats,  ferries,  theatres  and 
rolling-mills,  building  connecting  links  of  road,  laying 
down  additional  rails,  and,  generally,  proving  themselves 
a  power  wherever  corporations  were  to  be  influenced  or 
legislatures  were  to  be  bought. 

"  Christmas,  the  period  of  peace  and  good-will,  was 
now  approaching.  The  dreary  arguments  before  Judge 
Cardozo  had  terminated  on  December  18,  long  after  the 
press  and  the  public  had  ceased  to  pay  any  attention  to 
them,  and  already  rumors  of  a  settlement  were  rife. 
Yet  it  was  not  meet  that  the  settlement  should  be 
effected  without  some  final  striking  catastrophe,  some 
characteristic  concluding  tableau.  Among  the  many 
actions  which  had  incidentally  sprung  from  these  pro- 
ceedings was  one  against  Mr.  Samuel  Bowles,  the 
editor  of  the  Springfield  Republican,  brought  by  Mr. 
Fisk  in  consequence  of  an  article  which  had  appeared 
in  that  paper,  reflecting  most  severely  on  Fisk's  pro- 
ceedings and  private  character — his  past,  his  present, 
and  his  probable  future.  On  the  22d  of  December,  Mr. 
Bowles  happened  to  be  in  New  York,  and,  as  he  was 
standing  in  the  office  of  his  hotel,  talking  with  a  friend, 
was  suddenly  arrested  on  the  warrant  of  Judge  McCunn, 
hurried  into  a  carriage^  and  driven  to  Ludlow  Street 
Jail,  where  he  was  locked  up  for  the  night.  This 
excellent  jest  afforded  intense  amusement,  and  was  the 
cause  of  much  wit  that  evening  at  an  entertainment 
given  by  the  Tammany  ring  to  the  newly-elected  Mayor 
11 


162          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

of  New  York,  at  which  entertainment  Mr.  James  Fisk, 
Jr.,  was  an  honored  guest.  The  next  morning  the 
whole  press  was  in  a  state  of  high  indignation,  and  Mr. 
Bowles  had  suddenly  become  the  best-advertised  editor 
in  the  country.  At  an  early  hour  he  was,  of  course, 
released  on  bail,  and  with  this  outrage  the  second  Erie 
contest  was  brought  to  a  close.  It  seemed  right  and 
proper  that  proceedings  which,  throughout,  had  set 
public  opinion  at  defiance,  and  in  which  the  Stock 
Exchange,  the  courts,  and  the  Legislature  had  come  in 
for  equal  measures  of  opprobrium  for  their  disregard 
of  private  rights,  should  be  terminated  by  an  exhibition 
of  petty  spite,  in  which  bench  and  bar,  judge,  sheriff 
and  jailer,  lent  themselves  with  base  subserviency  to  a 
violation  of  the  liberty  of  the  citizen. 

"It  was  not  until  the  10th  of  February  that  Judge 
Cardozo  published  his  decision  setting  aside  the  Suther- 
land receivership,  and  establishing  on  a  basis  of  author- 
ity the  right  to  over-issue  stock  at  pleasure.  The 
subject  was  then  as  obsolete  and  forgotten  as  though  it 
had  never  absorbed  the  public  attention.  And  another 
1  settlement'  had  already  been  effected.  The  details 
of  this  arrangement  have  not  been  dragged  to  light 
through  the  exposures  of  subsequent  litigation.  But  it 
is  not  difficult  to  see  where  and  how  a  combination  of 
overpowering  influence  may  have  been  effected,  and  a 
guess  might  even  be  hazarded  as  to  its  objects  and  its 
victims.  The  fact  that  a  settlement  had  been  arrived 
at  was  intimated  in  the  papers  of  the  26th  of  December. 
On  the  19th  of  the  same  month  a  stock  dividend  of 
eighty  per  cent,  in  the  New  York  Central  had  been 
suddenly  declared  by  Vanderbilt.  Presently  the  Legis- 
lature met.  While  the  Erie  ring  seemed  to  have  good 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      163 

reasons  for  apprehending  hostile  legislation,  Vanderbilt, 
on  his  part,  might  have  feared  for  the  success  of  a  bill 
which  was  to  legalize  his  new  stock.  But  hardly  a 
voice  was  raised  against  the  Erie  men,  and  the  bill  of 
the  Central  was  safely  carried  through.  This  curious 
absence  of  opposition  did  not  stop  here,  and  soon  the 
two  parties  were  seen  united  in  an  active  alliance. 
Vanderbilt  wanted  to  consolidate  his  roads ;  the  Erie 
directors  wanted  to  avoid  the  formality  of  annual  elec- 
tions. Thereupon  two  other  bills  went  hastily  through 
this  honest  and  patriotic  Legislature,  the  one  authoriz- 
ing the  Erie  Board — which  had  been  elected  for  one 
year — to  classify  itself  so  that  one-fifth  only  of  its  mem- 
bers should  vacate  office  during  each  succeeding  year, 
the  other  consolidating  the  Vanderbilt  roads  into  one 
colossal  monopoly.  Public  interests  and  private  rights 
seem  equally  to  have  been  the  victims.  It  is  impossi- 
ble to  say  that  the  beautiful  unity  of  interests  which 
led  to  such  results  was  the  fulfilment  of  the  December 
settlement ;  but  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  same  paper 
which  announced  in  one  column  that  Vanderbilt's  two 
measures,  known  as  the  consolidation  and  Central  scrip 
bills,  had  gone  to  the  Governor  for  signature,  should,  in 
another,  have  reported  the  discontinuance  of  the  Bel- 
mont  and  "Whelpley  suits  by  the  consent  of  all  inter- 
ested.* It  may  be  that  public  and  private  interests 
were  not  thus  balanced  and  traded  away  in  a  servile 
Legislature,  but  the  strong  probabilities  are  that  the 
settlement  of  December  made  white  even  that  of  July. 
Meanwhile  the  conquerors — the  men  whose  names  had 
been  made  notorious  through  the  whole  land  in  all  these 

*  See  the  New  York  Tribune  of  May  10, 1869. 


164          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

infamous  proceedings — were  at  last  undisputed  masters 
of  the  situation,  and  no  man  questioned  the  firmness 
of  their  grasp  on  the  Erie  Railway.  They  walked 
erect  and  proud  of  their  infamy  through  the  streets  of 
our  great  cities ;  they  voluntarily  subjected  themselves 
to  that  to  which  other  depredators  are  compelled  to 
submit,  and,  by  exposing  their  portraits  in  public  con- 
veyances, converted  noble  steamers  into  branch  galleries 
of  a  police  office ;  nay,  more,  they  bedizened  their  per- 
sons with  gold  lace,  and  assumed  honored  titles,  until 
those  who  witnessed  in  silent  contempt  their  strange 
antics  were  disposed  to  exclaim,  in  the  language  of  poor 
Doll  Tearsheet :  '  An  Admiral !  God's  light,  these  vil- 
lains will  make  the  word  as  odious  as  the  word  "  oc- 
cupy," which  was  an  excellent  good  word  before  it  was 
ill  sorted ;  therefore,  Admirals  had  need  look  to 't '" * 

Such  was  the  success  of  a  desperate  and  reckless 

rporation  in  managing  the  courts  of  a  great  State. 
So  thoroughly  had  they  performed  their  work  that  they 
were  popularly  declared  to  "run  the  courts."  Justice 
was  turned  against  the  people  and  used  as  an  instru- 
ment of  oppression. 

There  are  other  corporations  just  as  reckless  and 
other  courts  as  complaisant.  What  has  been  done  in 
New  York  has  been  repeated  on  a  smaller  scale  else- 
where. 

The  railroads,  in  their  determined  effort  to  fasten 
their  yoke  upon  the  people,  are  seeking  to  poison  the 
very  fountain  of  justice  and  equity.  Let  the  people 
look  to  it  that  they  do  not  succeed. 

*  For  the  complete  account  of  these  extraordinary  transactions  the 
reader  is  referred  to  "  A  Chapter  on  Erie,"  published  by  J.  E.  Osgood 
&  Co.,  of  Boston.  The  book  will  repay  a  careful  perusal. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      165 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

RAILROAD    LEGISLATION. 

Success  of  the  Railroads  in  managing  Legislatures — Efforts  to  corrupt  Con- 
gress— The  Railroad  Lobby  at  Washington — How  the  State  Legislatures  are 
managed — A  Case  in  Point — The  Camden  &  Amboy  Monopoly  and  the 
New  Jersey  Legislature — Erie  Legislation — Exploits  of  the  Erie  Ring  at 
Albany — The  Story  of  a  Check  Book — A  Disappointed  Legislature. 

WE  have  shown  the  efforts  of  the  Railroads  to  cor- 
rupt the  courts  of  justice.  We  propose  now  to  glance 
at  some  of  their  exploits  in  the  legislative  bodies  of  the 
country. 

Railroad  companies  are  constantly  asking  new  favors 
of  and  fresh  privileges  from  the  representatives  of  the 
people.  They  do  not  content  themselves  with  resting 
their  claims  upon  their  merits.  They  "  work  them 
through"  these  bodies  by  unfair  means.  They  keep  a 
corps  of  regularly  employed  secret  agents  at  each  State 
capital,  and  at  Washington,  whose  express  duty  is  to 
corrupt  the  representatives  of  the  people  and  influence 
their  votes  by  unlawful  means. 

The  late  developments  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  investi- 
gation are  familiar  to  all.  They  show  the  persistent 
and  systematic  manner  in  which  the  Pacific  Railway 
endeavored  to  corrupt  the  highest  legislative  body  in 
the  land.  The  President  of  that  corporation  testified 
under  oath  before  a  Congressional  committee  at  the 
same  session,  that  he  had  contributed  $10,000  toward 
securing  the  election  of  a  United  States  Senator  from 


166          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Iowa.  Mr.  Burbridge  testified  that  he  had  contributed 
$5000  toward  the  election  of  a  Senator  from  Nebraska. 
Members  of  Congress  are  the  constant  recipients  of 
courtesies  from  the  various  railroads.  Free  passes  are 
given  them,  special  and  luxuriously  appointed  cars  are 
placed  at  their  disposal,  and  the  result  is  a  demoraliza- 
tion on  the  part  of  our  national  legislators  that  is  con- 
stantly developing  itself  in  scandalous  affairs  which 
bring  the  blush  of  shame  to  the  cheek  of  every  true 
lover  of  his  country. 

It  is  known  that  shrewd  men  and  women  are  annu- 
ally sent  to  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  engineering 
some  corporation  scheme  through  Congress.  It  is 
known  that  these  persons  are  entrusted  by  their  princi- 
pals with  large  sums  of  money,  and  the  whole  country 
is  satisfied  that  these  sums  constitute  a  gigantic  corrup- 
tion fund,  to  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  debauching  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States. 

As  for  the  State  Legislatures,  the  people  have  long 
since  come  to  regard  them  as  hopelessly  corrupt.  It  is 
common  to  denounce  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of 
New  York  as  the  chief  of  sinners  in  this  respect,  but 
the  sad  truth  is  that  the  Legislature  of  New  York  is  but 
a  representative  body  in  this  respect.  Your  experi- 
enced railroad  manager  knows  that  there  is  not  a  legis- 
lative body  in  the  country  in  which  his  compatriots 
have  not  attempted  bribery  with  more  or  less  success. 
He  can  tell  you  the  exact  market  value  of  each  legis- 
lature in  the  Union,  and  when  he  enters  upon  the  con- 
quest of  one  of  these  bodies,  he  can  estimate  very  near 
the  exact  sum  it  will  be  necessary  to  expend  upon  it. 
If  we  choose  our  illustrations  from  the  New  York 
Legislature,  it  is  merely  for  convenience. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      167 

In  the  winter  of  1872-73,  the  Third  Avenue  Street 
Railroad  Company  of  New  York  sought  of  the  legisla- 
ture a  charter  for  the  construction  of  an  elevated  road 
along  the  line  of  that  thoroughfare.  The  road  was  and 
is  badly  needed  by  the  Metropolis,  and  the  company, 
with  the  economy  for  which  it  is  noted,  "  refused  to 
pay  a  cent  for  the  passage  of  their  bill."  The  scheme 
had  received  the  endorsement  of  the  public,  the  entire 
metropolitan  press  demanded  its  adoption,  but  the 
legislature  rejected  the  bill.  The  Third  Avenue  Com- 
pany had  refused  to  buy  the  votes  of  members,  and  it 
must  be  punished  for  its  insolence.  The  indignant 
members  rejected  the  bill.  They  had  been  so  care- 
fully trained  by  the  railway  corporations  seeking  their 
aid,  to  regard  their  votes  as  merchantable  property, 
that  they  turned  upon  the  first  corporation  refusing  to 
buy,  and  crushed  it. 

It  is  popularly  believed  that  the  Legislature  of  New 
Jersey  was  for  many  years  in  the  pay  of  the  famous 
Camden  &  Amboy  monopoly  and  its  successor,  the 
Pennsylvania  Company.  It  was  not  until  the  outraged 
and  indignant  people  of  the  State  rose  against  these 
monopolies,  and  threatened  to  put  an  end  to  the  official 
existence  of  the  legislators,  that  the  General  Assembly 
of  New  Jersey  saw  fit  to  take  steps  for  the  discontinu- 
ance of  the  wrongs  from  which  the  State  had  suffered 
for  more  than  a  generation. 

The  conflicts  of  the  Erie  Railroad  under  the  manage- 
ment of  Messrs.  Gould  and  Fisk,  afforded  many  instan- 
ces of  the  art  of  manipulating  a  legislature,  and  it  is 
popularly  believed  that  many  a  dollar  of  Erie  funds 
found  its  way  into  the  pockets  of  the  honorable  gentle- 
men who  assemble  at  Albany  to  make  laws  for  the 


168          HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Empire  State.  During  the  session  of  1868,  it  was 
believed  that  Erie  spent  its  money  lavishly  at  Albany. 
It  was  feared  that  Commodore  Vanderbilt  would  suc- 
ceed in  his  attempt  to  secure  the  Erie  road,  and  that 
the  New  York  Legislature  would  so  influence  the 
investigation  of  the  affairs  of  Erie,  which  had  been 
begun  by  the  Senate,  as  to  oust  the  parties  into  whose 
hands  the  road  had  fallen,  and  pave  the  way  to  his 
long  desired  victory.  Vanderbilt's  power  at  Albany 
was  well  known,  and  the  Erie  managers  found  it  neces- 
sary to  defeat  him  at  all  hazards.  The  friends  of  Erie 
introduced  into  the  legislature  sundry  measures  for 
the  promotion  of  their  interests,  among  others  a  bill 
virtually  prohibiting  the  consolidation  of  the  Erie  and 
the  Central  in  the  hands  of  Vanderbilt.  This  bill  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Railroads  on  the  13th  of 
March.  On  the  20th  a  public  hearing  was  begun.  On 
the  27th  the  report  of  the  committee,  adverse  to  the  bill, 
was  adopted  in  the  Assembly  by  a  vote  of  83  to  32.  It 
was  generally  understood  that  this  vote  was  a  broad 
hint  that  the  Assembly  would  do  nothing  for  Erie  with- 
out being  paid  for  it. 

The  Erie  Directors  were  at  this  time  sojourning  in 
Jersey  City,  whither  they  had  fled  to  escape  arrest  for 
contempt  of  court,  Judge  Barnard  having  issued  war- 
rants for  their  apprehension.  They  desired  to  return  to 
New  York,  but  before  doing  so  it  was  advisable  that  a 
recent  issue  of  convertible  bonds,  which  had  been  the 
source  of  their  trouble  with  the  courts,  should  be  legak 
ized ;  and  this  could  be  done  only  by  the  Legislature  of 
New  York.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Gould,  though  liable  to 
arrest  upon  Judge  Barnard's  process,  was  sent  to  Albany 
to  procure  the  passage  of  the  desired  law.  Mr.  Gould 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       169 

reached  Albany  on  the  30th  of  January.  The  next 
day  he  was  arrested  for  contempt  of  court,  upon  Judge 
Barnard's  process.  Bail  was  fixed  at  half  a  million  of 
dollars,  and  it  was  immediately  given,  he  being  ordered 
to  appear  at  New  York  on  the  following  Saturday.  He 
spent  the  interval  in  attending  to  the  business  on  which 
he  had  come,  and  the  next  Saturday  presented  himself 
before  Judge  Barnard  in  New  York,  and  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  sheriff  to  answer  certain  interrogatories. 
Judge  Barrett,  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  was  re- 
sorted to,  and  he  granted  a  habeas  corpus,  by  virtue  of 
which  Mr.  Gould  was  once  more  brought  into  court. 
The  hearing  of  the  case  was  postponed.  Judge  Barrett 
then  consigned  Mr.  Gould  to  the  care  of  an  officer,  with 
the  positive  injunction  not  to  lose  sight  of  him  for  a 
moment.  Mr.  Gould's  presence  was  necessary  at 
Albany,  and  he  at  once  returned  there,  accompanied 
by  the  officer.  Upon  reaching  Albany  he  pleaded  ill- 
ness, and  declared  himself  unable  to  go  back  to  New 
York,  although  it  is  certain  that  he  was  well  enough  to 
go  to  the  capitol  in  a  heavy  snow  storm.  The  upshot 
of  the  matter  was  that,  Gould  declaring  that  he  was 
too  ill  to  travel,  the  officer  returned  to  New  York  and 
reported  to  Judge  Barrett  that  his  prisoner  had  run 
away.  The  judge  was  very  indignant,  but  the  matter 
was  hushed  up,  and  Mr.  Gould,  though  at  Albany, 
was  theoretically  returned  to  the  custody  of  the  sheriff, 
but  was  allowed  to  remain  at  Albany  until  the  restora- 
tion of  his  health,  bail  being  given  for  his  appearance. 
He  employed  his  singular  period  of  illness  in  prosecuting 
his  work  with  the  legislature. 

"  The  full  and  true  history  of  this  legislative  cam- 
paign will  never  be  known.     If  the  official  reports  of 


170          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

investigating  committees  are  to  be  believed,  Mr.  Gould 
at  about  this  time  underwent  a  curious  psychological 
metamorphosis,  and  suddenly  became  the  veriest 
simpleton  in  money  matters  that  ever  fell  into  the 
hands  of  happy  sharpers.  Cunning  lobby  members  had 
but  to  pretend  to  an  influence  over  legislative  minds, 
which  every  one  knew  they  did  not  possess,  to  draw 
unlimited  amounts  from  this  verdant  habitue  of  Wall 
street.  It  seemed  strange  that  he  could  have  lived  so 
long  and  learned  so  little.  He  dealt  in  large  sums. 
He  gave  to  one  man,  in  whom  he  said  he  '  did  not  take 
much  stock,'  the  sum  of  $5000,  'just  to  smooth  him 
over.'  This  man  had  just  before  received  $5000  of 
Erie  money  from  another  agent  of  the  company.  It 
would  therefore  be  interesting  to  know  what  sums  Mr. 
Gould  paid  to  those  individuals  in  whom  he  did  *  take 
much  stock.'  Another  individual  is  reported  to  have 
received  $100,000  from  one  side  l  to  influence  legisla- 
tion,' and  to  have  subsequently  received  $70,000  from 
the  other  side  to  disappear  with  the  money ;  which  he 
accordingly  did,  and  thereafter  became  a  gentleman  of 
elegant  leisure.  One  Senator  was  openly  charged  in  the 
columns  of  the  press  with  receiving  a  bribe  of  $20,000 
from  one  side,  and  a  second  bribe  of  $15,000  from  the 
other;  but  Mr.  Gould's  foggy  mental  condition  only 
enabled  him  to  be  *  perfectly  astounded  '  at  the  action 
of  this  Senator,  though s  he  knew  nothing  of  any  such 
transactions.  Other  Senators  were  blessed  with  a  sudden 
accession  of  wealth,  but  in  no  case  was  there  any  jot  or 
tittle  of  proof  of  bribery.  Mr.  Gould's  rooms  at  the 
Develin  House  overflowed  with  a  joyous  company,  and 
his  checks  were  numerous  and  heavy ;  but  why  he 
signed  them,  or  what  became  of  them,  he  seemed  to 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      171 

know  less  than  any  man  in  Albany.  This  strange  and 
expensive  hallucination  lasted  until  about  the  middle  of 
April,  when  Mr.  Gould  was  happily  restored  to  his  nor- 
mal condition  of  a  shrewd,  acute,  energetic  man  of  busi- 
ness ;  nor  is  it  known  that  he  has  since  experienced  any 
relapse  into  financial  idiocy. 

"  About  the  period  of  Mr.  Gould's  arrival  in  Albany 
the  tide  turned,  and  soon  began  to  flow  strongly  in  fa- 
vor of  Erie  and  against  Vanderbilt.  How  much  of  this 
was  due  to  the  skilful  manipulations  of  Gould,  and  how 
much  to  the  rising  popular  feeling  against  the  practical 
consolidation  of  competing  lines,  cannot  be  decided. 
The  popular  protests  did  indeed  pour  in  by  scores,  but 
then  again  the  Erie  secret-service  money  poured  out 
like  water.  Yet  Mr.  Gould's  task  was  sufficiently  diffi- 
cult. After  the  adverse  report  of  the  Senate  committee, 
and  the  decisive  defeat  of  the  bill  introduced  into  the 
Assembly,  any  favorable  legislation  seemed  almost 
hopeless.  Both  Houses  were  committed.  Vanderbilt 
had  but  to  prevent  action, — to  keep  things  where  they 
were,  and  the  return  of  his  opponents  to  New  York  was 
impracticable,  unless  with  his  consent ;  he  appeared,  in 
fact,  to  be  absolute  master  of  the  situation.  It  seemed 
almost  impossible  to  introduce  a  bill  in  the  face  of  his 
great  influence,  and  to  navigate  it  through  the  many 
stages  of  legislative  action  and  executive  approval,  with- 
out somewhere  giving  him  an  opportunity  to  defeat  it. 
This  was  the  task  Gould  had  before  him,  and  he  accom- 
plished it.  On  the  13th  of  April  a  bill,  which  met  the 
approval  of  the  Erie  party,  and  which  Judge  Barnard 
subsequently  compared  not  inaptly  to  a  bill  legalizing 
counterfeit  money,  was  taken  up  in  the  Senate ;  for 
some  days  it  was  warmly  debated,  and  on  the  18th  was 


172          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

passed  by  the  decisive  vote  of  seventeen  to  twelve. 
Senator  Mattoon  had  not  listened  to  the  debate  in  vain. 
Perhaps  his  reason  was  convinced,  or  perhaps  he  had 
sold  out  new  ' points'  and  was  again  cheating  himself 
or  somebody  else ;  at  any  rate,  that  thrifty  Senator  was 
found  voting  with  the  majority.  The  bill  practically 
legalized  the  recent  issues  of  bonds,  but  made  it  a  felony 
to  use  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  these  bonds  except  for 
completing,  furthering,  and  operating  the  road.  The 
guaranty  of  the  bonds  of  connecting  roads  was  author- 
ized, all  contracts  for  consolidation  or  division  of  receipts 
between  the  Erie  and  the  Vanderbilt  roads  were  forbid- 
den, and  a  clumsy  provision  was  enacted  that  no  stock- 
holder, director,  or  officer  in  one  of  the  Vanderbilt  roads 
should  be  an  officer  or  director  in  the  Erie,  and  vice 
versa.  The  bill  was,  in  fact,  an  amended  copy  of  the 
one  voted  down  so  decisively  in  the  Assembly  a  few 
days  before,  and  it  was  in  this  body  that  the  tug  of  war 
was  expected  to  come. 

"  The  lobby  was  now  full  of  animation ;  fabulous 
stories  were  told  of  the  amounts  which  the  contending 
parties  were  willing  to  expend ;  never  before  had  the 
market  quotations  of  votes  and  influence  stood  so  high. 
The  wealth  of  Vanderbilt  seemed  pitted  against  the  Erie 
treasury,  and  the  vultures  flocked  to  Albany  from  every 
part  of  the  State.  Suddenly,  at  the  very  last  moment, 
and  even  while  special  trains  were  bringing  up  fresh 
contestants  to  take  part  in  the  fray,  a  rumor  ran  through 
Albany  as  of  some  great  public  disaster,  spreading  panic 
and  terror  through  hotel  and  corridor.  The  observer 
was  reminded  of  the  dark  days  of  the  war,  when  tidings 
came  of  some  great  defeat,  as  that  on  the  Chickahominy 
or  at  Fredericksburg.  In  a  moment  the  lobby  was 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      173 

smitten  with  despair,  and  the  cheeks  of  the  legislators 
were  blanched,  for  it  was  reported  that  Vanderbilt  had 
withdrawn  his  opposition  to  the  bill.  The  report  was 
true.  Either  the  Commodore  had  counted  the  cost  and 
judged  it  excessive,  or  he  despaired  of  the  result.  At 
any  rate,  he  had  yielded  in  advance.  In  a  few  moments 
the  long  struggle  was  over,  and  that  bill  which,  in  an 
unamended  form,  had  but  a  few  days  before  been  thrown 
out  of  the  Assembly  by  a  vote  of  eighty-three  to  thirty- 
two,  now  passed  it  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  one  to 
six,  and  was  sent  to  the  Governor  for  his  signature. 
Then  the  wrath  of  the  disappointed  members  turned  on 
Vanderbilt.  Decency  was  forgotten  in  a  frenzied  sense 
of  disappointed  avarice.  That  same  night  the  pro  rata 
freight  bill,  and  a  bill  compelling  the  sale  of  through 
tickets  by  competing  lines,  were  hurriedly  passed,  sim- 
ply because  they  were  thought  hurtful  to  Vanderbilt ; 
and  the  docket  was  ransacked  in  search  of  other  mea- 
sures, calculated  to  injure  or  annoy  him.  An  adjourn- 
ment, however,  brought  reflection,  and  subsequently,  on 
this  subject,  the  legislature  stultified  itself  no  more." 


174          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    IX. 

RAILROAD    STOCK  GAMBLING. 

Who  own  the  Railroads  ? — The  Old-fashioned  Method  of  building  a  Road— 
The  Present  Style — A  Contrast — The  Honest  Policy  not  suited  to  the  Present 
Ideas  of  Railroad  Men — The  Art  of  building  Railroads  with  other  People's 
Money  brought  to  Perfection — The  Era  of  Mortgages — The  Land  Grab  Sys- 
tem— Demoralization  in  Railroad  Finances — The  Gamblers  in  Power — The 
Real  Owners  of  the  Railroads  robbed  by  the  Directors — A  Rotten  System 
and  its  Consequences — The  Banks  Involved — The  Railroads  demoralizing 
the  whole  Country — The  New  York  Herald's  Picture  of  the  United  States 
Senate — Food  for  Patriotic  Reflection — Railroad  Senators. 

THE  question  is  often  asked,  "  Who  are  the  real  own- 
ers of  a  railroad  ?"  At  the  outset  of  our  railroad  enter- 
prises an  answer  would  not  have  been  difficult.  Now, 
however,  so  entirely  has  the  whole  system  been  changed 
that  no  one  can  tell  who  is  the  actual  owner  of  any  road 
in  the  country. 

In  former  times,  men  proposing  to  build  a  railroad 
began  their  enterprise  by  subscribing  certain  sums  of 
money  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  and  equipping 
the  road.  With  the  funds  thus  subscribed  the  road  was 
actually  begun,  and  certificates  of  indebtedness  were  is- 
sued and  delivered  to  the  subscribers.  These  certifi- 
cates were  called  "  stock,"  and  represented  the  capital 
invested  in  the  undertaking.  The  holders  of  the  stock 
were  really  the  owners  of  the  road,  and  very  properly 
elected  its  officers  and  managed  its  affairs,  as  it  was 
their  own  property  they  were  dealing  with.  If  their 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       175 

subscriptions  were  insufficient  to  complete  the  under- 
taking, they  mortgaged  the  road  and  issued  bonds  repre- 
senting the  indebtedness  they  thus  assumed.  These 
various  steps  represented  legitimate  transactions,  and 
were  fair  and  proper. 

As  the  country  grew  in  wealth  and  population,  the 
railroad  system  grew  with  it,  and,  unfortunately,  sun- 
dry elements  of  demoralization  crept  into  the  system. 
Men  became  wiser  in  their  generation,  and  railroad 
managers  were  quick  to  improve  upon  the  progress  of 
the  age.  A  new  system  of  constructing  roads  was  in- 
troduced. Railroad  bonds  had  become  so  popular  with 
the  public  that  the  corporations  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  they  could  be  put  to  a  use  never  dreamed  of  by 
the  originators  of  the  earlier  railroads.  The  new  plan 
was  to  mortgage  the  road  before  it  was  built,  and  before 
its  incorporators  had  subscribed  a  dollar  towards  its 
construction.  "With  the  proceeds  of  the  mortgage  bonds 
the  road  could  be  built,  the  public  paying  for  it,  and 
the  incorporators  being  put  to  no  expense.  The  holders 
of  the  bonds  thus  became  the  real  owners  of  the  road, 
but  the  actual  possession  was  with  the  incorporators. 
The  bonds  being  sold,  and  the  road  mortgaged,  the 
stock  was  issued  and  divided  among  the  incorporators. 
When  it  became  valuable,  that  is  after  the  road  had 
been  built  at  the  expense  of  the  bondholders,  the  incor- 
porators could  sell  their  shares,  the  entire  proceeds  of 
which  were  so  much  gain  to  them.  This  was  financier- 
ing extraordinary,  and  it  became  so  popular  and  so  pro- 
fitable that  it  entirely  superseded  the  old-fashioned 
method  by  which  the  stockholders  built  their  roads 
with  their  own  money. 

The  next  step  in  advance  was  to  secure  the  land 


176          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

grants,  which  have  been  wrung  from  the  nation  through 
the  connivance  of  delinquent  Congresses.  These  lands 
had  a  certain  value,  and  were  so  much  additional  pro- 
perty to  mortgage.  They  made  it  all  the  more  unne- 
cessary for  the  incorporators  to  provide  money  of  their 
own,  the  new  advance  constituted  a  double  imposition 
upon  the  public,  an  additional  gain  to  the  stockholders. 

The  receipts  from  the  sales  of  bonds  and  of  lands  having 
built  the  road,  and  the  stock  having  acquired  a  definite 
value,  the  shareholders  began  to  see  that  their  interest 
lay  in  selling  it  and  realizing  a  profit  upon  that  which 
cost  them  nothing.  Indeed,  the  only  interest  they  now 
have  in  the  stock  of  their  road  is  to  sell  it  at  an  advance, 
and  they  thus  inaugurate  a  series  of  speculations  which 
lead  to  corners,  a  watering  of  the  stock,  and  a  steady 
depreciation  of  the  value  of  the  property.  Boards  of 
directors  in  sympathy  with  such  operations  are  chosen, 
and  the  processes  of  watering  and  stock  gambling  are 
carried  on  until  the  mountain  of  debt  is  piled  so  high — 
for  the  road,  not  for  the  stockholders — that  the  corpora- 
tion is  unable  to  meet  the  interest  on  the  original  mort- 
gage. 

The  condition  of  affairs  is  singular.  The  road  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  stockholders  and  their  directors,  who 
have  paid  nothing  for  it.  They  have  exclusive  control 
of  it.  They  constitute  a  solid,  compact  body,  with  a 
fixed  and  definite  purpose,  and  are  usually  under  the 
leadership  of  some  shrewd  and  able  mind.  The  real 
owners  of  the  road,  the  bondholders,  with  whose  money 
it  was  built,  constitute  a  vast  multitude  of  small  capi- 
talists, farmers,  men  unaccustomed  to  deal  with  finan- 
cial matters,  widows,  orphans,  and  others.  Sometimes 
large  quantities  of  the  bonds  are  owned  in  foreign  coun- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       177 

tries.  These  bondholders  are  at  the  mercy  of  the  stock- 
holders, who  are  steadily  rendering  the  property  worth- 
less. The  only  redress  of  the  bondholders  is  to  foreclose 
the  mortgage  upon  the  road,  but  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  obtain  concert  of  action  among  them. 

The  stockholders  meanwhile  use  the  stock  to  enrich 
themselves.  It  is  gambled  for,  flung  up  and  pulled 
down,  and  tossed  about  the  Exchange  until  no  one 
knows  what  its  value  will  be  twenty-four  hours  ahead. 
It  is  good  only  for  purposes  of  gambling,  and  the  road 
is  left  to  take  care  of  itself,  and  the  bondholders  to  get 
what  return  they  can  for  their  money.  So  the  divi- 
dends are  paid  on  the  stock  of  the  road,  and  that 
commodity  thus  kept  on  a  respectable  footing  in  the 
stock  market,  the  speculators  care  very  little  whether 
the  bondholders  receive  their  interest  or  not. 

This  system  of  constructing  and  managing  railroads 
being  false  and  unsound  from  the  first,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  it  should  lead  to  very  grave  complications 
in  the  monetary  affairs  of  the  country.  Sound  busi- 
ness men,  capitalists  whose  large  and  honorable  ex- 
perience entitles  them  to  a  respectful  hearing,  have 
often  warned  the  people  of  the  Republic  that  this 
rotten  system  could  not  last,  and  that  the  efforts  of 
the  railroad  managers  to  wring  money  from  the  people 
by  their  shameful  speculations  in  the  stock  of  their 
roads  must  at  some  time,  sooner  or  later,  result  in  a 
terrible  financial  disaster.  Such  a  climax  has  been 
reached,  and  while  these  pages  are  passing  through  the 
press,  the  whole  country  is  reeling  from  the  effects  of 
one  of  the  severest  convulsions  of  the  century,  brought 
about  by  the  recklessness  of  a  combination  of  managers 

of  railroads  and  speculators  in  railroad  stocks. 
12 


178          HISTORY   OP    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

In  1868,  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  in  his 
annual  report,  thus  referred  to  the  danger  which  even 
then  threatened  the  country  from  this  cause : 

"It  is  scarcely  possible  to  avoid  the  inference  that 
nearly  one  half  of  the  available  resources  of  the 
national  banks  in  the  city  of  New  York  are  used  in 
the  operations  of  the  stock  and  gold  exchange;  that 
they  are  loaned  upon  the  security  of  stocks  which  are 
bought  and  sold  largely  on  speculation,  and  which  are 
manipulated  by  cliques  and  combinations,  according  as 
the  bulls  or  bears  are  for  the  moment  in  the  ascen- 
dency  Taking  advantage  of  an  active  demand 

for  money  to  move  the  crops  West  and  South,  shrewd 
operators  form  their  combination  to  depress  the  market 
by  'locking  up'  money, — withdrawing  all  they  can 
control  or  borrow  from  the  common  fund;  money 
becomes  scarce,  the  rate  of  .interest  advances,  and 
stocks  decline.  The  legitimate  demand  for  money 
continues;  and,  fearful  of  trenching  on  their  reserve, 
the  banks  are  strained  for  means.  They  dare  not  call 
in  their  demand  loans,  for  that  would  compel  their 
customers  to  sell  securities  on  a  falling  market,  which 
would  make  matters  worse.  Habitually  lending  their 
means  to  the  utmost  limit  of  prudence,  and  their  credit 
much  beyond  that  limit,  to  brokers  and  speculators, 
they  are  powerless  to  afford  relief; — their  customers 
by  the  force  of  circumstances  become  their  masters. 
The  banks  cannot  hold  back  or  withdraw  from  the 
dilemma  in  which  their  mode  of  doing  business  has 
placed  them.  They  must  carry  the  load  to  save  their 
margins.  A  panic  which  should  greatly  reduce  the 
price  of  securities  would  occasion  serious,  if  not  fatal, 
results  to  the  banks  most  extensively  engaged  in  such 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       179 

operations,  and  would  produce  a  feeling  of  insecurity 
which  would  be  very  dangerous  to  the  entire  banking 
interest  of  the  country." 

The  warning  thus  plainly  uttered  was  not  heeded. 
The  same  unsafe  manner  of  doing  business  was  con- 
tinued, the  banks  and  trust  companies  involving 
themselves  deeper  than  ever  in  the  operations  of  the 
railroad  gamblers. 

Numerous  roads  were  planned,  as  the  time  passed 
on.  Large  quantities  of  the  public  lands  were  filched 
from  the  people  with  the  connivance  of  Congress.  The 
press  of  the  country  again  and  again  uttered  its  pro- 
test against  these  misappropriations  of  the  national 
property,  but  Congress,  with  characteristic  contempt 
of  the  popular  will,  continued  its  land  grants.  It  has 
been  publicly  declared  that  the  corporations  have  so 
thoroughly  bought  up  the  National  Legislature  that 
the  people  have  no  chance  of  protection  in  their  pro- 
perty when  the  masters  of  the  Honorable  Members 
demand  its  appropriation  to  their  uses.  The  New 
York  Herald,  of  September  22d,  1873,  thus  states  the 
view  of  this  question  held  by  a  very  large  and  re- 
spectable portion  of  the  American  people,  regardless 
of  party  feeling : 

"  Instead  of  checking  the  extravagances  of  a  popu- 
lar assembly,  the  Senate  has  taken  the  lead  of  every 
phase  of  extravagant  legislation.  It  has  become  the 
fountain  of  jobbery  and  corruption — the  source  of  land 
grants  and  dishonest  reserve  proposals.  The  country 
would  be  amazed  to  know  how  many  Senators  are  the 
paid  attorneys  of  railway  and  other  corporations — at- 
torneys paid  to  'practise  in  the  Supreme  Court.'  The 
country  does  know  that  the  most  notorious  men  in  our 


180          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR,. 

public  life  are  in  the  Senate,  that  Senators  who  went 
to  Washington  poor  have  become  rich ;  and  they  have 
seen  its  members  do  spiteful  and  mean  things,  like  the 
rejection  of  Mr.  Hoar,  one  of  the  conspicuous  men  of 
the  time,  simply  because  he  had  been  ill-tempered  with 
the  politicians  when  they  came  to  bother  him  as  At- 
torney General.  After  rejecting  Mr.  Hoar  we  can 
readily  understand  why  it  removed  Mr.  Sumner,  the 
best  informed  man  in  public  life  on  foreign  affairs, 
from  the  committee,  and  gave  the  place  to  a  gentleman 
who  probably  does  not  know  whether  the  Danubian 
Principalities  are  in  Europe  or  Asia  Minor. 

"  The  Senate  is  no  longer  a  compact  representative 
body.  It  does  not  represent  even  the  States.  In  one 
State  a  Senator  is  chosen  by  the  money  of  a  railroad ; 
in  another  by  his  own  money.  One  Senator  is  known 
to  be  the  agent  of  this  interest ;  another  as  the  agent 
of  a  second  interest.  No  shrewd  railroad  manager 
will  be  without  his  Senator.  We  should  not  like  to 
guess  at  the  number  on  the  books  of  Thomas  A.  Scott 
or  T.  C.  Durant  or  Dick  Franchot.  We  know  who 
represents  the  Bank  of  California ;  we  should  like  to 
know  all  who  were  owned  by  Jay  Cooke  and  the 
Northern  Pacific.  The  glory  of  the  old  Senate  has 
departed,  and  we  have  some  greedy,  selfish  cliques. 
There  is  a  small  but  mainly  a  feeble  class  of  respect- 
able men,  like  Frelinghuysen  and  Edmunds  and  An- 
thony. Then  comes  the  muscular,  aggressive  class, 
with  Carpenter,  Morton,  Chandler;  the  moneyed  class, 
like  Cameron,  Hamilton,  Sprague,  and  Jones,  and  the 
drift  of  adventurers  from  the  Southern  States,  from 
Florida  and  Alabama  and  South  Carolina,  who  presume 
to  sit  in  the  seats  and  vote  themselves  back  pay  as  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       181 

successors  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  Felix  Grundy,  J.  P. 
Benjamin,  Robert  Hunter,  and  John  C.  Breckinridge. 
We  shall  not  needlessly  write  names,  but  the  country 
knows  well  to  whom  we  refer.  It  knows  that  there 
is  no  feature  of  this  deplorable  time  more  marked  than 
the  lowering  of  the  Senate.  When  we  consider  the 
manner  of  men  in  the  Senate,  their  overruling  motives, 
their  greed  for  money  and  patronage,  their  enmity  to 
any  measure  that  will  limit  their  power,  we  cannot 
marvel  that  even  Grant  has  surrendered.  He  could 
do  nothing  without  the  Senate,  could  not  even  remove 
,ari  officer  of  his  Cabinet.  Of  course  he  surrendered. 
He  might  have  fought  the  Senate ;  but  he  saw  how 
Johnson  failed.  It  required  more  civic  courage  and 
foresight  than  Grant  possesses  to  see  that  while  John- 
son wounded  and  assailed  the  country  he  had  the 
•country  with  him. 

"  The  Senate  fought  Johnson  and  ended  in  dividing 
the  patronage  with  him.  Then  it  fought  no  longer. 
It  menaced  Grant  until  he  threw  Hoar  and  Cox  into 
its  shambles.  Then  it  became  acquiescent.  As  long 
.as  Grant  strove  to  give  tone  and  majesty  to  his  admin- 
istration and  to  elevate  the  public  service,  the  Senate 
.stood  in  his  path,  like  the  ominous  giant  who  threat- 
ened the  pilgrim  Christian  on  his  way,  to  the  land  of 
Beulah  and  the  gates  of  the  house  called  Beautiful. 
To-day  it  is  an  independent  power,  composed  largely 
•of  audacious  men,  representing  the  lowest  strata  in 
•our  political  life,  owing  allegiance  to  railroads  and 
tariff  combinations  and  monopolies — caring  nothing 
for  the  people  whom  it  does  not  represent,  and  to 
whom  it  only  owes  a  remote  and  contingent  responsi- 
bility— warring  upon  the  Executive  until  it  was  ap- 


182          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

peased  with  patronage,  and  then  sinking  into  complete 
obedience  to  his  will.  The  anomaly  of  a  body  of  men 
making  laws,  confirming  and  vetoing  appointments,  tak- 
ing a  direct  part  in  every  measure  of  peace  and  war,  and 
holding  no  responsibility  to  the  people,  is  a  scandal  to 
free  government  and  the  prolific  source  of  many  of  the 
evils  which  now  distress  and  wound  the  Republic." 

The  Senate  is  not  involved  alone.  In  the  popular 
estimation  the  lower  house  is  equally  guilty. 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  the  evil  has  been  working 
until  it  has  at  length  brought  forth  its  legitimate  con- 
sequences. One  result,  and  that  which  is  now  attract- 
ing most  attention,  it  will  be  interesting  to  notice. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       183 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   GREAT   RAILROAD   PANIC. 

A  Railroad  Gamblers'  Plot— The  New  York  Gold  Clique  make  War  on  the 
Farmers — The  attempt  to  lock  up  Money — Trouble  in  the  New  York  Stock 
Market — A  Eailroad  the  first  to  succumb — The  Money  Market  on  the  17th 
of  September — Scene  in  the  Stock  Exchange — The  Panic  begins — Failure 
of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co. — Effect  of  the  Failure — The  Stock  Market  demoralized 
— Run  on  the  Union  Trust  Company — More  Suspensions — Worthless  Rail- 
road Bonds  the  Cause  of  the  Trouble — Spread  of  the  Panic  throughout  the 
Country — The  United  States  Government  offers  Aid — Suspension  of  the 
Union  Trust  Company — A  Railroad  the  Cause  of  the  Trouble — The  Stock 
Exchange  closed — An  Anxious  Sunday — The  Railroad  Gamblers  demand 
that  the  United  States  Treasury  be  opened  to  them — Firmness  of  the  Gov- 
ernment— The  Panic  subsides — ;Its  Lessons — A  Warning  to  the  Country. 

TOWARDS  the  last  of  August,  or  early  in  September, 
1873,  a  combination  of  speculators  in  railroad  stocks 
led,  as  is  popularly  believed,  by  the  shrewd  and  un- 
scrupulous capitalists  who  had  so  often  and  successfully 
manipulated  the  stock  of  the  Erie  road,  undertook  to 
inaugurate  a  series  of  movements  in  the  stock  market 
of  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  depressing  certain 
stocks  in  which  they  proposed  to  operate,  and  of  enabling 
them  to  extort  from  less  successful  operators  a  heavy 
interest  for  the  use  of  money  by  creating  an  artificial 
stringency  in  the  money  market.  Their  time  was,  from 
their  point  of  view,  well  chosen.  In  the  months  of 
September  and  October  there  is  always  a  real  scarcity 
of  money  in  New  York,  owing  to  the  demands  of  the 
country  banks  for  funds  to  bring  the  year's  harvest  to 
market.  By  taking  advantage  of  this  season  of  real 


184          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

stringency,  and  increasing  the  want  by  the  artificial 
means  at  their  command,  the  gamblers  expected  to  reap 
a  rich  return.  It  mattered  nothing  to  them  that  the 
country  at  large  would  be  called  upon  to  suffer,  and  that 
values  of  all  kinds  would  be  seriously  endangered  by 
the  success  of  their  infamous  scheme.  They  looked 
only  to  their  prospective  gains,  and  cared  nothing  for 
the  community.  The  movement  was  one  of  unusual 
magnitude,  and  the  scarcity  of  funds  in  New  York 
proved  to  be  greater  than  even  the  conspirators  had 
believed.  Wall  street  early  took  the  alarm,  and  for  ten 
or  twelve  days  a  feeling  of  general  uneasiness  pervaded 
the  community. 

The  first  sign  of  the  coming  storm  manifested  itself 
on  Wednesday,  the  17th  of  September.  On  that  day 
the  paper  of  the  New  York  &  Oswego  Midland  Railroad 
was  protested.  The  news  of  this  misfortune  threw  the 
stock  market  into  a  fever  of  excitement.  The  Tribune, 
in  its  money  article,  thus  describes  the  state  of  the 
market  on  the  17th  : 

"  There  was  a  dreadful  sweeping  away  of  stock  mar- 
gins to-day,  the  depreciation  covering  the  entire  list, 
and  showing  a  decline  from  the  closing  quotations  of 
last  night  to  the  lowest  points  reached  to-day,  of  from 
i  to  7  per  cent.,  and  averaging  about  2i  per  cent.  .  . 
.  .  There  will  no  doubt  be  a  general  overhauling  of 
brokers'  ledgers  to-night,  and  the  mails  will  go  out 
freighted  with  letters  calling  for  more  margins.  Of 
course,  many  may  be  unable  or  unwilling  to  respond,  in 
which  case  their  stocks  will  be  forced  upon  the  market 
and  sold  for  what  they  will  fetch,  the  tendency  of 
which  will  be  to  still  further  depress  prices.  As  was 
foreshadowed  in  this  column  a  month  ago,  numerous 


THE    FARMER  S    WAR    AGAINST    MONOPOLIES. 


185 


causes  have  been  operating  in  favor  of  the  bears. 
Every  failure  of  a  moneyed  institution,  every  defalca- 
tion, every  protested 
note  of  magnitude 
gives  additional  impe- 
tus to  the  downward 
course  of  prices.  Con- 
servative men  stand 
aloof,  while  so  much 
danger  surrounds  the 
centres  of  business. 
The  banks  are  hold- 
ing their  money  fast 
for  their  own  protec- 
tion, and  next  for  that 
of  legitimate  trade, 
that  the  whole  busi- 
ness of  the  country 
may  not  be  demoral- 
ized for  the  sake  of  a 
few  wildcat  railroads 
and  wildcat  bankers 
who  lend  their  name 
or  their  cash  by  the 
million  to  companies 
that  have  no  imme- 
diate resources.  As 
we  have  before  stated, 
it  will  require  the  ut- 
most caution  on  the 
part  of  our  leading 
capitalists  and  heavy  security  owners  to  avert  a  panic, 
and  perhaps  a  crash  like  that  of  1857.  The  minds  of 


NEW   YOHK   STOCK    EXCHANGE. 


186  HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;     OR, 

capitalists  and  operators  are  surcharged  with  distrust, 
and  the  air  of  Wall  street  with  rumors,  started  generally 
in  the  bear  interest,  of  failures,  defalcation,  and  of  dis- 
asters dire,  which  renders  it  all  the  more  necessary  that 
the  cool  and  clear  heads  should  come  to  the  front  and 
take  the  direction  of  affairs.  The  street,  already  in  a 
tremor  of  excitement  from  bygone  troubles,  found  a  new 
source  of  anxiety  to-day  when  it  became  known  that 
the  New  York  &  Oswego  Midland  Railway  Company 
had  come  to  grief,  its  paper  having  been  dishonored,  a 
more  particular  account  of  which  will  be  found  in  an- 
other column.  This  information  caused  a  wild  and 
eager  desire  to  get  rid  of  stocks,  and  holders  rushed 
their  shares  on  to  the  market,  bound  to  realize  at  what- 
ever hazard  of  loss;  contented,  apparently,  so  long  as 
they  could  see  that  their  securities  represented  some- 
thing in  the  way  of  value ;  and  the  result  was  such  a 
tumbling  in  prices  as  we  have  already  described.  Al- 
though a  better  feeling  and  higher  prices  were  estab- 
lished toward  the  close,  as  some  of  the  shorts  began  to 
cover,  yet  the  general  market  left  off  feverish  and  de- 
moralized." 0 

The  fears  of  the  moneyed  men  were  not  without 
foundation.  Thursday,  the  18th,  brought  only  fresh 
trouble.  The  market  opened  in  a  state  of  great  excite- 
ment. The  floor  of  the  large  hall  of  the  Stock  Ex- 
change was  filled  to  overflowing  by  those  possessing  its 
privileges,  and  the  gallery  was  so  crowded  that  misgiv- 
ings were  entertained  for  its 'safety.  The  stairs  and 
lobbies  of  the  building  were  full  of  people,  and  in  Broad 
street,  in  front  of  the  Exchange,  a  large  crowd  had  col- 
lected, eagerly  and  anxiously  awaiting  the  events  of  the 
day. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       187 

The  business  of  the  Exchange  began  at  ten  o'clock, 
with  a  rapidly-falling  market.  The  bears  had  it  all 
their  own  way.  Men  had  begun  to  lose  confidence, 
and  stocks  fell  with  great  rapidity.  The  Exchange 
was  in  a  whirl  of  excitement.  Towards  noon  the  noise 
and  confusion,  which  had  reached  a  bewildering  state, 
were  suddenly  brought  to  a  pause  by  the  sharp  raps  of 
the  gavel  of  the  presiding  officer.  He  advanced  to  the 
front  of  his  platform,  and  instantly  the  hall  was  as  still 
as  death.  His  face  indicated  that  he  had  evil  tidings 
to  communicate,  and  the  most  daring  operator  present 
awaited  in  anxious  suspense  the  announcement  he  had 
to  make.  In  a  few  short,  crisp  words,  every  one  of 
which  struck  upon  the  ears  of  the  listeners  like  the 
blows  of  a  sledge-hammer,  the  President  stated  that 
Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  had  suspended  payment,  and  a  little 
later  it  was  announced  that  the  Philadelphia  and 
Washington  houses  of  this  great  firm,  and  the  First 
National  Bank  of  Washington,  which  was  intimately 
connected  with  them,  had  also  suspended. 

These  announcements  completed  the  demoralization 
of  the  market.  Stocks  fell  even  lower,  and  were  sacri- 
ficed with  remorseless  fury.  The  Exchange  seemed 
like  a  bedlam,  and  outside  a  panic  was  rapidly  extend- 
ing through  the  street. 

Messrs.  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  were  known  throughout  the 
entire  country  as  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first,  bank- 
ing firms  in  the  Union.  They  had  been  identified  with 
the  great  loans  of  the  General  Government  during  the 
civil  war,  and  by  their  judicious  and  vigorous  manage- 
ment of  them  had  rendered  the  country  a  genuine  ser- 
vice, and  had  earned  what  may  be  termed  a  national 
reputation.  They  were  popularly  regarded  as  among 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       189 

the  wealthiest  bankers  in  the  Union.  Upon  the  in- 
auguration of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  they  had 
undertaken  to  dispose  of  its  bonds,  and  it  may  be  said 
that  all  the  confidence  entertained  in  that  scheme  by 
the  public  was  due  to  Messrs.  Cooke  &  Co.'s  endorse- 
ment of  it. 

The  news  of  the  suspension  of  this  great  house  struck 
men  with  terror.  They  began  to  ask  who  was  safe  if 
the  pressure  was  so  great  as  to  break  down  the  fore- 
most house  in  the  country.  The  explanation  of  the 
firm  that  their  suspension  was  due  to  their  having  made 
heavy  advances  to  the  Northern  Pacific  Road  for  bonds 
which  they  had  not  been  able  to  dispose  of,  only  in- 
creased the  panic.  Other  houses  were  known  to  be 
deeply  interested  in  the  bonds  of  new  railroad  enter- 
prises, and  it  was  by  no  means  sure  that  Jay  Cooke  & 
Co.  would  be  the  only  sufferers. 

A  little  later  in  the  day,  the  failure  of  another  house 
was  announced,  and  still  later  it  was  stated  officially 
that  Richard  Schell,  a  well-known  capitalist,  had  failed. 
Mr.  Schell  was  a  director  in  the  Union  Trust  Company^ 
a  leading  banking  corporation  of  the  city,  and  suspicion 
at  once  attached  itself  to  the  company.  The  Union 
Trust  Company  was  also  known  to  be  involved  to  a 
considerable  extent  in  the  affairs  of  the  Lake  Shore  & 
Michigan  Southern  Railroad.  The  stock  of  this  road 
had  suffered  heavily  during  the  panic,  and  it  was  feared 
that  the  credit  of  the  Trust  Company  would  be  impaired 
by  these  losses.  The  result  was  an  immediate  run  upon 
the  Trust  Company,  which  lasted  until  the  close  of  the 
business  hours  of  the  afternoon.  Large  sums  were  paid 
out  to  the  alarmed  depositors,  but  many  were  left  un- 
paid when  the  hour  for  closing  the  doors  arrived. 


190          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  morning  of  the  19th  found  matters  in  a  most 
unhappy  state.  No  remedy  had  yet  been  found  for  the 
trouble.  The  excitement  was  intense.  The  run  on  the 
Union  Trust  Company  continued,  and  during  the  day 
immense  sums  were  paid  out  to  the  depositors,  who  had 
now  become  alarmed  in  good  earnest.  But  during  the 
day  all  demands  were  met,  and  the  directors  of  the 
company  entertained  the  hope  of  successfully  passing 
through  their  troubles. 

In  Wall  street  the  same  feverish  anxiety  prevailed. 
There  had  been  such  a  terrible  sacrifice  of  stocks  on  the 
previous  day — some  of  the  best  of  these  securities  hav- 
ing fallen  as  much  as  ten  per  cent,  in  value — that  it  was 
evident  that  the  weaker  houses  must  yield  to  the  pres- 
sure upon  them  and  close  their  doors. 

Soon  after  the  opening  of  the  business  of  the  day,  the 
street  reeled  and  staggered  once  more  under  as  heavy  a 
blow  as  had  yet  been  struck  it.  The  President  of  the 
Stock  Exchange  announced  to  the  excited  throng  be- 
fore him  that  Messrs.  Fisk  &  Hatch  had  suspended 
payment.  Now  Fisk  &  Hatch  were  one  of  the  most 
trusted  and  respected  firms  in  the  city,  and  their  failure 
was  second  only  to  that  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  It  had 
been  brought  about  by  a  similar  cause — heavy  advances 
to  a  railroad  (the  Chesapeake  &  Ohio  road  in  this 
case)  upon  bonds  which  they  had  been  unable  to  nego- 
tiate in  time  to  meet  their  other  obligations.  The  fail- 
ures of  eighteen  other  firms  of  greater  or  less  prominence 
followed  in  quick  succession,  and  when  the  closing  hour 
arrived  the  confidence  of  the  boldest  operator  had  en- 
tirely departed.  Men  were  bewildered.  They  knew 
not  whom  to  trust ;  scarcely  what  to  do. 

Until  this  day  the  panic  had  been  confined  to  New 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       191 

York,  but  it  now  began  to  involve  other  cities  in  its 
effects.  With  the  exception  of  the  houses  of  Jay 
Cooke,  no  firm  outside  of  New  York  had  suffered ;  but 
on  this  day  the  effects  of  the  crisis  began  to  be  felt 
elsewhere.  In  Philadelphia  eleven  suspensions  were 
announced. 

The  only  hopeful  sign  visible  on  Friday  night  was 
the  offer  of  the  United  States  Government  to  buy 
$10,000,000  of  its  bonds ;  but  it  was  feared  that  this 
would  not  prove  an  effectual  remedy. 

Saturday,  the  20th,  witnessed  no  improvement  in 
affairs  as  the  day  opened.  When  the  hour  of  ten  o'clock 
A.  M.  struck,  the  doors  of  the  Union  and  National  Trust 
Companies  remained  closed.  Both  had  suspended  pay- 
ment. 

The  Union  Trust  Company  had  borne  up  bravely 
against  the  heavy  pressure  upon  it  on  the  previous  days, 
but  on  Friday  afternoon  it  had  become  evident  to  the 
directors  that  unless  more  funds  could  be  had  at  once, 
the  institution  could  not  resume  business  on  Saturday ; 
and  at  the  same  time  it  was  discovered  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  company  had  disappeared  with  securities  of 
the  company  in  his  possession  amounting,  it  was  said, 
to  half  a  million  of  dollars.  This  was  a  terrible  blow 
to  the  company,  but  it  would  not  have  caused  its  sus- 
pension in  ordinary  times.  The  chief  cause  of  the 
trouble  was  an  advance  of  $1,750,000  to  the  Lake  Shore 

TT  7  / 

Railroad  Company,  to  enable  that  corporation  to  pay  a 
dividend  of  four  per  cent,  in  August,  1873.  The  total 
sum  voted  in  this  instance  as  a  dividend  was  $2,000,000. 
It  was  stated  at  the  time  of  the  suspension  that  this 
dividend  was  unearned,  and  that  the  road  had  but 
$250,000  of  the  entire  amount  in  hand,  and  was  forced 


192          HISTORY   OF    THE    CHANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


PAKK  BANK,  NEW  YORK — THE  FINEST  BANK  BUILDING  IiT 
THE   UNITED   STATES. 


to  borrow  the  remaining 


$1,750,000,  which  it  obtained 
of  the  Trust  Company.  Horace  F.  Clark,  now  dead, 
was  then  the  President  of  the  Lake  Shore  road,  and 
also  of  the  Union  Trust  Company.  Hence  the  loan 
from  this  company.  The  company  neglected  its  legiti- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      193 

mate  business  to  aid  the  railroad  in  the  matter  of  its 
dividends.  When  its  troubles  came  upon  it,  it  called 
upon  the  road  to  make  good  its  loan ;  but  the  request 
was  unheeded,  and  the  company  was  forced  to  close  its 
doors. 

During  the  day  eleven  other  firms  suspended  pay- 
ment ;  and  the  National  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth 
was  also  compelled  to  close  its  doors. 

Up  to  this  time,  with  the  exception  of  the  Trust 
Companies  and  the  Commonwealth  Bank,  the  panic  had 
been  confined  to  the  stock  market ;  but  the  suspension 
of  the  Union  and  National  Trust  Companies  and  the 
Bank  of  the  Commonwealth  produced  a  serious  fear 
that  the  banks  of  the  city  might  become  generally  in- 
volved. This  danger  was  averted,  however,  by  the 
refusal  of  the  general  business  community  to  be  fright- 
ened by  the  panic ;  and  with  the  exception  of  a  slight 
run  upon  the  Fourth  National  Bank,  none  of  the  banks 
of  the  city  were  subjected  to  any  unusual  demands. 
On  Saturday,  however,  with  a  view  to  preparing  for  the 
crisis,  if  it  should  extend  to  them,  there  was  a  meeting 
of  the  Bank  Presidents,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to 
pool  the  assets  of  their  respective  institutions,  and  to 
assist  each  other  to  the  utmost  by  the  issuing  of  tem- 
porary loan  certificates,  which  could  be  used  in  case  of 
need.  This  determined  action  increased  the  confidence 
of  the  public,  and  did  much  to  avert  the  danger  which 
at  one  time  seemed  imminent. 

At  noon  on  Saturday,  so  utterly  unmanageable  had 
the  market  become,  and  so  general  was  the  prospect  of 
ruin  among  the  dealers  in  stocks,  that  the  Governing 
Committee  of  the  Stock  Exchange  decided  to  close  the 
doors  of  that  institution  until  calmness  could  be  restored 
13 


194          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT  J    OR, 

to  the  street  and  some  measures  of  relief  devised. 
This  action  put  an  end  to  all  transactions  in  stocks,  and 
by  thus  protecting  the  dealers  from  greater  losses  aided 
in  arresting  the  panic. 

During  the  day  the  Union  Banking  Company  of 
Philadelphia  and  other  houses  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  announced  their  suspension. 

Sunday,  the  21st,  was  passed  in  feverish  excitement. 
The  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States,  having  been  summoned  to  New  York, 
arrived  in  that  city  on  Saturday  night.  On  Sunday, 
they  were  waited  upon  by  many  of  the  capitalists  of 
the  city,  and  various  measures  for  relief  were  urged 
upon  them.  The  brokers  united  in  a  demand  that  the 
President  should  lend  the  whole  or  the  greater  part  of 
the  Treasury  reserve  of  $44,000,000  of  greenbacks  to 
the  banks,  to  furnish  Wall  street  with  funds  for  the 
resumption  of  its  business  and  the  settlement  of  its 
losses.  The  President  promptly  and  properly  declined 
to  take  so  grave  a  step,  as  he  had  no  warrant  of  law  for 
such  action ;  and,  thanks  to  his  firmness,  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  was  not  placed  at  the  mercy  of  the 
railroad  gamblers.  On  Sunday  night  it  was  officially 
announced  that  the  Treasury  would  purchase  any 
amount  of  five-twenty  bonds  that  might  be  offered,  and 
would  also  buy  the  issue  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  com- 
monly known  as  '81's.  This  included  the  currency 
sixes,  the  ten-forties,  and  the  new  fives.  The  price  was 
to  be  par  in  gold  and  accrued  interest.  In  case  the 
Stock  and  Gold  Exchanges  were  not  open  on  Monday, 
the  ruling  price  on  the  street  was  to  be  taken  as  the 
market  price. 

By  Monday  morning,  the  22d,  the  panic  had  begun 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      195 

to  subside.  The  banks  were  unshaken ;  the  Govern- 
ment stood  ready  to  prevent  the  sacrifice  of  United 
States  bonds  in  the  hands  of  those  who  desired  to  sell ; 
and  the  Stock  Exchange  remained  closed  during  the 
day.  By  Monday  night  the  panic  was  substantially  at 
an  end.  The  trouble  was  not  over,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  week  witnessed  the  suspension  of  several  good 
houses,  among  them  the  firms  of  Howes  &  Macey  and 
Henry  Clews  &  Co.  But  the  worst  was  passed.  People 
began  to  take  courage,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  wild 
storm  that  had  swept  the  money  market  so  ruthlessly 
had  spent  its  force. 

It  was  clearly  understood  from  the  beginning  that 
the  affair  was  purely  and  simply  a  railroad  panic,  and 
it  was  hoped  that  it  would  be  confined  to  the  dealers  in 
the  bonds  and  stocks  of  railroads ;  but  this  hope  was 
not  destined  to  be  realized.  The  reckless  and  unsound 
management  of  the  railroad  enterprises  of  the  country 
had  paved  the  way  for  the  panic,  and  had  made  it  po& 
sible ;  and  the  greed  of  the  railroad  gamblers  had  pra 
cipitated  it ;  but  they  were  not  to  be  the  only  sufferers. 
The  whole  country  was  to  bd  involved  in  it,  and  busi- 
ness of  all  kinds  was  to  suffer  from  the  effects  of  the 
great  scare. 

It  was  not  alone  the  great  scarcity  of  money,  at  a 
time  when  the  free  circulation  of  the  currency  of  the 
country  was  of  vital  importance,  that  did  harm ;  but 
the  public  confidence  in  financial  enterprises  of  all 
kinds  was  shattered,  and  men  fortunate  enough  to  pos- 
sess ready  money  held  on  to  it,  refusing  to  part  with  it. 
The  movement  of  the  crops  was  almost  entirely  stopped. 
The  farmers  found  it  well  nigh  impossible  to  procure 
money  for  their  produce,  and  in  spite  of  the  enormous 


190          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


OMAHA — EASTERN  TERMINUS  OF  UNION'   PACIFIC   RAILROAD. 

European  demand  for  American  breadstuffs,  it  was  with 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  shipments  of  grain  could  be 
made,  so  hard  was  it  to  negotiate  exchange  in  the  un- 
certainty which  prevailed  in  the  money  market.  The 
keenest  financial  distress  prevailed  for  weeks  after  the 
panic  had  subsided,  and  all  classes  were  severe  suffer- 
ers. Nor  has  it  subsided  yet,  and  while  these  pages 
are  passing  through  the  press  a  general  feeling  of  un- 
easiness prevails  throughout  the  country,  and  men  are 
fearing  that  something  worse  than  has  yet  happened 
may  be  in  store  for  us. 

The  panic  revealed  clearly  the  extent  of  the  power 
of  a  few  determined  and  reckless  gamblers  in  railroad 
securities  to  mar  the  business  of  the  entire  country. 
At  a  period  of  unexampled  prosperity,  with  a  prosper- 
ous trade,  a  bountiful  harvest,  and  an  unequalled  de- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      197 

mand  from  abroad  for  our  products,  the  country  was 
thrown  into  a  fever  of  alarm,  and  business  of  all  kinds 
dealt  a  severe  blow  by  the  machinations  of  a  few  gam- 
blers in  the  stock  market  of  the  principal  city  of  the 
United  States. 

The  panic  also  showed  the  extent  -to  which  railroad 
gambling  had  demoralized  the  business  and  people  of 
the  country.  It  showed  that  some  of  the  strongest  and 
most  trusted  houses  of  the  country  had  lent  themselves 
to  the  task  of  inducing  people  to  invest  their  means  in 
the  securities  of  railroads,  the  success  of  which  was 
doubtful,  to  say  the  least.  It  showed  that  the  banks, 
the  depositories  of  the  people's  money,  had  to  an  alarm- 
ing extent  crippled  themselves  by  neglecting  their 
legitimate  business  and  making  advances  on  securities 
which  proved  very  uncertain,  if  not  worthless,  in  the 
hour  of  trial.  The  money  needed  for  the  legitimate 
business  of  the  country  had  been  placed  at  the  mercy 
of  the  railroad  gamblers,  and  had  been  used  by  them. 
The  funds  of  helpless  and  dependent  persons,  of  widows 
and  orphan  children,  had  been  used  to  pay  fictitious 
dividends  and  advance  schemes  in  which  the  people 
had  no  confidence.  An  amount  of  recklessness  and 
demoralization  in  the  financial  interests  of  the  country 
was  revealed  that  startled  the  most  hardened ;  and  in 
all  of  it  the  hand  of  the  railroad  gambler  could  be 
clearly  and  unmistakably  traced. 

The  lesson  has  been  severe,  but  it  was  needed.  The 
people  of  this  country  now  see  what  recklessness  and 
greed  in  the  management  of  our  railroad  interests  can 
do,  and  what  they  dare  attempt ;  and  the  nation  will 
richly  merit  all  the  evil  that  will  come  to  it  if  it  does 
not  profit  by  the  lesson. 


198          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XI. 

WILD     CAT    RAILROADS. 

False  Assertions  respecting  Railroad  Property — Railroad  Building  a  profitable 
Work— Useless  Railroads— Why  they  are  built— Theory  of  Wild  Cat  Rail- 
road Constructors — Forming  the  Company — A  Specimen  Enterprise — A 
Share  of  the  Public  Lands— How  to  raise  Money  to  build  a  Railroad— Dis- 
posing of  the  Bonds — Where  the  Money  comes  from — "Judicious  Advertis- 
ing " — Bribing  the  Press — The  Road  in  Operation — What  becomes  of  the 
Stock — Where  the  Profit  lies — The  Crime  of  the  Bankers — A  Confidence 
Game — How  to  stop  Wild  Cat  Railroad  Building. 

ONE  hears  a  great  deal  now-a-days  of  the  risk  assumed 
by  men  who  undertake  the  construction  of  a  railway ; 
and  we  are  told,  with  a  great  array  of  figures  in  sup- 
port of  the  assertion,  that  railway  property  is  among 
the  least  profitable  of  all  the  investments  open  to  capi- 
talists. But,  nevertheless,  the  work  of  building  roads 
goes  on,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  the  incorporators  of  these 
enterprises,  in  spite  of  their  assertions  respecting  their 
risk  and  the  uncertainty  of  their  investments,  make 
large  sums  out  of  their  connection  with  their  respective 
schemes. 

The  truth  is  that  railroad  making  is  a  very  profitable 
undertaking  to  men  who  understand  their  business; 
and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  so  many  useless  roads  are 
built.  That  railroads  are  a  necessity  to  the  community 
no  one  will  deny ;  but  it  is  a  fact  that  a  very  large 
number  of  the  roads  constructed  during  the  last  four 
years,  or  at  present  under  construction,  are  useless. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      199 

Many  of  them  are  built  through  sections  of  country 
which  cannot  yet  support  them,  and  which  will  be  un< 
able  to  do  so  for  many  years  to  come;  and  others  are 
located  in  regions  where  in  strict  truth  they  are  not 
wanted.  These  roads  must  of  necessity  languish  for  a 
considerable  period,  if,  indeed,  they  are  ever  profitable ; 
and  yet  they  constitute  a  majority  of  the  roads  now 
being  built. 

The  reader  will  then  ask  why  are  such  roads,  to 
which  the  term  "  wild  cat "  has  been  popularly,  and  not 
inaptly,  applied,  ever  entered  upon  ?  The  reason  will 
be  apparent  when  we  have  investigated  the  matter. 

In  order  that  the  originators  of  a  railroad  scheme 
may  make  money  out  of  it,  it  is  not  necessary  that 
there  shall  be  a  real  demand  for  the  road  by  the  com- 
munity in  which  it  is  to  be  located.  That  is  a  consid- 
eration that  does  not  enter  into  the  scheme. 

A  number  of  shrewd  men,  with  an  ample  supply  of 
"  brass,"  and  very  little  money  often,  combine  for  the 
purpose  of  constructing  a  road  from  a  certain  point  in 
Missouri,  let  us  say,  to  a  certain  point  in  Kansas. 
Their  object  is  purely  and  simply  to  make  money. 
The  country  through  which  the  road  is  to  be  located  is 
new  and  unsettled.  There  is  no  trade  there  to  make 
the  road  profitable  when  constructed,  and  it  is  evident 
that  many  years  must  elapse  before  it  will  possess  a 
population  large  enough,  or  business  interests  sufficient, 
to  enable  the  road  to  do  a  paying  business.  These 
.facts  are  well  known  to  the  originators  of  the  road,  but 
they  are  of  no  consequence.  They  are  looking  to  im- 
mediate and  not  to  ultimate  profits. 

The  first  step  after  locating  the  road  is  to  obtain  the 
necessary  charters  and  a  share  of  the  public  land.  We 


200          HISTORY    OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


: 


SCENE  ON  THE   TRUCKEE — CENTRAL   PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

have  seen  how  easy  it  is  for  the  roads  to  manage  the 
land  grab  system,  and  how  docile  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  can  be  at  the  bidding  of  a  railroad 
director. 

The  charters  are  obtained,  the  lands  are  "  donated," 
but  the  treasury  of  the  road  is  empty.  The  work  can- 
not be  done  without  money.  That  must  be  had,  and 
the  incorporators  of  the  scheme  have  no  idea  of  advanc- 
ing  their  own  funds  for  this  purpose.  They  have  no 
intention  of  building  the  road  with  their  own  money. 
Their  plan  is  to  build  it  at  the  cost  of  the  public,  or 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      201 

with  other  people's  money.  In  order  to  accomplish 
this,  they  proceed  to  issue  mortgage  bonds  for  an  amount 
sufficient  to  pay  the  cost  of  construction,  pledging  the 
lands  given  t<4  them  by  Congress  as  security.  These 
bonds  are  to  be  sold,  and  the  road  built  with  the  money 
thus  received. 

The  sale  of  the  bonds  is  the  only  really  difficult  part 
of  the  undertaking,  and  this  is  managed  with  consum- 
mate ability.  Arrangements  are  made  with  some  promi- 
nent banking-house  in  one  of  the  principal  cities  of  the 
country  for  the  sale  of  the  bonds,  a  heavy  premium 
being  paid  to  said  house  for  its  services  in  negotiating 
the  loan.  Or  it  may  be  that  the  banker  will  advance 
the  company  a  certain  sum  for  the  commencement  of 
the  work,  and  receive,  as  security,  a  sufficient  number 
of  the  bonds,  which  he  is  to  sell  at  the  highest  price, 
and  at  a  large  profit  for  himself. 

None  of  the  great  banking  firms  are  able  to  hold 
the  securities  thus  placed  in  their  hands,  nor  do  they 
take  them  for  purposes  of  investment.  They  buy  them 
to  sell  again,  or  sell  them  on  commission.  The  persons 
who  are  expected  to  buy  the  bonds  for  investment  are 
private  individuals,  who  take  them  as  safe  investments 
paying  a  large  interest ;  and  the  difficulty  of  the  whole 
matter  lies  in  persuading  the  public  that  the  bonds  are 
a  safe  investment,  and  that  the  interest  will  be  promptly 
paid.  That  is  the  task  of  the  banker. 

The  process  is  as  follows :  The  bonds  are  advertised 
in  the  most  prominent  newspapers,  and  large  sums  are 
thus  expended  which  must  be  made  good  out  of  the 
money  paid  by  the  unsuspecting  public.  The  papers 
advertising  these  bonds  are  often  induced  to  recommend 
them,  or,  in  plainer  words,  to  "puff"  them  in  their edi- 


2C2         HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

torial  columns,  editorial  virtue  being  overcome  by  the 
temptation  of  a  large  advertising  contract.  The  re- 
ligious papers  are  a  favorite  medium  for  the  advertise- 
ment of  wild-cat  railroad  bonds,  and  it  i*  a  singular  fact 
that  the  most  enthusiastic  endorsements  of  these  secu- 
rities have  been  from  this  source.  In  effect,  the  press 
is  bribed  to  puff  the  securities  of  the  road.  The  bank- 
ing-house negotiating  the  loan  pledges  its  faith  to  the 
public  that  the  bonds  are  a  valuable  commodity,  and  it 
is  principally  upon  its  representations  that  the  bonds 
are  sold.  So  common  has  this  practice  become,  that 
bankers  seem  to  lose  sight  of  the  responsibility  they 
incur  towards  the  public  in  thus  recommending  doubtful 
securities. 

Well,  the  bonds  are  sold.  Who  are  the  purchasers? 
Not  the  great  capitalists,  who  are  shrewd  enough  to  see 
through  the  whole  transaction,  but  people  of  moderate 
means,  persons  who  cannot  afford  to  take  risks  or  to 
lose  any  of  their  income,  and  who  buy  the  bonds  be- 
cause of  their  confidence  in  the  representations  of  the 
house  disposing  of  them. 

With  the  money  received  for  the  bonds  the  road  is 
built,  and  put  in  operation.  The  stock  is  then  issued 
and  divided  among  the  originators  of  the  scheme.  The 
people  have  paid  the  cost  of  the  road,  and  also  the 
large  commissions  paid  to  the  bankers  who  sold  the 
bonds,  and  as  they  hold  a  mortgage  on  the  road,  they 
are  its  real  owners.  But  the  stock,  which  represents 
the  ownership  of  the  property,  is  divided  among  the 
originators  of  the  scheme,  who  are  also  charged  with  its 
management.  It  has  not  cost  them  anything,  but  now 
that  the  road  is  built  and  in  running  order,  it  is  a  valu- 
able commodity.  The  holders  of  it  are  shrewd  men, 


THE  FARMER'S  TFAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      203 


WILD-CAT  RAILROAD  LANDS. 

and,  foreseeing  that  the  road  will  not  be  able  to  pay  the 
interest  on  its  bonds  for  some  time,  take  advantage  of 
the  eclat  which  attaches  to  all  new  enterprises,  and  sell 
their  stock  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  The  amount 
received  is  clear  gain  to  them,  for  the  stock  has  cost 
them  nothing.  Should  it  sell  for  only  fifty  cents  on  the 
dollar,  it  is  fifty  cents  clear  profit,  for  they  paid  nothing 
for  it.  The  people  built  the  road,  and  the  stock  is  the 
reward  of  the  originators  of  the  scheme.  Herein  lies 
the  profit  of  railroad  building.  "What  does  the  incorpo- 


204         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


VIEW  OF  THE  COUNTRY  TO  BE  OPENED 
BY  THE  SOUTHERN  PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 


rator  care  for 
the  future  of 
the  road,  so  long 
as  he  is  safe"?  What 
does  he  care  whe- 
ther the  interest  on 
its  bonds  is  paid  or 
not  ?  The  men  who 
advanced  the  money 
to  build  the  road  are 
nothing  to  him.  He 
has  received  and 
sold  his  stock,  and 
has  pocketed  the 
money,  and  the  fu- 
ture of  the  road  is  a 
matter  of  indiffer- 
ence to  him. 

The  case  would 
be  very  different 
were  the  road  con- 
structed at  his  ex- 
pense. He  would  be 
very  careful  to  locate 
it  in  the  most  favor- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      205 


IN  THE  TUNNEL— SIERRA  NEVADA.     CENTRAL  PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

able  section,  and  only  where  it  is  actually  needed  ;  but 
since  it  costs  him  nothing,  and  affords  him  the  means 
of  obtaining  a  large  sum  of  money  for  his  stock,  it 
matters  little  what  becomes  of  the  road  after  the  stock 
is  sold. 

And  so,  year  after  year,  the  practice  of  building  use- 
less roads,  and  roads  of  doubtful  profit,  goes  on.  The 
country  is  flooded  with  worthless  railroad  bonds,  which 
are  advertised  and  puffed  by  bankers  and  newspapers, 
and  which  unwary  people  purchase,  only  to  find  their 
investment  entirely  the  reverse  of  what  was  represented 
to  them  by  the  firm  disposing  of  the  bonds.  The  legiti- 
mate business  of  the  country  is  crippled  by  the  with- 


206         HISTORY  OF  THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

drawal  of  the  sums  that  go  to  purchase  these  wretched 
securities,  and  an  element  of  unsoundness  is  introduced 
into  the  finances  of  the  country  that  may  yet  involve 
us  in  a  disaster  infinitely  worse  than  the  panic  from 
which  we  have  just  emerged. 

Unquestionably  the  people  are  to  blame  for  much  of 
the  evil  that  is  upon  us,  for  they  are  free  to  refuse  to 
purchase  these  securities  when  placed  in  the  market ; 
but  they  are  not  altogether  to  blame.  There  are  always 
numbers  of  people  of  moderate  means  who  are  very 
naturally  and  properly  seeking  some  simple  and  safe 
investment  for  their  money,  and  they  are  not  fitted  to 
judge  very  accurately  of  the  value  of  the  different 
schemes  proposed  to  them.  They  must  of  necessity 
depend  upon  the  representations  of  the  house  offering 
the  securities  for  sale,  and  it  is  but  natural  that  when 
a  prominent  house,  enjoying  the  confidence  of  the  pub- 
lic, presents  such  securities,  and  endorses  them  as  both 
safe  and  profitable,  such  securities  should  be  eagerly 
taken  by  the  class  we  have  described.  The  banker  who 
undertakes  a  negotiation  of  this  kind  assumes  a  respon- 
sibility to  the  purchasers  of  the  bonds,  of  which  no 
amount  of  "  Wall  street  logic  "  can  relieve  him.  It  is 
a  melancholy  fact  that  one  of  the  first  banking  houses 
in  the  country,  men  whose  names  have  hitherto  com- 
manded the  confidence  of  the  public,  has  been  among 
the  foremost  in  flooding  the  market  with  wild-cat  railroad 
securities.  The  recent  panic  revealed  some  ugly  facts 
of  this  kind,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States,  it  is 
to  be  hoped,  will  not  be  unmindful  of  them. 

The  people  owe  it  to  themselves  to  put  a  stop  to  this 
reckless  system  of  railroad-building,  which  is  simply 
gambling  under  another  form.  They  should  refuse  to 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      207 

countenance  the  securities  of  such  roads  as  those  -which 
have  produced  our  recent  troubles ;  and,  above  all, 
should  demand  of  Congress,  and  see  that  the  demand 
is  complied  with,  that  there  be  no  more  subsidies  of  the 
public  lands.  The  national  domain  should  no  longer 
be  at  the  mercy  of  railroad  gamblers.  Let  the  land- 
grab  system  be  once  overturned,  and  we  shall  have 
more  caution  in  the  construction  of  new  railroads.  Let 
it  be  understood  that  the  people  will  no  longer  pay  for 
roads  which  are  built  only  for  the  profit  of  the  incorpo- 
rators,  and  the  era  of  Wild-Cat  Railroads  will  have 
passed  away  forever. 


208         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE   CASE   OF   THE   NORTHERN   PACIFIC   RAILROAD. 

The  Road  chartered  by  Congress — An  Imperial  Gift  of  Land — The  Nation 
robbed  of  Fifty  Millions  of  Acres — Eoute  of  the  Eoad — Character  of  the 
Country  through  which  the  Road  is  to  be  constructed — A  Wilderness — 
Popular  Doubts  respecting  the  Success  of  the  Eoad — The  Capital  of  the 
Company — How  it  was  to  be  raised — The  People  to  pay  for  the  Eoad — The 
Stock-Holders  to  receive  all  the  Profits — The  Bonds  of  the  Northern  Pacific 
Eailroad  declined  in  Europe — A  "  Popular  Loan  "  inaugurated — Jay  Cooke  & 
Co.  undertake  its  Negotiation — A  Terrible  Blunder — The  Loan  does  not 
command  the  Public  Confidence — The  True  Character  of  the  Scheme — What 
Might  Have  Been — The  Sequel — Eeport  of  the  German  Commissioners — A 
Capitalist's  View  of  the  Scheme — The  Eisks  too  great  to  warrant  the  In- 
vestment of  German  Capital — A  Eemarkable  Statement  of  the  Character  and 
Prospects  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Eailroad. 

THE  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  has  lately  been 
brought  very  prominently  before  the  public  by  the 
failure  of  the  great  house  that  went  down  weighted 
with  the  bonds  of  this  road,  which  it  could  not  sell. 
It  will  be  well  to  examine  its  history.  It  will  be  found 
full  of  food  for  reflection,  and  overrunning  with  instruc- 
tion. 

In  1 864,  Congress  granted  a  charter  to  the  Northern 
Pacific  Company,  and  by  this  charter  and  subsequent 
acts  authorized  this  company  to  build  a  railroad  from 
Lake  Superior,  through  the  State  of  Minnesota,  and  the 
Territories  of  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  and  Washing- 
ton, to  Puget  Sound,  by  the  valley  of  the  Columbia 
river,  through  Portlandt  in  the  State  of  Oregon.  In 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       209 


DULTTTH — EASTERN   TERMINUS  OF  NORTHERN  PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

aid  of  this  road,  Congress  made  large  grants  of  land, 
the  amount  now  being  about  50,000,000  acres. 

The  charter  was  granted  during  the  last  year  of  the 
war,  and  matters  were  too  unsettled  then  to  allow  the 
company  to  commence  the  work  at  once,  and  it  was  not 
until  long  after  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  that  the  con- 
struction of  the  road  was  fairly  begun. 

It  was  proposed  to  construct  this  road  through  the 
most  northern  portion  of  the  United  States,  and  from 
Lake  Superior  to  the  Pacific,  a  distance  of  2000  miles. 
The  expense  of  the  undertaking  was  enormous,  and 
the  road  was  to  be  built  through  a  section  of  country 
that  was  simply  a  wilderness.  There  were  scarcely 
any  settlements  along  its  line,  a  great  portion  of  which 
lay  through  the  territory  of  hostile  Indians.  Much  of 
the  region  through  which  it  was  to  pass  was  barren 
and  unfit  for  settlements,  and  a  large  part  of  the  pro- 
posed route  lay  through  the  sterile  region  of  the  Yel- 
14 


210          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

lowstone.  The  entire  route  lay  through  the  extreme 
northern  portion  of  the  Republic,  a  country  which,  it 
was  popularly  believed,  would  long  remain  unsettled, 
by  reason  of  the  severity  of  the  climate  and  the  inhos- 
pitable nature  of  the  country.  The  best  informed  men 
expressed  grave  doubts  of  the  practicability  of  the 
scheme.  They  did  not  believe  that  this  region  would 
be  sufficiently  settled  to  warrant  the  construction  of 
such  a  railroad  for  many  years,  and  they  based  this 
belief  upon  the  fact  that  the  region  offered  scarcely  any 
inducements  to  settlers.  Consequently  people  regarded 
the  road  with  doubt,  and  when  its  bonds  were  offered, 
held  aloof  from  them. 

By  the  terms  of  the  company's  charter,  a  share  capi- 
tal of  $100.000,000  was  authorized;  but  of  this  amount 
only  $2,000,000  was  required  to  be  subscribed  in  ad- 
vance, and  but  $200,000  to  be  paid  in.  The  last-named 
sum  perhaps  covered  the  preliminary  expenses  of  the 
scheme,  such  as  the  cost  of  surveys,  of  legislation,  and 
such  other  operations  as  were  necessary  for  the  com- 
mencement of  the  enterprise.  The  cost  of  building  the 
road  was  to  be  paid  by  the  people.  Congress  had  given 
a  criminally  large  area  of  land  to  the  company,  and  the 
proceeds  of  the  bonds  which  were  issued  were  to  con- 
stitute the  capital  with  which  the  road  was  to  be  built. 
The  $200,000,  subscribed  and  paid  in  by  the  stock- 
holders, was  the  only  contribution  they  seem  to  have 
expected  to  make  to  the  road.  "  This  was  a  slender 
provision,  it  would  seem,  for  a  road  2000  miles  long, 
through  an  uninhabited  country,  without  commerce  at 
either  terminus,  and  without  an  important  town  on  its 
whole  route.  But  the  projectors  intended  that  Congress 
should  build  the  road  and  put  them  in  possession  of  it. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      211 

They  secured  a  grant  of  nearly  50,000,000  acres  of 
public  land,  and  on  the  security  of  this  magnificent 
estate  they  proposed  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  $100,000,- 
000.  As  the  estimated  cost  of  the  road  was  only  $85,- 
000,000,  this  loan  would  pay  for  the  whole  work  and 
leave  a  handsome  surplus  for  contingencies.  The  land 
is  now  worth,  say  $125,000,000,  or  perhaps  more ;  the 
portions  thus  far  sold  have  brought,  on  an  average,  over 
five  dollars  an  acre.  As  the  country  becomes  developed 
it  will  of  course  rise  in  value ;  and  it  was  calculated 
that  the  sales  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  whatever  of  the 
interest  on  the  bonds  the  road  might  fail  to  earn,  and  to 
pay  the  principal  likewise  at  maturity.  Anything 
that  remained  would  be  the  property  of  the  stock- 
holders." 

When  the  bonds  were  issued,  they  were  offered  in 
Europe,  but  were  declined.  European  capitalists  con- 
sidered the  risks  assumed  by  the  road  too  great  to  ren- 
der the  bonds  a  safe  investment,  and  they  declined  to 
have  anything  to  do  with  them.  The  company,  thus 
driven  back  upon  a  home  market,  resolved  to  make  the 
people  of  the  United  States  pay  for  the  road  in  another 
sense.  They  made  a  popular  loan  of  their  scheme. 
They  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  house  of  Jay  Cooke  & 
Co.  in  it,  and  Messrs.  Cooke  &  Co.  agreed  to  place  the 
loan  in  the  market,  using  in  its  behalf  much  the  same 
system  that  they  had  found  so  successful  in  their  man- 
agement of  the  great  war  loans  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  were  somewhat 
surprised  when  they  found  Messrs.  Cooke  &  Co.  in 
charge  of  the  Northern  Pacific  loan,  and  there  were 
many  that  did  not  hesitate  to  assert  their  belief  that 


212  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

the  Cookes  had  committed  a  serious  error  in  connecting 
themselves  with  the  scheme. 

The  truth  is,  the  Cookes  had  committed  a  very  serious 
error  in  undertaking  the  management  of  this  loan. 
The  Northern  Pacific  scheme  never  possessed  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  of  the  country,  and  Jay  Cooke  & 
Co.  undertook  too  much  in  endeavoring  to  carry  it 
through.  Their  judgment  may  have  been,  and  doubt- 
less was,  satisfied,  but  the  people  were  not  so  easily  de- 
ceived. They  did  not  see  the  necessity  for  the  road,  in 
the  first  place,  nor  could  they  understand  how  the  road 
was  to  earn  the  money  needed  to  pay  the  interest  on  its 
loan  after  discharging  its  ordinary  expenses. 

The  loan  was  extensively  advertised,  and  the  more 
complaisant  section  of  the  newspaper  press  puffed  it 
liberally.  It  was  declared  to  be  equal  to  any  of  the 
loans  of  the  United  States.  The  bonds  were  pronounced 
by  some  papers  better  than  Five-Twenties.  The  ad- 
vantges  of  the  scheme,  as  they  appeared  to  those  in 
charge  of  it,  were  set  forth  in  glowing  terms,  and  the 
Cookes  lent  the  whole  force  of 'their  reputation  and 
their  great  popularity  to  the  task  of  popularizing  the 
loan.  But  without  avail.  Many  there  were  who  pur- 
chased the  bonds,  and  thus  placed  their  funds  at  the 
mercy  of  the  road,  but  the  loan,  though  it  absorbed 
immense  sums,  never  became  popular. 

The  mass  of  the  people  could  not  forget  that  this  loan 
was  in  behalf  of  a  road  that  was  twenty  years  in  ad- 
vance of  the  demand  for  it.  They  could  not  forget 
that  the  road  was  to  be  constructed  through  an  unin- 
habited region,  much  of  which  never  would  be  fit  for 
the  dwellings  of  human  beings;  and  much  of  which 
was  exposed  to  the  fury  of  hostile  savages,  who  would 


213 


214          HISTORY   OF    THE  GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

resist  any  effort  to  settle  the  region.  There  was  no 
local  business  to  furnish  the  road  with  ready  money ; 
and  the  through  business,  it  was  clear  to  thinking  men, 
would  amount  to  nothing;  for  whatever  Duluth  or 
Puget  Sound  might  offer  in  years  to  come  in  the  way 
of  inducements  to  commerce,  their  advantages  at 
present  were  too  insignificant  '  o  be  taken  into  serious 
consideration.  Messrs.  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  assumed  a 
most  serious  responsibility  in  venturing  to  assure  the 
purchasers  of  the  bonds  that  the  interest  on  them  would 
be  paid.  The  amount  of  money  necessary  for  this  pur- 
pose could  be  derived  only  from  the  earnings  of  the 
road,  and  it  was  clear  to  men  of  as  profound  knowledge 
and  as  great  financial  skill  as  the  Cookes,  that  it  would 
be  impossible  for  the  road,  for  the  first  years  of  its  ex- 
istence at  least,  to  earn  this  amount. 

It  is  true  that  matters  might  be  different ;  true  that 
the  country  along  the  road  might  be  settled  with  a 
rapidity  that  would  surpass  all  previous  western 
growths ;  true  that  the  hostile  Sioux  might  offer  no  re- 
sistance ;  true  that  there  might  spring  up  along  the  line 
a  local  and  a  through  business  that  miertit  enable  the 

o  <— 

company  to  earn  $20,000,000  a  year,  the  amount  needed 
for  their  wants ;  but  all  these  things  were,  and  still  are, 
uncertain.  They  might  be,  but  it  was  very  improbable. 
There  was  a  terrible  doubt  hanging  over  the  whole 
matter.  The  road  could  pay  its  interest  and  other  ex- 
penses only  in  the  event  of  an  unusually  brilliant  suc- 
cess, but  the  presumption  was  against  it.  The  risk  was 
too  great.  People,  shrank  from  the  loan,  and  the  Cookes, 
who  had  made  heavy  advances  to  the  road,  found  them- 
selves encumbered  with  a  mass  of  bonds  which  they 
could  not  sell,  and  when  the  first  serious  disturbance 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       215 

of  the  market  arose,  they  were  among  the  first  to  sink 
under  the  weight  of  their  unpopular  loan.  The  result 
was  in  accordance  with  the  general  opinion  of  men  who 
knew  the  true  nature  of  the  scheme,  and  it  was  a 
blessing  to  the  country  at  large,  however  unfortunate 
it  may  have  been  to  a  few  individuals. 

"  If  the  bonds  had  been  duly  negotiated  according  to 
programme,"  says  the  New  York  Tribune,  "  the  case 
would  have  stood  just  thus:  A  few  speculators  would 
have  subscribed  $200,000  and  persuaded  Congress  to 
build  a  railroad  for  them  worth  fifty  times  that  amount 
out  of  the  national  estate.  In  a  short  time  they  would 
get  back  their  original  investment  in  dividends.  Then 
they  would  be  the  absolute  owners  of  2000  miles  of 
road,  for  which  they  had  paid  nothing,  and  probably 
they  would  still  have  also  a  large  quantity  of  unsold 
land  to  divide  among  themselves.  Whether  we  should 
have  had  a  repetition  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Building- 
Rings,  and  a  rapid  absorption  of  the  profits  and  estate 
of  the  company  by  a  little  coterie  of  inside  managers, 
railway  Congressmen,  and  Christian  statesmen,  we  leave 
our  readers  to  conjecture. 

"  The  bonds  were  offered  in  Europe  and  declined. 
Then  the  house  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  undertook  to  place 
them  among  the  multitude  as  a  popular  investment — in 
other  words,  to  persuade  the  middle  classes  to  advance 
the  money  which  the  nation  was  ultimately  to  repay 
with  interest. 

"  Probably  it  was  a  combination  of  accidents,  rather 
than  any  intrinsic  defect  in  the  arrangements,  which 
brought  this  scheme  to  grief.  Similar  methods  have 
succeeded  before,  and,  if  we  are  not  cautious,  will  be 
attempted  again.  But  what  we  particularly  wish  to 


216  HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

call  attention  to  is  the  bearing  of  this  case  upon  the 
transportation  question.  If  the  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
road were  in  running  order  to-day  from  Duluth  to  Puget 
Sound,  the  directors  would  undoubtedly  claim  the  right 
to  put  their  tolls  high  enough  to  yield  eight  or  ten  per 
cent,  on  the  cost  of  the  work.  But  the  cost  of  the 
work  would  have  been  paid  wholly,  or  almost  wholly, 
out  of  the  national  estate.  Congress  has  made  a  grant 
rich  enough  to  cover  the  entire  expense,  and  leave  the 
stockholders  handsomely  provided  for  likewise.  For 
more  than  twenty  years  the  Government  has  given 
away  land  in  reckless  prodigality  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  railways. 

''  In  1871,  the  total  amount  of  the  public  domain 
thus  appropriated  reached  the  stupendous  total  of 
217,847,375  acres.  It  is  true  that  a  large  part  of 
this  grant  will  prove  inoperative,  as  the  quantity  of 
vacant  land  within  the  designated  limits  will  fall 
short  of  the  appropriation;  but  probably  over  100,- 
000,000  acres  has  been  or  will  be  deeded  to  the  favored 
companies.  These  concessions  represent,  at  the  very 
lowest  computation,  a  money  value  of  $300,000,000, 
and  an  area  considerably  greater  than  the  whole  of  the 
British  Isles,  and  greater  than  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Illinois  combined.  But  when  it  is 
proposed  that  the  roads  for  which  the  nation  has  done 
so  much  should  be  required  to  do  something  for  the 
people,  we  are  met  with  the  objection,  '  Oh,  you  must 
not  interfere  with  the  vested  rights  of  railroad  stock- 
holders/ 

"  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  railroad  question 
generally,  it  must  be  evident  that  the  land-grant  roads 
hold  a  peculiar  relation  toward  the  people,  and  may 


217 


218          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   40VEMENT  J    OR, 

fairly  be  compelled  to  do  much  more  than  roads  built 
entirely  by  private  capital.  '  Reasonable '  profits  on 
roads  of  the  former  class  cannot  be  measured  by  a  per- 
centage on  their  cost,  because  their  cost  was  defrayed 
in  a  great  degree,  if  not  entirely,  out  of  the  public  fund. 
It  cannot  be  measured  by  the  capital,  because  that  is 
largely  fictitious.  The  limit  of  their  right  to  take  toll 
must  be  fixed  by  a  general  review  of  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  roads  and  the  history  of  their  construc- 
tion; and  common  sense  will  demand  that  in  coming 
to  a  determination  on  this  point  the  share  which  the 
public  took  in  building  them  shall  be  fully  considered." 

When  the  bonds  of  the  Northern  Pacific  road  were 
offered  in  the  European  market,  the  German  capitalists 
sent  two  commissions  of  experts  to  this  country  to  ex- 
amine into  the  affairs  of  the  road,  and  upon  receiving 
the  reports  of  these  commissioners,  they  declined  to  take 
part  in  the  loan.  One  of  these  reports,  that  of  Herr 
Haas,  of  Berlin,  has  been  recently  published  by  the  New 
York  Tribune.  We  give  it  as  sustaining  our  view  of  the 
matter,  and  as  a  queer  commentary  upon  the  assertions 
and  reassertions  with  which  our  press  has  overflowed 
of  late  years,  that  this  was  the  safest  and  most  profitable 
loan  of  the  day. 

After  describing  the  location  of  the  road,  Herr  Haas 
says  :  "  Accordingly  the  estimates  prepared  for  building 
the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  are  limited  to  the  present 
project,  the  cost  of  the  branch  line  not  being  included. 

ESTIMATES   OF   COST. 

"  7.  These  estimates  calculate  the  cost  of  construction 
of  the  main  line  as  follows  : 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       219 

1.  Grading,  masonry,  bridges,  rails,  and  entire  sur- 

face works  of  the  line $60,320,000 

2.  Sidings   4,200,000 

3.  Sundry  expenses  inclusive  of  engineering 5,000,000 

4.  Telegraph  lines   600,000 

6.  Buildings  2,312,000 

6.  Working  capital 3,615,000 

7.  Small  branch  line   1,200,000 

8.  Extra  expenses  800,000 

9.  Interest  on  capital  during  construction,  minus 

the  income  derived  from  the  working  of  al- 
ready finished  lengths  during  that  time 7,230,000 

Total $85,277,000 

"  8.  To  raise  this  sum  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway 
Company  intends  issuing  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $100- 
000,000,  and  pledges  itself  to  pay  interest  at  the  rate 
of  7.30  per  cent,  per  annum  in  gold  out  of  the  surplus 
revenue  from  the  traffic  of  the  line,  and  to  redeem  the 
bonds  within  thirty  years. 

"9.  As  security  for  the  payment  of  interest  and  the 
redemption  of  the  bonds,  the  whole  of  the  property  of 
the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  Company,  the  line  and 
buildings,  as  well  as  the  land  grants,  have  been  made 
over  to  the  trustees,  as  representing  the  bondholders,  by 
a  general  mortgage  deed,  registered  July  1st,  1870,  in 
the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  of  the  United 
States. 

"  By  these  data  the  extent  and  aims  of  the  Northern 
Pacific  Railway  enterprise,  and  the  means  by  which  it 
is  to  be  accomplished,  are  clearly  set  forth.  Adding  to 
this  the  fact  that  up  to  August,  1871,  a  length  of  line 
of  140  miles,  extending  from  Duluth,  Lake  Superior,  to 
twenty  miles  beyond  the  Mississippi,  was  already  com- 
pleted and  in  working  order ;  that  120  miles  additional, 
as  far  as  the  border  of  the  State  of  -Dakota,  are,  save 
little  interruptions,  almost  complete,  and  that  lastly,  in 


220          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  Western  division  of  the  road,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Portland,  Oregon,  twenty-five  miles  of  the  line,  through 
Washington  Territory,  in  the  direction  of  Puget  Sound, 
are  so  far  advanced  that  they  can  be  opened  for  traffic 
by  the  end  of  this  year,  we  have  all  that  can  be  stated 
about  the  present  condition  of  the  Northern  Pacific 
Railway,  and  we  can  turn  to  the  consideration  of  the 
future. 

"  10.  The  consideration  of  the  future,  in  order  to  keep 
within  bounds,  should  be  limited  to  answering  the  fol- 
lowing three  questions  :  First :  Are  the  means  provided 
for  the  construction  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway 
adequate  to  complete  the  line  ready  for  traffic  ?  Second : 
Does  the  finished  line  offer  the  necessary  guarantee  that 
the  net  profit  of  its  income  will  yield  the  sums  required 
for  the  half  yearly  payment  of  the  stipulated  rate  of 
interest  on  the  bonds  ?  Third  :  Will  the  sums  realized 
from  the  sale  of  lands  suffice  to  redeem  the  bonds  within 
thirty  years  ? 

"  11.  Respecting  the  first  of  these  questions,  whether 
the  building  capital  is  adequate  to  the  completion  of  the 
line,  we  must  revert  to  the  detailed  estimates.  The  first 
item  of  these  estimates,  which  provides  $60,320,000  for 
the  construction  of  the  line,  or  $30,000  a  mile,  leaves 
no  cause  for  uneasiness,  inasmuch  as  the  contracts  al- 
ready disposed  of  afford  proof  that  the  lengths  contracted 
for  can  not  only  be  completed  for  the  amount,  but  that 
savings  are  made  so  considerable  that  by  means  of  them 
the  more  expensive  mountainous  parts  can  be  under- 
taken. The  chief  engineer  of  the  company  is  a  well- 
tried  man,  his  honesty,  experience,  and  capacity  are  be- 
yond question,  and  he  has  positively  declared  that  the 
item  in  question  will  not  be  exceeded. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       221 

"  12.  As  little  can  be  said  against  items  2,  3, 4,  and  7  ; 
but  5,  6,  and  9  produce  serious  misgivings.  Item  5  of 
the  estimate,  providing  $2,312,000  for  buildings,  includes 
$850,000  for  repair-shops  for  machinery  and  cars,  134 
stations  at  $2000  each,  or  $268,000  ;  lastly  ten  princi- 
pal stations  at  $25,000  each,  or  $250,000.  These  figures 
are  out  of  all  proportion  low  ;  for  a  length  of  line  of  2000 
miles,  workshops  at  the  collective  amount  of  $850,000, 
stations  the  whole  arrangements  of  which  are  put  down 
at  $2000  only,  and  principal  stations  at  $25,000  each, 
cannot  be  looked  upon  as  adequate  to  the  requirements. 
This  item,  therefore,  will  have  to  be  increased.  The 
;same  remark  applies  to  item  6,  which  provides  $3,615,- 
000  as  the  working  capital,  and  out  of  this  are  to  be 
procured  120  locomotives,  100  first-class  passenger  cars, 
50  second-class  passenger  cars,  30  smoking  cars,  30 
mail  and  baggage  cars,  and  1500  freight  and  cattle  cars. 
This  working  capital  is  so  small,  and  stands  in  such 
glaring  contrast  with  the  length  of  line,  that  much  more 
will  be  required  than  has  been  provided  by  the  estimates. 
In  North  Germany  a  line  of  similar  length  would  re- 
quire more  than  25,000,000  thalers;  and  though  it  may 
not  be  quite  fair  to  measure  American  expenses  by  a 
German  standard — a  maxim  which  underlies  this  report 
— still  the  most  superficial  critic  must  perceive  that 
here  a  very  considerable  augmentation  is  needed.  With 
regard  to  item  9,  providing  $7,230,000  for  the  payment 
of  interest  during  construction,  a  similar  claim  will  have 
to  be  put  forward.  Suppose  the  time  of  building  to  be 
four  years — a  supposition  based  upon  exact  information 
obtained — the  works  would  consume  a  quarter  of  the 
building  capital  in  every  year  during  the  building  period. 
This  interest  will  have  to  be  paid  at  the  end  of  the  first 


222          HISTORY    OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

year  upon  one-quarter ;  at  the  end  of  the  second  year 
upon  one-half:  at  the  end  of  the  third  year  upon  three- 
quarters,  and  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  upon  the  whole 
of  the  building  capital.  Hence  the  interest  during  the 
four  years  will  be  two  and  a  half  times  the  annual  interest. 

"13.  With  an  emission  of  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
$100,000,000,  at  a  rate  of  interest  of  7.30  gold,  the  in- 
terest during  the  building  period  will  foot  up  $18,250,- 
000  gold,  and  though  the  building  fund  need  not  be 
burdened  with  that,  since  the  money  obtained  for  bonds 
and  not  immediately  required  for  building  purposes  may 
be  otherwise  employed  with  advantage,  and  since  also 
the  intermediate  finished  portions  of  the  line  will  yield 
a  revenue  before  the  whole  line  is  opened,  nevertheless, 
what  may  be  gained  in  this  way  must  not  be  overesti- 
mated. The  estimate  of  $3,250,000  is  sufficiently  high, 
so  that  $15,000,000  interest  will  have  to  be  paid  out  of 
the  capital.  Item  9,  therefore,  will  have  to  be  increased 
in  proportion. 

"14.  If,  according  to  these  calculations,  the  estimates 
require  manifold  augmentations  on  the  one  hand,  we 
must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  on  the  other  hand 
the  fixed  building  capital,  $100,000,  000,  is  not  reached 
by  the  sum  total  of  $85,000,000  of  the  estimates, 
but  exceeds  these  estimates  by  $15,000,000.  In  case, 
therefore,  the  bonds  are  not  issued  too  much  below  par, 
the  respective  items  may  be  augmented  by  this  surplus, 
and  this  may  be  the  more  easily  effected,  as,  according 
to  the  communications  of  Mr.  Jay  Cooke,  in  a  conversa- 
tion on  the  subject,  that  gentleman  is  prepared  to  con- 
sider the  matter  with  a  view  to  such  augmentation. 

"  15.  With  regard  to  this  last  point,  but  only  in  view  of 
the  possibility  of  these  anticipations  being  realized,  there 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       223 

is  no  cause  for  anxiety  about  the  estimates,  and  after  such 
augmentation  no  occasion  for  an  unfavorable  judgment. 
"  16.  Turning  to  the  sect  d  question,  whether  the 
Northern  Pacific  Railway,  after  its  completion,  offers 
the  necessary  guarantee  that  the  surplus  accruing  out 
of  the  traffic  revenue  will  suffice  to  pay  the  half-yearly 
rates  of  interest  on  the  bonds,  i.  3  to  be  observed  in  the 
first  place  that  the  interest  at  the  rate  of  7.30  per  cent, 
on  a  capital  of  $100,000,000  amounts  to  $7,300,000. 
To  obtain  a  net  profit  of  a  similar  amount  requires  a 
gross  income  of  $20,000,000  a  year.  It  is  proved  by 
official  data  that  the  net  profits  of  the  American  railways 
are  equal  to  35  per  cent,  of  the  gross  income,  65  per  cent, 
of  the  total  being  consumed  by  the  working  expenses. 

PROBABLE    TRAFFIC. 

"  17.  Whether  the  completed  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
way will  be  able  to  count  on  a  traffic  that  will  yield  an 
income  of  $20,000,000  a  year  can  only  be  ascertained 
by  an  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  population  and  its 
industrial  and  commercial  relations,  and  it  will  be  im- 
portant to  keep  the  actual  state  of  these  relations  very 
carefully  in  view.  The  tract  of  country  traversed  by 
the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  upon  which  at  the  outset 
the  line  depends  for  acquiring  and  securing  a  local  traffic, 
is  situated  in  the  States  of  Minnesota,  Dakota,  Mon- 
tana, Idaho  and  Oregon,  and  in  Washington  Territory. 
These  have,  according  to  the  census  of  1870  : 

Area  in  square  mllcw.  Inhabitants. 

Minnesota 83,531  435,511 

Dakota 147,490  14,181 

Montana 143,776  20,594 

Idaho 90,932  14,998 

Oregon 95,244  90,922 

Washington  Territory 69,994  23,901 


224  HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

Or  an  aggregate  area  of  630,917  square  miles  and  an 
aggregate  population  of  598,147,  while  in  the  year  1860 
they  had  a  population  of  only  250,000  persons.  Accord- 
ing to  this  the  population  has  increased  350,000  persons 
within  a  period  of  ten  years,  but  this  increase  belongs 
for  the  most  part  to  the  State  of  Minnesota  only,  since 
the  population  of  that  State  has  grown  from  172,000  to 
435,500  during  the  period  in  question — an  increase  of 
263,000  persons.  There  is  hardly  any  room  for  doubt 
that  600,000  people,  scattered  over  an  area  of  30,000 
German  square  miles,  even  if  all  are  taken  as  con- 
tributing to  the  success  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
way, will  not  be  able  to  insure  a  traffic  that  will  produce 
an  annual  income  of  $20,000,000. 

"  18.  The  enthusiastic  adherents  of  the  undertakers 
of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  will  not  deny  the  truth 
of  this  assertion,  and  they  are  only  able  to  hold  out 
hopes  for  the  future  by  pointing  to  a  possible  rapid 
increase  of  population  in  the  adjacent  districts  conse- 
quent upon  the  completion  of  the  line,  and  a  correspond- 
ing increase  of  the  income  of  the  company.  Willing 
as  I  am  to  acknowledge,  respecting  America,  the  well 
approved  fact  that,  contrary  to  what  we  see  in  Germany, 
where  railways  are  the  product  of  already  cultivated 
and  well-populated  regions,  the  railways  in  America 
have  hitherto  drawn  culture  and  population  after  them 
into  uncultivated  regions,  and  thereby  drawn  an  income 
to  themselves,  yet  the  deductions  from  these  facts  must 
always  be  made  with  a  certain  reserve.  We  must  not 
forget  that  though  a  growth  of  the  population  in  regions 
newly  traversed  by  railways  is  certain,  it  is  not  suf- 
ficiently rapid  to  cover  thinly  inhabited  regions  within 
a  few  years  with  numerous  and  densely  peopled  settle- 


15 


225. 


226          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ments  of  a  commercially  agricultural  or  industrial  char- 
acter, particularly  when  it  is  a  question  of  filling  a 
region  of  2000  miles  with  such  settlements. 


GROWTH   OF   POPULATION. 

"  We  learn,  by  way  of  example,  from  a  comparison  of 
the  population  of  the  United  States  in  1870  and  1860, 
that  in  that  decennial  period  the  population  increased 
from  31,500,000  to  38,500,000,  an  increase  of  7,000,000, 
— very  considerable  in  itself,  but  not  of  very  great  im- 
portance compared  with  the  proportional  increase  of 
railways,  when  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  railways  in 
the  United  States  increased  during  the  same  period 
from  31,286  miles  to  53,400  miles.  Even  the  most  favor- 
able rate  of  increase  of  the  population  during  the  last  ten 
years,  namely,  that  of  Minnesota,  or  about  150  per 
cent.,  would,  extended  over  the  whole  region  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  Railway,  during  another  ten  years, 
only  result  in  an  aggregate  population  of  1,500,000,  or 
one-third  of  the  present  population  of  the  State  of  New- 
York.  That  such  a  population — which,  by  the  way, 
would  not  exist  at  the  time  of  the  completion  of  the 
line,  nor  till  ten  years  afterward — will  not  yield 
the  required  income  to  pay  out  of  the  net  profits  the 
interest  on  the  capital  invested  in  the  enterprise,  I 
think  I  am,  according  to  my  conviction,  bound  to 
maintain. 

"  Of  course  an  increase  of  population  beyond  the  per- 
centage mentioned  is  possible,  in  consequence  of  accele- 
rated exertions  and  efforts  to  direct  immigration  toward 
the  hitherto  neglected  States  of  Dakota,  Idaho,  and 
Oregon  and  Washington  Territory;  but  we  must  not 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      227 

* 

ignore  the  fact  that  such  exertions  and  efforts  will 
always  have  to  contend  with  great  difficulties.  The 
stream  of  immigration  has  hitherto  flowed  notoriously 
and  preferably  in  the  direction  of  the  more  South- 
ern States,  its  diversion  northward,  particularly  in 
the  States  of  Dakota,  Idaho,  and  Montana,  where 
the  Indian  tribes  are  still  hostile,  will  not  succeed 
until  after  years  of  struggle  and  perseverance.  •  Take, 
for  instance,  Minnesota,  which  has  only  just  suc- 
ceeded in  attracting  the  influx  of  population  already 
mentioned,  though  its  emigration  agents  have  for  years 
traversed  the  length  and  breadth  of  Europe,  and  though 
the  State  has  for  a  considerable  time  been  provided 
with  railways.  To  rely  so  confidently  and  strongly 
upon  the  exertions  and  efforts  in  favor  of  an  immigra- 
tion, the  results  of  which  must  be  reserved  for  a  future 
day,  and  to  deduce  with  certainty  that  they  will  neces- 
sarily produce  a  considerable  local  traffic  for  the  North- 
ern Pacific  Railway  from  the  time  of  the  completion  of 
the  line,  I  consider  hazardous. 

TRANS-CONTINENTAL   TRADE. 

"19.  If  thus,  according  to  my  conviction,  the  pros- 
pects for  an  advantageous  local  traffic  on  the  Northern 
Pacific  railway  during  the  first  years  of  its  operation 
do  not  exist,  the  through  traffic  will  hardly  offer  any 
better  chances.  The  Northern  Pacific  Railway,  one 
terminus  of  which  is  situated  at  Duluth,  on  Lake  Supe- 
rior, in  Minnesota,  and  the  other  at  Puget  Sound,  will 
hardly  be  able  to  reckon  on  a  through  traffic  in  the 
course  of  a  series  of  years,  so  far  as  it  relates  solely  to 
American  products,  since  the  termini  do  not  furnish  any 
basis  for  such  a  traffic.  Puget  Sound,  favorably  as  it 


228          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

may  be  situated  for  shipping,  has,  for  the  time  being, 
nothing  in  the  shape  of  industrial  establishments  except 
a  few  embryo  collieries,  as  yet  insignificant,  and  some 
important  saw-mills,  which  procure  their  raw  material 
by  water,  and  whose  selling  markets  are  not  on  Ameri- 
can soil  but  abroad,  requiring  ships  to  export  their 
product,  while  Duluth,  a  town  of  about  4000  inhabi- 
tants, is  still  in  embryo,  so  that  it  is  hard  to  tell  what 
traffic  it  may  afford  hereafter. 

"  20.  The  Asiatic  through  trade,  so  far  as  it  affects 
the  existing  Pacific  lines,  and  the  importance  of  which 
must  not  be  too  highly  estimated,  since  it  consists  of 
two  articles  only,  tea  and  silk,  will  only  be  attracted 
with  difficulty  to  the  Northern  Pacific  road,  because,  on 
the  one  hand,  until  the  branch  line  provided  for  in  the 
charter  is  completed,  which  will  reduce  the  distance 
from  Puget  Sound  to  Duluth  from  2000  miles  on  the 
main  line  to  1775  miles  on  the  branch  line,  the  distance 
on  the  existing  Pacific  lines  is  about  equal  to  that  of 
the  Northern  Pacific,  which  offers  no  shortening  of  the 
journey  by  land,  and  because,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
commercial  relations  between  New  York  and  Chicago 
and  San  Francisco  are  so  closely  tied  that  the  removal 
of  the  agency  of  the  San  Francisco  houses  concerned  in 
this  commerce  can  hardly  be  thought  of. 

"  21.  After  this  exposition,  though  I  readily  acknow- 
ledge that  the  Northern  Pacific  road  will  come  in  for 
something  at  the  opening — for  instance,  the  important 
consignments  to  supply  the  military  forts  with  provis- 
ions, the  transport  of  provisions  for  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  the  products  of  the  mines  of  Montana,  Idaho, 
and  Washington,  insignificant  at  present — I  must  in- 
cline to  the  opinion  that  after  the  completion  of  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      229 

line  and  the  simultaneous  cessation  of  paying  interest 
out  of  the  capital,  a  longer  or  shorter  period  of  time 
will  intervene  during  which  the  working  of  the  road 
will  not  produce  the  required  income  to  pay  an  interest 
of  7.30  per  cent,  on  the  capital  invested  after  deducting 
the  working  expenses.  As  the  means  provided  in  the 
statutory  regulations,  of  which  I  shall  speak  further  on, 
by  which  supplies  are  to  be  raised  in  cases  when  the 
regular  income  does  not  suffice  to  pay  the  interest,  will 
fail  to  afford  a  remedy,  as  I  shall  endeavor  to  prove,  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  obligations  under- 
taken by  the  promoters  of  the  enterprise  respecting  the 
payment  of  interest  cannot  be  fulfilled  during  the  period 
immediately  following  the  opening  of  the  line. 

VALUE  OF  THE  LAND  GRANT. 

"  22.  With  regard  to  the  third  question,  whether  the 
gale  of  land  will  realize  the  amounts  by  which  the  re- 
demption of  the  entire  bonded  debt  can  be  effected 
within  the  thirty  years  specified,  I  must,  first  of  all, 
contradict  an  opinion  which  has  been  widely  circulated, 
representing  the  regions  traversed  by  the  Northern 
Pacific  Railway  as  unfavorable  to  civilization,  agricul- 
ture and  industry  The  experience  I  have  acquired 
from  personal  inspection,  as  well  as  the  most  trustworthy 
information  from  official  sources  I  have  everywhere 
gathered  on  the  spot,  has  convinced  me  that  the  region 
through  which  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  passes  is 
one  of  the  most  fertile  on  the  American  Continent,  and 
is  in  every  respect  suitable  for  colonization.  Minnesota 
and  Dakota  belong  to  the  grain-growing  region  ;  MOD* 
tana  and  Idaho  are  rich  in  minerals  and  pastures,  and 


230          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Oregon  and  Washington  Territory  belong  to  the  region 
of  minerals,  furs,  timber  and  agriculture. 

"  The  Government  land  grant  to  the  Northern  Pacific 
Railway  Company,  representing,  as  already  mentioned, 
50,000,000  acres  for  the  main  line,  has  an  appreciable 
value,  the  money  price  of  which,  at  the  rate  at  which 
the  Illinois  Central  sold  its  land,  would  amount  to 
$550,000,000 ;  at  the  rate  at  which  Minnesota  disposed 
of  her  school  land,  it  would  amount  to  $350,000,000 ; 
and  at  the  rate  at  which  the  Kansas  Pacific  realized,  it 
would  amount  to  $165,000,000.  Granted  that  even 
the  last  figure  is  put  too  high,  we  may  fall  back  on  the 
minimum  price  below  which  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment has  bound  itself  to  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway 
Company  not  to  sell  land  in  the  alternating  sections 
adjoining  the  line.  At  $2.50  an  acre  the  land  grant  of 
the  company  is  worth  $125,000,000 — an  amount  still 
more  than  sufficient  to  redeem  the  entire  $100,000,000 
of  bonds ;  even  the  redemption  at  ten  per  cent,  above 
par  permitted  by  the  statutory  regulations  requiring 
$110,000,000  to  redeem  the  bonds,  would  still  leave  a 
handsome  surplus.  However,  another  question  is 
whether  the  land  can  really  be  disposed  of  by  way  of 
sale  within  the  thirty  years  fixed  for  the  redemption 
of  the  bonds,  and  whether  the  demand  for  these  lands 
will  so  nearly  equal  the  supply  that  sales  can  be  made 
at  the  given  prices  and  during  the  specified  period  of 
time  ?  The  answer  to  this  question  is  essentially  de- 
pendent on  the  same  points  which  have  been  already 
considered  in  connection  with  the  security  for  the  pay- 
ment of  interest  on  the  bonds,  namely,  whether  in  this 
case  the  population  of  the  respective  regions  will  increase 
at  a  rate  sufficiently  rapid  to  insure  that  after  the  lapse 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      231 

of  thirty  years  the  whole  land  of  the  company  shall 
have  changed  hands  and  been  transferred  to  private 
owners.  So  far  as  human  calculations  can  at  all  fore- 
cast what  may  be  accomplished  in  periods  of  such  dura- 
tion, this  question  may  be  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
The  experience  of  the  past  in  the  United  States,  as  well 
as  what  is  seen  every  day,  gives  ample  proof  that,  as  a 
rule,  after  a  number  of  years  have  passed  subsequent  to 
the  opening  of  a  line  in  new  and  uncultivated  regions, 
and  new  settlements  have  been  established  in  conse- 
quence of  the  railway,  such  land  can  be  sold  well  and 
easier  than  any  other  land.  Thus,  though  a  period  of 
several  years  following  immediately  upon  the  opening 
of  a  line  may  have  few  sales  to  show,  yet  in  the  long 
run  all  will  be  right,  and  the  period  of  redemption  is 
long  enough  to  warrant  a  confidence,  based  upon  expe- 
rience, that  within  the  period  of  redemption  the  area 
of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  Company  will  have 
changed  hands  for  the  benefit  of  the  company.  How- 
ever, that  during  the  first  few  years  after  the  opening 
of  the  line  the  sales  will  assume  but  small  dimensions, 
can  hardly  be  doubted,  since,  as  has  been  already  ob- 
served, the  immigration  turning  toward  the  newly- 
opened  regions  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  will  not 
be  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  create  an  active  demand, 
and  as,  furthermore,  a  great  many  immigrants  who  may 
turn  in  that  direction  to  look  out  for  new  settlements 
will  prefer  to  avail  themselves  of  the  facilities  offered 
by  the  Homestead  law,  according  to  which  every  man 
on  American  soil,  above  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and 
declaring  that  he  will  remain,  may  secure  on  easy  terms 
the  possession  of  eighty  acres  of  public  land  by  simply 
paying  a  fee.  Now,  as  in  the  regions  crossed  by  the 


232          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Northern  Pacific  Railway  the  public  land  lies  adjacent 
in  alternating  sections,  and  is  consequently  without  any 
difference  of  quality,  the  immigrants  will,  at  the  outset, 
prefer  the  public  land,  and  the  railway  company  will 
only  be  able  to  effect  exceptional  sales. 

"  23.  To  what  extent  public  land  is  disposed  of  under 
the  Homestead  law  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that 
during  the  year  1869,  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  sold  for  cash  2,900,000  acres,  and  allotted  under 
the  Homestead  law  2,737,000  acres;  during  the  year 
1870,  it  sold  for  cash  2,150,000  acres,  and  allotted  under 
the  Homestead  law  3,700,000  acres.  If  thus  the  land 
sales  of  the  railway  company  should  be  of  little  ac- 
count for  several  years,  one  of  the  means  already  alluded 
to,  of  supplementing  the  fund  out  of  which  the  interest 
on  the  bonds  is  to  be  paid  in  years  of  deficiency,  will 
simultaneously  fail.  The  statutory  regulations  stipulate 
that  the  bonds  shall  be  successively  bought  up  with 
the  proceeds  of  the  land  sales  and  cancelled.  At  the 
same  time,  however,  it  is  permitted,  in  case  of  the 
treasury  of  the  company  being  exhausted,  and  conse- 
quently without  the  necessary  means  for  paying  the  in- 
terest on  the  bonds,  to  make  up  the  deficiency  out  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  land  sales.  Of  course  the  company 
is  bound  to  make  restitution  to  the  land  fund  of  the 
amount  taken  out,  by  handing  over  the  first  net  profits 
of  the  line.  But  if  the  land  sales  are  only  of  a  limited 
extent  at  first,  and  the  proceeds  correspondingly  small, 
it  will  not  be  possible  to  make  any  substantial  advances 
toward  paying  the  interest,  and  simultaneously,  as  I 
have  previously  asserted,  the  line  will  not  produce  the 
requisite  amount  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the 
bonds ;  and  thus,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  certain  that  a 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      233 

longer  or  shorter  period  will  ensue,  immediately  upon 
the  opening  of  the  line,  during  which  the  bondholders 
will  have  to  forego  interest. 

INSUFFICIENT     SECURITY    FOR   BONDHOLDERS. 

"  24.  In  continuation  of  the  foregoing,  I  have  yet  to 
mention  in  what  manner  the  rights  of  the  bondholders 
are  to  be  guarded  under  such  critical  circumstances. 
The  mortgage  of  July  1st,  1870,  executed  by  the  rail- 
way company  to  the  trustees,  as  representatives  of  the 
bondholders  on  the  other  side — to  which  the  bond- 
holders have  to  submit — stipulates  that,  in  case  the 
company  should  not  be  able  to  fulfil  their  obligations 
respecting  the  payment  of  interest  on  the  bonds,  and  (1) 
the  delay  in  the  payment  has  lasted  three  months,  the 
trustees  shall  have  the  power  to  sell  so  much  land  out 
of  the  area  of  the  company  as  will  be  necessary  to  re- 
alize the  amount  required  to  pay  the  interest ;  (2)  when 
the  delay  in  the  payment  has  lasted  six  months  the 
trustees  shall  be  empowered  to  take  charge  of  the  line 
and  work  it  themselves,  and  to  make  all  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  that  purpose ;  (3)  when  the  delay  in 
the  payment  has  lasted  three  years,  the  trustees  shall 
be  empowered  to  sell  the  line,  and  all  the  possessions 
pertaining  to  it,  for  the  benefit  of  the  bondholders. 
These  stipulations,  however,  if  acted  upon,  would  do 
the  bondholders  little  good.  With  reference  to  the 
powers  conferred  upon  the  trustees  by  Article  1,  it  is 
difficult  to  see  what  advantage  would  be  gained  for  the 
bondholders  by  making  use  of  them.  If  the  land  were 
saleable  the  company  could  and  would  sell  to  pay  the 
interest  on  the  bonds,  and  it  will  only  be  on  account  of 
the  land  not  being  saleable,  shortly  after  the  opening 


234          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

of  the  line,  that  no  proceeds  of  the  land  sale  will  be 
available  to  supplement  the  interest-paying  fund,  and 
that  the  circumstances  will  arise  for  which  the  sale  of 
land  is  to  furnish  a  remedy.  How  the  trustees  can  re- 
alize money  by  the  sale  of  unsaleable  land  is  not  very 
clear.  The  same  objection  applies  to  the  measures  pro- 
vided for  in  Article  2,  empowering  the  trustees  to  take 
charge  of  the  line  and  work  it  themselves.  What 
benefits  are  the  bondholders  likely  to  derive  from  that  ? 
The  trustees  will  hardly  be  able  to  convert  a  non-paying 
line  into  a  paying  line,  and  it  might  even  be  hazardous 
to  take  the  management  out  of  the  hands  of  people 
acquainted  with  local  and  other  conditions,  simply  be- 
cause a  crisis  had  ensued  which,  by  no  exertions  and 
foresight,  could  by  any  human  possibility  have  been 
averted.  Finally,  the  powers  conferred  upon  the  trus- 
tees by  Article  3  ought  to  have  been  given,  in  my 
opinion,  by  Article  1.  If  the  interest  on  the  bonds 
should  not  be  paid,  the  bondholders — the  mortgagees 
of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway — must,  according 
to  my  view  of  the  matter,  have  the  power  to  bring 
the  object  mortgaged,  in  the  case  before  us  the 
property  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  Company, 
under  the  hammer  of  the  auctioneer,  in  order  to  realize 
out  of  the  proceeds  a  pro  rata  dividend  upon  their  claims, 
as  in  any  other  case  of  insolvency ;  but  this  power  must 
not  be  withheld  for  a  space  of  three  years,  and  only 
conceded  when  other  and  questionable  measures  have 
proved  fruitless. 

"  I  find  in  the  mortgage  of  July  1st,  1870,  which  de- 
termines the  rights  of  the  bondholders,  less  a  security 
for  the  exercise  of  those  rights  than  a  troublesome  ol> 
stacle  to  the  execution  of  rights  guaranteed  to  the  bond- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       235 

holders   by  the  general  laws  of  the  United  States  of 
America, 

CONCLUSION. 

"  25.  To  sum  up,  I  cannot  deem  it  advisable  that 
European  capitalists  should  be  encouraged  to  partici- 
pate in  the  enterprize  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway, 
as,  in  my  opinion,  after  the  completion  of  the  line  a 
period  will  ensue  during  which  the  company  will  not  be 
able  to  fulfil  the  obligation  it  is  under  respecting  the 
payment  of  interest  on  the  bonds.  It  is  certainly  pos- 
sible that  this  period  will  not  ensue  immediately  upon 
the  completion  of  the  main  line,  inasmuch  as  the  branch 
line,  equally  provided  by  the  charter,  will  issue  new 
mortgage  bonds,  out  of  which  the  interest  may  be  paid 
for  a  while,  but  this  will  only  postpone,  not  avert,  the 
crisis. 

"  That  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  may  be  a  good 
and  profitable  enterprise  after  the  years  of  its  child- 
hood and  troubles  have  been  survived,  will  not  be 
enough  to  commend  it  to  the  European  money  market ; 
it  will  have  to  be  proved  that  the  company  will  be  able 
during  the  early  years  of  the  enterprise  to  fulfil  all  the 
engagements  entered  into.  In  the  full  consciousness  of 
the  responsibility  incumbent  on  me  as  a  member  of  the 
European  Commission  of  Experts,  I  cannot  consider 
that  this  proof  is  forthcoming.  HAAS. 

«  BERLIN,  Nov.  8<M,  J871." 


236  HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT  J    OR, 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

DANGER  AHEAD. 

Evils  resulting  to  the  Country  from  Railroad  Mismanagement — The  Danger 
of  Monopolies — Disregard  of  Individual  and  Public  Rights — Efforts  to  cor- 
rupt the  Legislative  and  Judicial  Powers  of  the  Country — How  the  Corpora- 
tions menace  the  Public  Liberties — Mistakes  of  the  People — Helplessness  of 
the  Community — Mr.  Thomas  Scott's  Boast  justified — A  Railroad  King — 
Contrast  between  Vanderbilt  and  Drew — Immense  Power  of  Commodore 
Vanderbilt — A  Gigantic  Monopoly — A  Real  Danger — An  Unsafe  Power  in 
the  Hands  of  an  Interested  Man — Danger  Ahead — The  Way  to  meet  it 

WE  have  now  examined  hastily  some  of  the  evils  of 
the  present  system  of  railroad  management,  and  have 
pointed  out  some  of  the  troubles  likely  to  arise  there- 
from. Our  purpose  in  doing  so  is  not  to  excite  unneces- 
sary or  ill-advised  hostility  to.  the  railroad  system  of  the 
country,  but  to  arouse  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  dan- 
ger with  which  the  mismanagement  of  this  system 
threatens  them.  That  there  is  danger,  we  presume  na 
one  will  deny. 

Looking  back  over  what  we  have  been  consideringr 
we  find : 

I.  That  the  railroad  system  of  the  United   States,, 
which  was  intended  to  give  the  people  rapid  and  cheap 
communication  and  transportation,  and  which  was  de- 
signed as  the  servant  of  the  people,  has  grown  into  a 
powerful  combination  of  monopolies,  each  and  all  ani- 
mated by  a  common  object. 

II.  That  the  object  of  these  monopolies  is  to  compel 
the  people  to  pay  whatever  rates  they  may  see  fit  to- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       237 

establish  for  the  service  rendered  them,  and  to  keep 
these  rates  at  the  highest  possible  point. 

III.  That  the  corporations  have  a  decided  advantage 
over  the  public  in  this  struggle,  and  that  they  are  de- 
termined to  resist,  and  do  resist,  all  efforts  on   the  part 
of  the  latter  to  obtain  cheap  transportation. 

IV.  That  they  are  utterly  regardless  of  the  rights  of 
the  people,  either  as  individuals,  or  as  a  community, 
and  that  they  resent  and  punish  to  the  extent  of  their 
power,  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  an  individual  to  dis- 
pute their  regulations,  however  arbitrary  and  unjust 
the  said  rules  may  be. 

V.  That  they  are  practically  irresponsible  for  their 
action,  and  resist  any  and   all  efforts  to  render  them 
amenable  to  the  law. 

VI.  That  they  pursue  a  systematic  course  of  plunder, 
robbing  the  nation  of  its  property,  and  levying  exorbi- 
tant rates  upon  individuals  and  freight,  to  pay  "  fancy 
dividends  "  upon  their  fictitious  stock. 

VII.  That  in  order  to  secure  the  success  of  their 
schemes,  they  do  not  hesitate  to  resort  to  the  most  cor- 
rupt practices.     They  have  done  what  they  could  to 
debauch  the  men  placed  in  positions  of  public  trust  by 
the  people,  bribing  legislators,  and  taking  them  into 
their   pay,  literally  purchasing  courts  of  justice,  and 
thus  closing  the  means  of  obtaining  justice  once  open  to 
the  people. 

VIII.  That  they  are  directly  responsible  for  a  large 
share  of  the  corruption  that  is  fast  demoralizing  our 
public  service,  and  are   seeking  to  render  themselves 
the  masters  of  the  National  and  State  governments. 

IX.  That  they  have  introduced  an  element  of  reck- 
less gambling  in  stocks  into  the  monetary  affairs  of  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      239 

country,  which  is  utterly  destructive  of  all  sound  busi- 
ness management,  and  have  succeeded  in  demoralizing 
this  portion  of  our  financial  system  to  such  an  extent 
that  great  evils  must  follow  unless  they  are  compelled 
to  desist. 

X.  That  they  are  growing  bolder  and  more  audacious 
in  their  designs  upon  the  people,  caring  for  nothing  but 
an  increase  in  their  gains,  and  that  the  liberties,  the 
free  institutions,  the  property,  and  the  national  existence 
of  the  American  people  are  seriously  endangered  by  the 
unlawful  designs  and  the  insolent  acts  of  the  railroad 
corporations. 

There  is  danger  in  all  this,  and  it  would  be  worse 
than  folly  to  shut  our  eyes  and  profess  not  to  see  it.  It 
is  a  danger  that  must  be  met  and  turned  aside.  The 
power  of  a  railroad  corporation  is  not  an  imaginary 
thing.  The  corporation  employs  many  hundred  men, 
and  disburses  large  sums  of  money ;  and  it  does  these 
things  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  "  earning "  as  much 
money  from  the  people  who  are  compelled  to  use  the 
road,  as  they  will  pay.  It  is  carrying  out  a  system  of 
operations  opposed  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  it 
is  a  compact,  solid  body,  under  the  direction  and  con- 
trol of  one  vigorous  mind,  and  it  possesses  every  chance 
of  success  against  the  people,  who  are  generally  divided 
and  indisposed  to  assert  their  rights,  though  sensible 
that  they  are  being  injured.  It  is  almost  absolute  mas- 
ter of  the  market  of  the  region  it  supplies.  It  can 
benefit  or  injure  a  community  by  liberal  tariffs  or  extor- 
tionate rates,  as  it  pleases,  and  the  managers  are  free  to 
decide  which  policy  shall  be  pursued.  It  is  subject  to 
no  control.  It  can  do  as  it  pleases.  It  controls  hun- 
dreds of  votes  along  its  line,  not  one  of  which  will  be 


240  HISTORY   OF     THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

cast  against  it  in  any  contest  with  the  public,  and  the 
lobby  it  maintains  at  the  centres  of  government  takes 
care  that  no  adverse  legislation  shall  stop  its  encroach- 
ments upon  the  rights  of  the  people.  Relying  upon  its 
wealth  and  power,  it  insolently  defies  the  community 
to  protect  itself,  and  pursues  its  course  of  extortion  un- 
checked. 

Now,  if  this  be  the  power  of  a  single  road,  what  shall 
we  say  of  the  vast  combinations  of  roads  which  are 
being  organized  and  are  in  operation  throughout  <the 
country  ?  Does  any  one  for  an  instant  imagine  that 
these  combinations,  whose  sole  object  is  to  enrich  them- 
selves, are  careful  of  the  rights  of  the  public?  The 
very  essence  of  their  system  is  to  make  charges  as  high 
as  possible,  and,  by  combining,  prevent  competition. 
They  know  their  roads  are  a  necessity  to  the  public, 
and  that  persons  using  them  must  pay  whatever  rates 
they  see  fit  to  impose.  They  have  combined  for  the 
purpose  of  compelling  the  public  to  submit  to  their  ex- 
tortions, and  they  have  no  intention  of  abandoning  their 
design.  They  are  masters  of  the  situation  thus  far, 
and  they  know  it. 

As  for  the  people,  they  have  no  redress  as  matters 
are  conducted  at  present.  "  With  packed  legislatures," 
says  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  in  a  recent  issue,  "  with  paid 
or  intimidated  judges,  and  with  a  civil  service  consist- 
ing of  several  thousand  cunning  clerks  and  able-bodied 
brakemen,  conductors,  and  switch-tenders,  they  would 
be  in  just  that  position  most  dreaded  by  all  lovers  of 
liberty — a  powerful  and  enormously  rich  corporation, 
surrounded  by  a  timid,  weak,  and  hopeless  public. 
While  we  were  still  engaged  in  singing  paeans  over  the 
glorious  institutions  of  our  happy  country,  we  should 


16 


241 


242          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

suddenly  find  that  our  institutions  had  disappeared, 
and  that  we  had  riveted  round  our  necks  the  chains  of 
a  worse  despotism  than  any  we  ever  lamented  for  our 
fellow-creatures.  This  is  really  no  imaginary  picture, 
as  any  one  will  admit  who  recollects  the  stronghold,  ab- 
solutely inaccessible  to  the  law,  which  Fisk  and  Gould 
erected  and  for  a  time  maintained  in  New  York,  or  the 
military  operations  of  the  employes  of  the  Erie  and 
the  Susquehanna  railroads  during  the  *  Susquehanna 
War/  and  who  has  followed  with  any  attention  the 
helpless  struggles  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States — formerly  supposed  to  be  quite  able  to  take  care 
of  itself — in  the  foul  toils  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road." 

Mr.  Thomas  Scott,  the  vice-president  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railway,  is  credited  with  the  remark  that  he 
preferred  his  position  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  as  it  was  a  post  of  more  real  power,  and  offered 
greater  opportunities  to  a  man  of  ambition  and  talent. 
This  was  no  idle  boast.  Colonel  Scott  has  shown,  upon 
more  occasions  than  one,  that  he  feels  that  his  road  is 
the  master  of  the  vast  communities  dependent  upon  it. 

Few  monarchs  enjoy  as  much  substantial  power  as  is 
vested  in  the  hands  of  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  of  New 
York,  who  is  often  called  the  "  Railroad  King."  A  man 
of  unbounded  ambition,  and  with  every  quality  for  the 
successful  organization  and  management  of  great 
monopolies,  he  has,  by  his  genius  and  daring,  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  railroad  interest  of  the 
United  States.  Naturally  arrogant,  his  continued  suc- 
cess has  made  him  a  true  king  of  the  absolute  school, 
in  the  execution  of  his  plans.  Mr.  Adams  draws  the 
following  contrast  between  Vanderbilt  and  his  rival, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      243 


CROSSING  THE  PLAINS  ON  THE  UNION  PACIFIC  KAILKOAD. 

Daniel  Drew  : — "  Drew  is  astute,  and  full  of  resources, 
and  at  all  times  a  dangerous  opponent ;  but  Vanderbilt 
takes  larger,  more  comprehensive  views,  and  his  mind 
has  a  vigorous  grasp  which  that  of  Drew  seems  to 
want.  While,  in  short,  in  a  wider  field,  the  one  might 
have  made  himself  a  great  and  successful  despot,  the 
other  would  hardly  have  aspired  beyond  the  control  of 
the  jobbing  department  of  some  corrupt  government. 
Accordingly,  while  in  Drew's  connection  with  the  rail- 
road system  his  operations  and  manipulations  evince  no 
qualities  calculated  to  excite  even  a  vulgar  admiration 
or  respect,  it  is  impossible  to  regard  Vanderbilt's  methods 
or  aims  without  recognizing  the  magnitude  of  the  man's 
ideas  and  conceding  his  abilities.  He  involuntarily  ex- 
cites feelings  of  admiration  for  himself  and  alarm  for 


244          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  public.  His  ambition  is  a  great  one.  It  seems  tc 
be  nothing  less  than  to  make  himself  master  in  his  own 
right  of  the  great  channels  of  communication  which 
connect  the  city  of  New  York  with  the  interior  of  the 
continent,  and  to  control  them  as  his  private  property. 
Drew  sought  to  carry  to  a  mean  perfection  the  old  sys- 
tem of  operating  successfully  from  the  confidential  posi- 
tion of  director,  neither  knowing  anything  nor  caring 
anything  for  the  railroad  system,  except  in  its  connection 
with  the  movements  of  the  Stock  Exchange,  and  he  suc- 
ceeded in  his  object.  Vanderbilt,  on  the  other  hand, 
as  selfish,  harder,  and  more  dangerous,  though  less 
subtle,  has  by  instinct,  rather  than  by  intellectual  effort, 
seen  the  full  magnitude  of  the  system,  and  through  it 
has  sought  to  make  himself  a  dictator  in  modern  civili- 
zation, moving  forward  to  this  end  step  by  step  with  a 
sort  of  pitiless  energy  which  has  seemed  to  have  in  it 
an  element  of  fate.  As  trade  now  dominates  the  world, 
and  railways  dominate  trade,  his  object  has  been  to 
make  himself  the  virtual  master  of  all  by  making  him- 
self absolute  lord  of  the  railways.  Had  he  begun  his 
railroad  operations  with  this  end  in  view,  complete 
failure  would  have  been  almost  certainly  his  reward. 
Commencing  as  he  did,  however,  with  a  comparatively 
insignificant  objective  point — the  cheap  purchase  of  a 
bankrupt  stock — and  developing  his  ideas  as  he  ad- 
vanced, his  power  and  his  reputation  grew,  until  an  end 
which  at  first  it  would  have  seemed  madness  to  enter- 
tain, became  at  last  both  natural  and  feasible." 

Not  long  since,  the  Presidency  of  the  Lake  Shore 
&  Michigan  Southern  Railroad  became  vacant  by 
reason  of  the  death  of  the  president,  Plorace  F.  .Clark. 
Mr.  Clark  was  the  son-in-law  and  a  valuable  ally  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      245 

Commodore  Vanderbilt,  and  at  his  death  the  directors 
transferred  the  presidency  to  Vanderbilt.  Their  action 
elicited  considerable  comment  from  the  press  at  the  time. 
The  editorial  remarks  of  Harper's  Weekly  are  signifi- 
cant and  worthy  of  preservation,- as  showing  the  view 
of  the  matter  held  by  an  influential  portion  of  the 
American  people.  Said  that  journal : 

"  The  election  of  Commodore  Yanderbilt  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Lake  Shore  &  Michigan  Southern  Railway 
marks  another  step  in  the  gradual  consolidation  of  our 
great  railroad  and  financial  enterprises.  Starting  from 
Chicago,  the  metropolis  of  the  northwest,  and  the 
greatest  grain  depot  in  the  world,  the  Lake  Shore  Rail- 
way, running  through  a  country  which  has  been  settled 
for  two  generations  of  men,  drains  the  rich  peninsula 
between  the  lakes,  and  connects  the  populous  towns  of 
the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie  with  the  railway  system 
of  the  east.  At  Buffalo  it  connects  with  the  extensive 
system  of  railroads  which  Mr.  Vanderbilt  has  consoli- 
dated within  the  past  few  years  under  the  title  of  the 
New  York  Central  &  Hudson  River  Railway,  and  which 
drain  the  best  counties  of  New  York  from  Lake  Erie  to 
Westchester.  Adding  to  the  Central  &  Hudson  the 
Harlem,  which  is  now  operated  under  a  perpetual  lease, 
Mr.  Vanderbilt  thus  controls  2150  miles  of  railway, 
constituting  the  main  line  between  the  west  and  the 
sea-board,  and  the  chief  outlet  of  such  cities  as  Chicago, 
Toledo,  Cleveland,  Buffalo,  Rochester,  Syracuse,  Utica, 
Lockport,  Schenectady,  Troy,  Albany,  Hudson,  Pough- 
keepsie,  and  the  other  river-side  towns.  The  property 
which  he  thus  administers  is  represented  on  the  Stock 
Exchange  by  securities  equal  to  $215,000,000,  and  its 
gross  income  last  year  was  not  less  than  forty-five  mil- 


246          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

lions  of  dollars — more  than  the  whole  income  of  the 
United  States  Government  a  few  years  ago. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  contemplate  this  vast  aggregation 
of  money  power  and  commercial  control  in  the  hands 
of  one  man  without  feeling  concern  for  the  result. 
Neither  military,  nor  political  nor  commercial  su- 
premacy can  be  pushed  beyond  certain  limits  without 
danger.  It  would  seem  as  though  the  limit  in  this  case 
had  been  reached.  Yet,  not  content  with  the  mastery 
of  2150  miles  of  railway,  involving  in  a  large  degree 
the  control  of  the  internal  trade  of  the  States  of  Illi- 
nois, Indiana,  Ohio,  and  New  York,  it  is  well  under- 
stood that,  in  October  next,  at  the  annual  election  of 
the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company,  the  Commo- 
dore will  enter  into  possession  of  that  great  property 
likewise,  with  its  sixty  or  seventy  thousand  miles  of 
wires,  its  forty  millions  of  capital,  and  its  eight  or  nine 
millions  of  revenue.  When  this  occurs,  not  only  will 
the  commerce  of  the  four  chief  States  of  the  North  be 
subject  to  Mr.  Vanderbilt— under  such  feeble  restric- 
tions as  our  Legislatures  may  impose — but  the  whole 
telegraphic  correspondence  of  the  country  will  obey  his 
law.  He  may  prescribe,  not  only  what  shall  be  the  price 
of  a  barrel  of  flour  in  New  York,  but  also  when,  how, 
and  at  what  cost  citizens  may  communicate  with  each 
other  by  telegraph. 

"  Of  course  he  will  be  subject  to  legislative  control. 
What  that  will  amount  to  we  all  know.  In  the  past 
no  Legislature  in  this  State  has  ever  dared  to  beard 
him.  He  will  be  a  bold  man,  indeed,  who  attempts  to 
do  so  now,  when  his  resources  are  so  unbounded,  and 
his  power  so  far-reaching.  It  was  said  that  the  late 
James  Fisk,  Jr.,  who  controlled  a  paltry  450  miles  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      247 

Erie,  running  through  a  half-settled  country,  could,  on 
an  emergency,  bring  25,000  votes  into  the  field.  At 
how  many  votes,  then,  must  we  reckon  the  master  of 
2150  miles  of  railway  through  a  thickly  settled  country, 
and  70,000  miles  of  telegraph  ?  It  is,  moreover,  one 
thing  to  pass  laws,  and  quite  another  to  execute  them 
against  a  man  fertile  in  resource,  energetic  in  action, 
obstinate  in  combat,  and  inexhaustible  in  purse.  We 
have  some  fine  laws  prescribing  the  rate  of  fare  on  the 
Central  &  Hudson,  but  every  traveller  knows  that  if 
he  would  be  comfortable  he  must  pay  thirty  to  forty 
per  cent,  extra  for  a  seat  in  a  drawing-room  car. 

"If,  again,  the  concentration  of  these  great  enter- 
prises in  one  grasp  were  likely  to  be  attended  with  a 
reduction  of  the  cost  of  travel  and  the  burdens  of  trade, 
or  if  it  insured  improved  facilities  to  keep  pace  with  the 
development  of  the  country,  these  would  be  redeeming 
features  in  the  Vanderbilt  regime.  But  great  as  Mr.  Van- 
derbilt  undoubtedly  is  as  a  railway  manager,  his  greatness 
shows  itself  not  in  increased  facilities  for  travel  and 
trade,  but  wholly  and  altogether  in  economy  of  adminis- 
tration. He  makes  money  by  saving  it.  Economy  is 
his  watchword,  his  motto.  It  was  by  new  economies, 
he  said  in  his  letter  accepting  the  presidency  of  the 
Lake  Shore,  that  he  hoped  to  set  that  company  on  its 
legs.  It  is  by  economy  that  he  makes  the  Central  pay 
four  times  more  than  Erastus  Corning  or  Henry  Keep 
could  ever  make  it  yield.  Now  economy  in  railway 
administration  is  admirable  from  the  stockholders'  point 
of  view.  It  is  not  so  good  for  the  traveller.  If  it  means,  as 
some  evil-disposed  critics  of  the  Vanderbilt  regime  pre- 
tend, filthy  cars,  wretched  stations,  general  discomfort, 
and  decreased  instead  of  increased  accomodation,  the  pros- 


248          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

pect  of  its  indefinite  extension  is  not  likely  to  over- 
whelm the  public  with  delight.  It  would,  of  course,  be 
childish  to  expect  Commodore  Vanderbilt  or  any  one 
else  to  run  railroads  from  philanthropic  motives  or  as 
charitable  institutions.  He  runs  them  to  make  money, 
and  for  no  other  purpose.  This  being  the  case,  and 
such  being  his  policy,  it  is  not  surprising,  considering 
how  extensively  railways  control  commerce,  govern 
prices,  and  influence  our  closest  interests,  that  people 
should  feel  nervous  at  the  news  of  this  Great  Economist 
capturing  another  thousand  miles  of  railway,  and 
stretching  out  his  long  hand  to  grasp  all  the  telegraph 
wires  in  the  country.  It  is  probably  unfair  to  grudge 
the  Central  stockholders  their  dividends.  But  people 
who  are  not  so  fortunate  as  to  belong  to  that  happy 
class  cannot  be  blamed  for  remembering  that  the  Cen- 
tral &  Hudson  property,  which  is  now  made  to  pay 
dividends  on  $115,000,000,  was  represented  in  1862  by 
only  $50,000,000  of  stock  and  bonds,  and  really  cost 
about  $35,000,000,  the  difference  between  this  sum  and 
$115,000,000  being  mostly  what  is  called,  in  the  jargon 
of  the  street,  '  water ; '  and  that  if  there  had  been  no 
water  mixed  with  the  good  old  Central  wine,  the  road 
could  have  carried  passengers  at  one  cent  a  mile  in 
clean,  well-ventilated  cars,  and  have  paid  the  same  divi- 
dends that  it  does  now. 

"  In  truth,  however,  it  is  a  small  matter  to  a  pros- 
perous people  like  ourselves  whether  we  pay  one  or 
three  cents  a  mile  to  go  to  Albany,  or  whether  dust  and 
discomfort  do  or  do  not  drive  us  into  drawing-room  cars. 
A  much  graver  matter  is  the  inevitable  tendency  of 
these  grasping  monopolies  that  are  springing  up  around 
us,  and  the  inexorable  law  which  punishes  corporate 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      249 


SXOW   6IIEDS   ON   THE   CENTRAL  PACIFIC. 

greed  with  confiscation.  No  student  of  history,  espe- 
cially of  the  history  of  the  great  corporations  of  the  last 
century — we  mean,  of  course,  the  ecclesiastical  bodies 
— can  fail  to  discern  the  fate  of  many  of  our  great  rail- 
way companies.  One  set  of  men  after  another  growls 
and  submits.  One  Legislature  after  another  threatens 
and  is  cajoled  or  bought  off.  But  the  intolerable  op- 
pression continues,  and  year  by  year  the  instinct  of  re- 
bellion grows  stronger  and  stronger,  until  it  has  coher- 
ence enough  for  demagogues  to  make  it  a  plank  in  their 
platforms.  Then  no  man  can  stem  the  tide  or  set  a 
limit  to  party  fury  or  popular  injustice.  You  can  hear 
the  first  mutterings  of  the  storm  in  the  proceedings  of 


250          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  *  granges'  at  the  West.  Already,  monstrous  as  it 
may  seem,  judiciary  elections  turn  on  railway  against 
anti-railway.  Even  Congress  the  other  day,  in  its  fury 
over  the  Credit  Mobilier,  stopped  but  little  short  of  con- 
fiscation in  its  proceedings  against  the  Union  Pacific. 
How  long  will  it  be  before  some  party  in  this  State 
seriously  proposes  to  tax  the  Central  all  it  makes  on  its 
watered  stock?  Is  there  no  Ben  Butler  in  the  Western 
counties  to  ride  this  magnificent  hobby-horse  into  Al- 
bany and  Washington  ?  When  the  Central  was  bor- 
rowing money  to  pay  three  per  cent,  half  yearly,  it 
seemed  mean  to  tax  it.  But  now,  with  a  revenue  of 
twenty-five  millions,  Aristides  himself  might  vote  to 
confiscate.  Idle  to  talk  about  measures  being  unconsti- 
tutional. Constitutions  can  be  changed  as  well  as  laws, 
and  when  the  day  comes  for  the  spoliation  of  the  rail- 
ways, neither  vested  rights  nor  common  honesty  are 
likely  to  obtain  a  hearing." 

Now  Commodore  Vanderbilt  is  by  no  means  a  bad 
man  personally,  but  he  is  the  representative  of  one  of 
the  most  perfect  despotisms  in  existence,  and  he  is 
human  enough  to  regard  the  interests  of  his  roads  before 
those  of  the  public.  It  is  not  safe  to  lodge  such  power 
as  he  holds  in  the  hands  of  any  individual,  and  it  is  for 
the  people  to  decide  how  long  such  a  state  of  affairs 
shall  continue.  His  power  is  exerted  against  them.  His 
despotism,  in  common  with  that  of  the  other  monopolies, 
threatens  them  in  every  relation  of  their  national  life. 
He  exacts  tribute  from  them  in  every  act  of  his  official 
existence,  and  his  great  wealth  is  made  up  of  the  aggre- 
gation of  the  sums  he  has  wrung  from  them  as  a  suc- 
cessful leader  of  a  grinding  monopoly. 

Nor  is  he  the  only  "  dangerous  character  "  before  the 


THE  FARMER'S  TTAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      251 

public.  Each  of  the  great  railroad  monopolies  has  its 
representative,  who  does  on  a  small  scale  that  which 
Vanderbilt  accomplishes  in  his  regal  style,  and  each  is 
dangerous  to  the  community,  as  being  engaged  in  a 
struggle  against  its  best  interests  and  most  cherished 
rights  and  privileges. 

Such  vast  power  as  these  men  possess  would  be  a 
source  of  danger  in  the  most  disinterested  hands.  It  is 
doubly  so  in  the  hands  of  men  who  are  engaged  in  such 
a  warfare  against  the  public  as  the  railroads  are  now 
carrying  on.  The  people  owe  it  to  themselves  to  cur- 
tail their  powers,  and  to  render  them  harmless  by  sub- 
jecting them  to  a  series  of  regulations  which  shall 
compel  them  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  community  to 
whom  they  are  indebted  for  the  very  existence  of  their 
roads. 

The  people  have  the  right  to  do  this,  and  it  should 
be  done  promptly.  There  is  no  necessity  for  placing 
burdens  upon  the  roads  heavier  than  they  can  bear. 
They  have  a  right  to  a  fair  return  for  their  investments, 
but  they  have  no  right  to  plunder  the  public.  A  series 
of  wise  and  liberal  regulations  will  protect  the  people 
against  railroad  tyranny  and  extortion,  and  at  the  same 
time  enable  the  roads  to  do  a  profitable  business. 


M 

H  , 


PART   II. 
THE    COAL    MONOPOLY. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

OPERATIONS  OF    THE   COAL  RING. 

Character  and  Extent  of  the  Coal  Deposits  of  the  United  States — The  Su- 
premacy of  Anthracite — Enormous  Coal  Wealth  of  the  Country — This 
should  be  a  Land  of  Cheap  Fuel — Coal  one  of  the  Costliest  Articles  of  Con- 
sumption— The  Cause  of  this — The  Anthracite  Fields — Their  Location  and 
Value — The  Pennsylvania  Coal  Ring — A  Crushing  Monopoly — Efforts  of 
the  Corporations  to  keep  up  the  Price  of  Coal — Condition  of  the  Companies 
kept  secret — History  and  Present  Condition  of  the  Reading  Railroad — A 
Dangerous  Monopoly — Immense  Wealth  and  Power  of  this  Corporation — 
Ten  per  cent,  on  Watered  Stock — How  Money  is  extorted  from  the  People 
by  the  Coal  Ring — An  Inside  View  of  the  Scranton  Coal  Sales — Amount 
of  the  Tax  paid  by  the  People  to  the  Coal  Ring — An  Imperial  Tribute — 
Who  are  the  Sufferers — The  Poor  driven  to  Despair — How  a  Scarcity  of 
Coal  is  brought  about — The  People  at  the  Mercy  of  the  Coal  Ring — Popular 
vs.  Corporate  Rights — The  Remedy  for  the  Great  Evil — How  to  bring  down 
the  Price  of  Coal  and  destroy  the  Power  of  the  Monopoly — The  Remedy 
in  the  Hands  of  the  People — The  Future  of  the  Country  at  the  Mercy  of  the 
Coal  Ring — The  Duty  of  Congress — Will  Congress  stand  by  the  People  or 
yield  to  the  Monopoly  ? 

WE  have  seen  how  the  railroad  monopolists  have 
inaugurated  and  are  carrying  out  a  systematic  warfare 
upon  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the  result  of 
which  has  been  to  increase  the  cost  of  food.  We  shall 
now  consider  the  efforts  of  these  monopolists  to  raise 
the  price  of  coal,  next  to  food  the  chief  necessity  of 
the  people  of  this  country.  We  shall  find  the  same 
disregard  of  the  rights  of  the  community,  the  same 

253 


254          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

heartless  greed,  on  the  part  of  the  corporations,  that 
we  have  seen  in  the  management  of  the  railroads. 

Coal  is  found  in  twenty  of  the  States  and  Territories 
of  the  Union.  According  to  the  census  of  1870,  the 
product  for  that  year  was  as  follows  : 

Tons  of  Tons  of 

JJituminous  Anthr.icito 

Coal.  Coal. 


Alabama, : 11,000          

Colorado, 4,500 

Illinois, 2,624,163 

Indiana, 437,670  

Iowa, 263,487 

Kansas, 32,938 

Kentucky, 150,582 

Maryland, 1,819,824 

Michigan, 28,150 

Missouri, 621,930 

Nebraska, 1,425 

Ohio, 2,527,285 

Pennsylvania, 7,798,518        15,650,275 

Rhode  Island, 14,000 

Tennessee, 133,418 

Utah, 5,800          

Virginia 61,803 

"Washington, 17,Si4 

West  Virginia, 608,878 

"Wyoming, 50,000  


Total  Product  of  the  United  States...l7,199,415       15,664,275 

The  capital  employed  in  the  production  of  coal 
amounted,  in  1870,  to  $110,008,029. 

By  the  above  table  it  will  be  seen  that  the  amount 
of  anthracite  coal  is  but  1,535,140  tons  less  than  the 
total  product  of  bituminous  coal.  The  latter  is  divided 
among  nineteen  States  and  Territories ;  the  former  is 
almost  exclusively  confined  to  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  bituminous  coal  is  used  principally  in  the 
West,  but  the  anthracite  is  the  fuel  of  the  Middle  and 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      255 

Eastern  States.  The  bituminous  coal  deposits  of  the 
United  States  are  supposed  to  be  inexhaustible.  As 
yet  they  have  been  scarcely  touched.  They  are  capa- 
ble of  supplying  the  wants  of  the  entire  continent,  and 
of  contributing  towards  the  needs  of  other  lands.  The 
single  State  of  West  Virginia  contains  coal  enough  to 
supply  the  entire  Union.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe 
that  the  supply  open  to  the  American  people  will  ever 
be  exhausted,  and,  with  our  facilities  for  mining,  coal 
should  be  produced  at  a  comparatively  small  cost.  It 
never  should  reach  a  high  figure,  but  should  be  so 
moderate  in  price  that  no  one  in  this  land  of  plenty 
should  ever  suffer  from  the  lack  of  it. 

Yet  scarcely  a  winter  passes  that  we  do  not  see,  in 
the  Eastern  States  at  least,  a  scarcity  of  coal,  which  is 
the  cause  of  great  and  unnecessary  suffering  to  the 
poorer  classes.  In  spite  of  the  immense  qantities  of 
fuel  within  reach ;  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  this  should 
be  a  land  of  cheap  fuel,  we  find,  in  all  the  Eastern 
States,  that  coal  rises  in  price  so  rapidly  upon  the  ap- 
proach of  winter  that  the  poor  can  scarcely  obtain  it, 
and  people  of  moderate  means  are  compelled  to  make 
serious  sacrifices  of  other  comforts  in  order  to  obtain 
the  necessary  supply. 

The  cause  of  this  unnatural  state  of  affairs  will 
appear  as  we  examine  into  the  manner  in  which  New 
England  and  the  Middle  States  are  supplied  with  fuel. 

The  anthracite  coal  used  in  the  Eastern  States,  and 
preferred  by  Eastern  people  to  the  bituminous  coal  of 
the  West,  comes  almost  entirely  from  a  small  district 
in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  Eastern  portion 
of  the  State.  This  region  is  included  within  an  area 
of  about  five  hundred  square  miles,  and  within  this 


256          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


MINING  VILLAGE  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

area  is  contained  the  richest,  and  indeed  almost  the 
only  bed  of  anthracite  coal  in  the  world.  "  In  the 
beautiful  valley  of  the  Wyoming,  in  the  wild  and  deso- 
late regions  of  the  Schuylkill  and  the  Lehigh,  strewn 
in  great  basins,  or  sometimes 'upheaved  to  the  tops  of 
the  mountains,  the  rich  stores  of  coal  have  been  con- 
centrated by  nature  in  an  unequalled  profusion.  The 
supply  is  at  present  boundless.  Many  beds  reach  to 
an  unknown  depth.  Some  have  as  yet  been  only  par- 
tially explored ;  and  notwithstanding  the  extraordinary 
waste  practised  in  getting  out  the  coal,  there  seems 
enough  to  satisfy  for  generations  the  wants  of  the 
nation." 

Upon  this  small,  but  immensely  valuable  region,  the 
people  of  the  Eastern  States  are  dependent  for  their 
supply  of  fuel.  The  product  of  the  mines  can  find  its 
way  to  market  only  by  the  railroads  which  lead  from 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      257 

the  coal  regions  to  the  principal  cities  of  the  East,  and 
by  the  canals  which  communicate  with  the  Delaware 
and  the  Hudson  rivers.  These  are  few  in  number, 
repeated  consolidations  having  confined  them  to-  the 
corporations  known  as  the  Delaware,  Lackawana  & 
Western,  the  Delaware  &  Hudson,  the  Lehigh  Valley, 
and  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Companies.  The 
other  roads  leading  to  the  coal  regions  are  either  leased 
or  controlled  by  these  companies,  and  these  constitute 
a  monopoly  of  the  carrying  trade.  It  is  a  well  under- 
stood fact  that  these  corporations  will  not  permit  the 
construction  of  any  road  which  may  endanger  the 
monopoly  they  enjoy,  and  they  are  well  known  to  be 
powerful  enough  to  enforce  this  decision.  If  the  coal 
of  the  Pennsylvania  mines  reaches  the  markets  of  the 
East  at  all,  it  must  pass  over  the  routes  controlled  by 
these  corporations,  and  pay  such  tolls  as  they  may  see 
fit  to  levy  upon  it.  They  take  care  that  these  tolls 
shall  be  high  enough  to  return  them  enormous  dividends 
on  the  stock,  which  stock  is  popularly  believed  to  be 
perhaps  the  most  liberally  watered  of  any  in  the 
market. 

The  companies  mentioned  are  not  only  the  sole  con- 
trollers of  the  transportation  from  the  mines  to  the 
market,  but,  together  with  the  Pennsylvania  Coal  Com- 
pany, they  own  nearly  the  whole  of  the  anthracite  fields 
of  Pennsylvania.  Their  policy  has  been,  and  is,  to  buy 
up  the  coal  lands  as  fast  as  possible,  in  order  that  they 
may  obtain  control  of  every  branch  of  the  coal  trade  of 
the  State,  and  thus  be  the  absolute  masters  of  the  fuel 
of  the  East.  By  becoming  the  owners  of  the  mines  and 
of  the  lines  of  transportation  by  which  the  coal  must 
reach  the  markets  of  the  Eastern  States,  the  corpora- 
17 


258          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

tions  are  enabled  to  control  the  amount  of  production 
and  to  regulate  it  in  such  a  manner  that  coal  shall 
always  command  such  prices  as  they  see  fit  to  ask  for 
it.  So  great  has  been  their  success  that  at  present  they 
are  able  to  name  the  price  at  which  coal  shall  be  sold 
in  Philadelphia,  New  York  and  Boston.  The  people 
have  no  choice  in  the  matter;  they  must  pay  the  rates 
demanded,  or  do  without  fuel. 

The  majority  of  the  companies  manage  their  affairs 
in  such  a  manner  that  the  public  are  able  to  learn  very 
little  concerning  them.  Some  refuse  to  publish  any 
statements  at  all ;  others  make  public  the  most  meagre 
and  unsatisfactory  returns.  Enough  is  known,  how- 
ever, to  make  it  evident  that  a  very  heavy  profit  is 
reaped  by  the  stockholders  upon  their  investment,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  companies  to  keep  secret  the 
exact  ratio  of  this  profit. 

The  principal  member  of  the  great  coal  monopoly  is 
the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Railroad,  one  of  the 
richest  and  most  powerful  corporations  in  the  Union, 
and,  beyond  a  doubt,  "  the  life  and  soul "  of  the  mo- 
nopoly we  are  discussing.  Poor's  Railroad  Manual  of 
the  United  States,  for  1873-74,  sums  up  the  history  and 
present  condition  of  this  company  as  follows : 

"  This  company  was  chartered  by  the  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  April  4th,  1833,  to  build  a  road  from 
Philadelphia  to  Reading,  in  Berks  county,  58  miles 
from  Philadelphia.  Work  was  commenced  early  in  the 
Spring  of  1835,  and  portions  of  the  road  were  opened 
for  travel  in  July,  1838.  By  Act  of  March  20th,  1838, 
authority  was  given  to  extend  the  road  to  Mount  Car- 
bon, or  to  Pottsville,  one  mile  above  Mount  Carbon. 
As  these  two  points  were  already  connected  by  a  road 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      259 

called  the  Mount  Carbon  Railroad,  it  was  decided  to 
extend  the  road  to  Mount  Carbon  and  connect  there- 
with. The  Mount  Carbon  Railroad  was  leased,  and  on 
May  13th,  1872,  was  merged  into  and  became  part  of 
the  main  line  of  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Rail- 
road. 

"  The  first  through  trains  between  Philadelphia  and 
Pottsville,  93  miles,  were  run  in  January  1842,  although 
local  trains  were  run  in  1838. 

"  The  branch  from  the  falls  of  the  Schuylkill  to  Porfc 
Richmond,  from  which  the  shipments  of  coal  are  made,, 
was  completed  in  1842;  since  then  over  forty  six  mil- 
lions of  tons  of  coal  have  been  shipped  from  that  point, 
principally  for  consumption  in  the  Eastern  and  Middle-- 
States. 

"  In  1850,  the  company  bought  that  portion  of  the 
Commonwealth's  improvements  extending  from  Broad 
and  Vine  streets  in  Philadelphia,  to  and  including  the 
inclined  plane  on  the  Schuylkill,  and  the  Columbia, 
bridge  over  the  river. 

"  In  1858,  the  Lebanon  Valley  Railroad,  54  miles 
long,  extending  from  Reading  to  Harrisburg,  was 
merged  into  the  main  line. 

"  Within  the  past  two  years,  the  following  railroads 
and  branches  have  been  merged  into  the  company's 
railroad  proper.  The  length  of  these  roads  is  given  in 
the  tabular  statement  on  page  263  : 

"  The  Mahanoy  &  Broad  Mountain  Railroad,  wholly 
within  the  coal  region. 

"  The  Lebanon  &  Tremont  Railroad,  partly  in  Leba- 
non and  Schuylkill  counties. 

"  The  Northern  Liberties  &  Penn  Township  Rail- 
road (commonly  called  the  Willow  Street  Railroad), 


2GO          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

from  Broad  street  to  the  Delaware  River,  Philadel- 
phia. 

"  Port  Kennedy  Railroad,  Montgomery  county. 

"  Schuylkill  &  Susquehanna  Railroad,  extending  from 
Rockville,  on  the  Susquehanna  river,  5  miles  above 
Harrisburg,  to  Auburn,  on  the  Schuylkill  river. 

"  Shamokin  &  Trevorton  Railroad,  wholly  in  the  coal 
region. 

u 

"  Zerbe  Valley  Railroad,  from  Port  Trevorton,  Sny- 
der  county,  on  the  Susquehanna  river,  to  a  point  near 
Shamokin. 

"  The  Mount  Carbon  Railroad,  from  Mount  Carbon 
to  a  point  above  Potts ville. 

"  The  following  roads  are  leased  to  the  company, 
generally  in  perpetuity : 

"  Catawissa  Railroad,  to  Williamsport. 

•"  Chester  Valley  Railroad,  Bridgeport  to  Downing- 
town. 

"  Perkiomen  Railroad,  Montgomery  county. 

"East  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  Reading  to  Allen- 
town. 

"Little  Schuylkill  Railroad,  from  Port  Clinton  to 
Junction  with  Catawissa  Railroad. 

"  Mount  Carbon  &  Port  Carbon  Railroad,  wholly  in 
coal  region. 

"  Mill  Creek  Railroad,  wholly  in  coal  region. 

"Schuylkill  Valley  Railroad,  wholly  in  coal  region. 

u  Mine  Hill  &  Schuylkill  Haven  Railroad,  wholly  in 
*coal  region. 

"  East  Mahanoy  Railroad,  wholly  in  coal  region. 

"  Philadelphia,  Germantown  &  Norristown  Railroad. 

"  In  addition  to  the  above,  the  company  controls  and 
operates  the  Reading  &  Columbia  Railroad  and  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       261 

Allentown  Railroad,  from  Topton  to  Port  Clinton,  com- 
pleted to  Kutztown. 

"  The  company  has  also  leased  in  perpetuity  the 
canal  of  the  Schuylkill  Navigation  Company,  extend- 
ing from  Port  Carbon,  Schuylkill  county,  to  Philadel- 
phia, a  distance  of  108  miles;  also  the  Susquehanna 
and  tide-water  canals,  extending  from  Columbia  to 
Havre  de  Grace,  on  the  Susquehanna  river.  The 
chief  business  of  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Railroad 
Company  is  the  transportation  of  coal  from  the  first  and 
second  anthracite  coal-fields  of  Pennsylvania  to  tide- 
water in  the  Delaware  river,  at  Port  Richmond,  Phila- 
delphia. At  this  eastern  terminus,  extensive  wharves, 
23  in  number,  and  extending  from  300  to  800  feet  into 
the  river  Delaware,  have  been  erected  with  trestlework 
and  chutes,  allowing  a  direct  discharge  of  coal  from  the 
cars  into  vessels.  To  accommodate  this  immense  ship- 
ping business,  35  miles  of  track  are  distributed  on  the 
wharves  or  their  immediate  neighborhood.  The  main 
line  of  the  road  winds  through  the  Schuylkill  valley, 
extending  its  numerous,  branches  east  and  west,  drain- 
ing completely  the  two  southern  coal-fields,  and  making 
them  tributaries  to  the  main  stem. 

"  The  heavy  freight  of  this  road,  being  generally  in 
one  direction,  that  is,  from  the  coal  region  to  the  sea- 
board, the  grades  of  the  road  have  been  adapted  to  its 
economical  working,  by  establishing  exclusively  down 
grades  and  levels  in  the  direction  of  the  main  traffic, 
and  the  heaviest  grades  admit  of  a  locomotive  taking 
back  the  same  numbers  of  empty  cars  she  is  able  to 
move  downward  loaded. 

"At  Lebanon,  28  miles  west  of  Reading,  a  connec- 
tion is  made  with  the  Cornwall  Railroad,  contributing 


262          HISTORY   OF    TilE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


INTERIOR  OF  A  COAL  MINE. 

the  products  of  the  immense  magnetic  iron  ore  deposits 
of  Cornwall,  the  largest  unbroken  mass  of  ore  known, 
to  the  business  of  this  branch. 

"  The  Broad  Mountain,  dividing  the  two  coal-fields, 
is  crossed  by  the  different  branches  at  four  different 
points,  three  of  which  lead  directly  into  the  Mahanoy 
coal-field  and  one  into  the  Wiconisco  basin.  The  ascent 
from  the  southern  side  is  by  steep  but  practicable 
gradients,  but  the  descent  of  the  above  points  is  by 
means  of  inclined  planes,  the  steepest  of  which,  the 
Mahanoy  plane,  has  a  gradient  of  22  feet  per  100  feet 
and  is  &  mile  in  length. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      263 


"  The  following  is  a  tabular  statement  of  the  several 
lines,  owned,  leased  and  controlled  by  the  Philadelphia 
&  Reading  Railroad  Company,  November  30,  1872  : 


NAME  OP  KOAD. 

Single 
Track. 

Double 
Track. 

Length  of 
Road. 

Sidings 
and 
Later'U. 

Tot.  Length 
of  Tracks 
and  Sidings. 

98  4 

98  4 

143  0 

339  8 

1  4 

1  4 

8 

3  6 

1.2 

1  2 

4 

1  6 

13  0 

40  7 

53  7 

18  9 

113  3 

42  2 

42  2 

24  0 

66  9 

53  4 

53  4 

9  3 

62  7 

8  5 

8  5 

7  1 

15  6 

53.8 

10  8 

64  6 

60  9 

142  3 

Total  roads  owned  

172.1 

151.3 

323.4 

270.4 

745.1 

21  5 

21  5 

2  3 

23  8 

18  4 

18  4 

2  8 

21  2 

12  8 

12  8 

1  7 

14  5 

Pickering  Valley  Railroad.  

11.3 
36  0 

11.3 
36  0 

.4 

15  5 

11.7 
51  5 

45 

4  5 

3 

•t-8 

Little  Schuvlkill  Rai  road  

28  2 

28  2 

25  5 

53  7 

Mine  Hill  Railroad         

31  0 

21  8 

52  8 

63  2 

137  8 

2  5 

2  5 

9  8 

148 

Mill  Creek  Railroad  

3  8 

3  8 

18  1 

25  7 

Schuylkill  Valley  Railroad  

5  7 

6  3 

11  0 

16  1 

32  4 

10  7 

10  7 

3  7 

144 

Philadelphia,  Gerinantown  &  Norristown  R.  R.. 
Catawigsu  &  Williomsport  Railroad  

13.5 
92.6 

20.2 

33.7 
92.6 

13.7 
13.5 

67.6 
106.1 

Total  roads  leased  

286.2 

53.6 

339.8 

186.6 

5SO.O 

1  9 

1.9 

1.8 

3.7 

Reading  &  Columbia  Railroad  
Lebanon  Branch  Reading  &  Columbia  Railroad. 

39.5 
3.4 

39.5 
3.4 

13.6 

53.1 
3.4 

Total  roads  controlled  

44.8 

44.8 

15.4 

60.2 

KECAPITULATION. 

1721 

151.3 

323.4 

270.4 

745.1 

286  2 

63  6 

339.8 

186.6 

580.0 

44  8 

44.8 

15.4 

60.2 

503.1 

204.9 

708.» 

472.4 

1385.3 

"  Statement  of  the  length  of  tracks  (equated  to  single 
track)  in  use  by  the  company,  yearly,  November  30, 
1863-72 : 


1863. 

1864. 

1865. 

1866. 

1867. 

1868. 

1869. 

1870. 

1871. 

1872. 

Main  line  
Oranch  line*... 

266.1 
248.0 

283.3 

402.8 

289.0 
428.5 

306.7 
441.9 

315.8 
454.8 

320.2 
486.5 

326.0 
815.9 

334.3 
833.7 

336.8 
929.6 

339.8 
1,045.6 

Total    

514.1 

686.1 

717.6 

748.0 

770.6 

800.7 

1,141.9 

1,168.0 

1,206.3 

1,386.3 

264          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT  J    OR, 

"  For  terms  of  leases  of  Schuylkill  Navigation  and 
Philadelphia,  Germantown  &  Norristown  Railroad  and 
branches,  see  ' Manual'  for  1871-72. 

"  For  nature  of  the  consolidation  of  the  Mahanoy  & 
Shamokin  Railroad,  the  Northern  Liberties  &  Penn 
Township  Railroad,  and  the  Lebanon  &  Tremont  Rail- 
road, with  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Railroad  Com- 
pany, see  < Manual'  for  1872-73. 

"  On  the  1st  of  January,  1872,  a  formal  lease  and  con- 
tract was  entered  into,  by  which  the  possession  of  the 
Susquehanna  Canal,  extending  from  Columbia  to  the 
tidewater  on  Chesapeake  Bay,  passed  to  this  company, 
at  an  annual  rent  equal  to  the  interest  upon  the  debt 
of  the  Canal  Company,  and  one-half  of  the  net  profits 
of  operating  the  canal,  after  deducting  rents  and  the 
cost  of  all  improvements;  provided  that  during  and 
after  the  year  1880  the  annual  rent  to  be  paid  in  addi- 
tion to  the  amount  of  interest  shall  not  be  less  than  a 
sum  equal  to  three  per  cent,  upon  the  present  capital 
of  the  Canal  Company. 

"On  the  10th  of  October,  1872,  the  Philadelphia  & 
Reading  Railroad  Company  entered  into  a  lease  with 
the  Catawissa  Railroad  Company  for  its  entire  line  from 
the  junction  with  the  Little  Schuylkill  Railroad  to 
Williamsport,  including  the  contracts  of  the  latter  com- 
pany with  the  Sunbury  &  Erie  and  the  Lehigh  &  Ma- 
hanoy Railroads,  the  Empire  Transportation  Company, 
and  the  Lehigh  Coal  &  Navigation  Company,  for  999 
years,  from  November  1,  1872;  the  Philadelphia  & 
Reading  Railroad  Company  agreeing  to  pay  the  interest 
on  the  bonds  and  such  other  sum  as  shall  equal  30  per 
cent,  of  the  gross  earnings,  being  not  less  than  $77,000 
on  the  1st  days  of  May  and  November,  1873 ;  $89,000 


THE   FARMER  S   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES. 


205 


on  the  same  days  of  1874 ;  $101,000  on  the  same  days 
of  1875 ;  and  $113,000  on  the  same  days  in  1876  and 
thereafter.  Provision  is  also  made  for  preserving  the 
separate  organization  of  the  Catawissa  Railroad  Com- 
pany. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  largely  increased  production 
of  coal  and  its  transportation  over  this  road,  the  receipts 
per  ton  were  less  than  for  the  previous  year,  having 
been  $1.54.4  per  ton,  against  $1.80.8  for  1871,  and 
$1.94  for  the  average  of  the  previous  ten  years. 

"  The  following  table  shows  the  product  of  anthracite 
coal  in  Pennsylvania  for  ten  years : 


Tear. 

TUBS  of  Coal. 

Over  prerious  jean. 

Increase. 

Decrease. 

Increase 
per  cent. 

Decrease 
per  cent. 

1863  

9,566,066 
10,177,475 
0  052,391 

l,OJr>,.r,99 
611,469 

"*526,OM 

21.56 
6.39 

5.16 

"so" 

""4)64" 

1864  

1865  

1866  

12,703,882 
12,988,725 
13,834,132 
13,723,030 
15,849,899 
15,113,407 
18,929,203 

3,051,491 
284,843 

845,407 

2,126,b69 
'3,815,856 

lil)l02 
736)492 

31.61 
2.24 
6.51 

15.49 
"aii.'aif 

1867  

1868  

1869  
1870  

1871  
1872  

"  It  will  be  seen  by  the  above  that  the  increase  in 
the  production  of  anthracite  coal  in  Pennsylvania  in 
ten  years  has  been  a  fraction  less  than  100  per  cent., 
and  that  one-third  of  the  entire  production  of  last  year 
has  been  transported  over  the  roads  of  this  company. 
The  business  of  the  canals  has  involved  a  loss  of  $467,- 
755.60,  but  in  view  of  the  annual  increase  of  the  pro- 
duction, it  is  believed  that  it  will  not  be  long  before 
both  road  and  canals  will  be  taxed  to  their  utmost 
limits. 

"  During  the  year  various  connecting  lines  heretofore 
controlled  by  this  company  have  become  merged  in  it. 


266         HISTORY  OF   THE  GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  Mount  Carbon  Railroad,  of  which  this  company 
owned  3202  shares,  was  absorbed  by  exchanging  share 
for  share,  the  investment  amounting  to  $178,229.25 ; 
the  Schuylkill  &  Susquehanna  Railroad,  of  which  this 
company  owned  21,702  shares,  was  merged  by  the 
issue  of  one  share  for  three,  representing  a  cost  of 
$404,388.34 ;  and  the  stock  of  the  Port  Kennedy  Rail- 
road, all  the  stock  of  which,  amounting  to  $26,893.98, 
was  owned  by  this  company,  transferred  to  the  item  of 
railroad  in  the  balance-sheet.  Stock  of  the  company  to 
the  amount  of  536  shares  was  also  issued  and  exchanged 
for  stock  in  the  following  named  leased  companies: 

Mount  Carbon  &  Port  Carbon  Eailroad 195  shares  for  163 

Schuylkill  Valley  oSTavigation  Kailroad 177      "      "    354 

MiU  Creek  &  Mine  Hill  Navigation  &  Railroad 164      "  .   "    328 

"  The  basis  of  the  exchange  was  such  as  to  secure  to 
stockholders  the  same  income  as  was  derived  from  their 
stock  in  the  above-named  companies. 

"  There  were  also  created  and  issued  50,190  shares 
of  stock  in  exchange  for  a  similar  amount  of  convertible 
bonds,  as  follows : 

Loan  of  1857-86 $17,500 

Loan  of  1870-90 2,492,000 

Total  amount  converted $2,509,500 

"  There  remain  outstanding  only  $124,000  of  con- 
vertible bonds,  of  which  $96,000  are  of  the  6  per  cent, 
loan  of  1886,  and  $28,000  of  the  7  per  cent,  loan 
of  1890.  The  sterling  loan  of  1872,  amounting  to  $110,- 
400,  was  retired,  and  $110,000  consolidated  mortgage 
bonds  of  1911  issued. 

"  The  company  took  the  express  business  of  its  lines 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      267 

into  its  own  hands  on  the  1st  of  September,  1872,  and 
the  results  for  the  three  months  show  that,  while  in 
September  the  receipts  were  36.8  per  cent,  less  than 
the  amount  received  from  the  express  company  during 
the  same  month  of  the  previous  year,  in  October  they 
were  only  one-half  of  1  per  cent,  less,  and  in  November 
58.87  per  cent,  more  than  for  the  corresponding  month 
of  1871. 

"  The  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Coal  and  Iron  Com- 
pany, of  which  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  Railroad 
Company  is  the  sole  stockholder,  and  a  full  account  of 
whose  organization  is  given  in  the  '  Manual'  for  1872- 
73,  now  controls  80,000  acres  of  land,  on  which  are  98 
collieries,  27  of  the  largest  of  which  will  be  worked  by 
the  company,  and  the  remainder  leased.  The  tonnage 
of  these  lands  amounted  for  the  year  to  3,030,881  tons, 
and  the  rents  were  $946,774.69.  Almost  the  entire  issue 
of  $19,000,000  of  the  consolidated  loan  was  applied  to  the 
purchase  "and  development  of  these  lands,  in  addition  to 
which  the  Coal  and  Iron  Company  have  issued  bonds 
amounting  to  $11,131,000,  guaranteed  by  the  Philadel- 
phia &  Reading  Railroad  Company.  It  is  believed  that 
the  entire  production  of  coal  on  its  estates  during  the  cur- 
rent year  will  reach  4,100,000  tons,  of  which  the  com- 
pany will  mine  over  2,000,000.  For  the  still  further 
development  of  this  industry,  a  new  debenture  loan  of 
$10,500,000  has  been  placed  upon  the  market,  consist- 
ing of  7  per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  payable  in  1893,  con- 
vertible after  July  1, 1876,  and  before  January  1, 1892, 
each  stockholder  having  the  right  to  subscribe,  at  par, 
in  proportion  to  his  stock,  payments  to  be  made  in 
instalments  up  to  April  15,  1875,  with  the  privilege 
of  anticipating  any  or  all  instalments.  The  subscrip- 


268          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OB, 


VERTICAL  SECTION  OF  A  COAL  MINE. 

tions,  up  to  January  13,  reached  $12,857,400,  of  which 
$8,543,000  were  pro  rata,  and  $2,305,630  has  been 
paid  in. 

"  The  company  have  determined  to  construct  a  fleet 
of  additional  steam,  colliers,  some  of  600  and  some  of 
1200  tons  capacity,  the  machinery  to  be  built  at  the 
company's  shops.  A  contract  has  been  made  for  the 
hulls  and  boilers  for  two  vessels  for  a  trial.  If  they  are 
successful,  a  large  fleet  will  at  once  be  completed." 

Now  this  is  a  remarkable  history  of  prosperity,  and 
it  is  significant  as  showing  the  rapidity  with  which  the 
Coal  Monopoly  is  fastening  its  yoke  upon  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  In  the  year  1872,  one-third  of  the 
total  production  of  anthracite  coal  in  Pennsylvania  was 
carried  to  market  over  the  roads  of  the  Philadelphia  & 
Reading  Company,  or,  in  other  words,  the  people  of  the 
Eastern  and  Middle  States  were  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Philadelphia  &  Reading  Railroad  for  one-third  of  their 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      269 

fuel,  and  paid  to  this  company  a  tax  amounting  to  large 
sums  during  the  year.  When  we  remember  this  we 
shall  have  no  difficulty  in  understanding  why  the  stock 
of  this  road  is  such  a  favorite  in  the  market. 

But  the  Philadelphia  &  Heading  Railroad  is  not  the 
only  corporation  engaged  in  the  effort  to  run  up  the 
price  of  coal.  It  is  only  the  principal  sinner.  All  the 
corporations  engaged  in  the  coal  carrying  trade  and  in 
mining  have  a  common  interest,  which  is  to  extort  from 
the  public  the  highest  price  it  will  pay  for  coal.  Their 
profits  are  large,  excessively  large,  and  it  is  believed  by 
the  public  that  in  order  to  conceal  them  the  companies 
have  watered  their  stock  to  a  very  great  extent.  The 
exact  point  to  which  the  watering  process  has  been  car- 
ried no  one  but  those  in  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
panies can  tell,  but  the  popular  belief  places  it  at  a  very 
high  figure. 

"  Since  1864  the  minimum  dividend  paid  in  any  year 
by  either  the  Reading  &  Delaware,  Lackawanna  & 
Western,  or  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad  companies,  or  the 
Delaware  &  Hudson  Canal  Company,  is  ten  per  cent. 
The  Reading  has  paid  as  high  as  fifteen  per  cent.,  and 
each  of  the  others  as  high  as  twenty  per  cent.  It  can- 
not be  said  that  the  business  has  not  been  profitable  to 
them.  Ten  per  cent,  per  annum  is  a  good  return  for  a 
railroad  investment,  and  is  certainly  far  above  the  ave- 
rage profits  of  individuals  who  have  embarked  in  the 
business  of  coal  mining. 

"  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  how  much  of  the 
round  two  hundred  million  dollars  representing  the 
capital  and  debt  of  the  corporations  composing  the  great 
coal  combination  is  watered  stock.  A  great  deal  of  it 
is  fictitious  capital,  in  our  opinion.  It  is  matter  of  his- 


270          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

tory  that  the  Reading  &  Delaware,  Lackawarma  & 
Western  railroads,  and  the  best  part  of  the  Lehigh 
Valley,  and  also  the  Delaware  &  Hudson  Canal,  were 
completed  works  in  1864.  They  were  all  bringing  coal 
to  tide-water  in  that  year,  and  the  quantity  they  brought 
was  more  than  half  the  quantity  they  are  bringing  now. 
The  total  anthracite  production  that  year  exceeded  ten 
million  tons,  while  for  the  last  twelve  months  it  has 
been  about  eighteen  millions.  With  completed  roads 
and  canals,  with  the  mines  in  their  possession,  and 
about  the  same  terminal  facilities  in  1864  as  they  now 
enjoy,  these  corporations  certainly  did  not  require 
double  the  capital  to  do  double  the  business.  We 
should  judge  that  an  increase  of  capital  of  one-third 
would  be  amply  sufficient  to  double  the  production. 
As  an  instance,  the  capital  stock  and  debt  of  the  Boston 
&  Albany  Railroad  were  sixteen  million  dollars  in  1861 
and  twenty-one  millions  in  1870,  and  in  the  interval 
the  business  more  than  doubled,  a  great  deal  of  double 
track  was  laid,  and  other  expensive  improvements  were 
made. 

"  The  figures  of  the  coal  corporations,  without  further 
explanations,  will  speak  for  themselves.  The  capital 
stock  of  the  four  companies  we  have  'named  has 
been  increased  from  $43,000,000  in  1864  to  $90,000,- 
000  in  1872,  or  considerably  more  than  doubled,  and 
the  debt  has  grown  from  $17,000,000  in  1864  to  $43.- 
000,000  in  1872.  Taking  the  stock  and  debt  together, 
the  increase  has  been  from  $60,000,000  in  1864  to 
$133,000,000  in  1872,  or  120  per  cent.,  while  the  in- 
crease in  the  production  of  coal  is  only  80  per  cent. 
In  making  the  calculation  we  have  deducted  from 
the  debt  of  the  Reading  Railroad  the  bonds  of  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      271 

Schuylkill  Canal,  and  also  $19,000,000  more,  being 
the  amount  of  its  recent  investment  in  coal  mines. 
The  Delaware  &  Hudson  Canal  Company  has  doubled 
its  stock  and  debt  since  1864,  and  the  Delaware, 
Lackawanna  &  Western  and  Lehigh  Valley  com- 
panies have  multiplied  the  nominal  amount  of  their  in- 
vestment by  three,  the  stock  of  the  two  companies  last 
named  having  been  raised  from  $13,500,000  to  $41,- 
000,000,  and  the  debt  from  $5,000,000  to  $19,000,000. 
(See  Poor's  Manual  of  the  Railroads  of  the  United 
States.]  We  suspect  the  managers  of  these  corporations 
think  it  looks  better  to  distribute  among  the  share- 
holders ten  per  cent,  on  twenty  .millions  of  nominal 
capital  than  twenty  per  cent,  on  half  the  amount. 

"  In  those  parts  of  the  country  where  anthracite  coal 
is  used,  the  consumption  is  reckoned  at  one  ton  a  year, 
for  each  inhabitant.  A  family  of  six  will  burn  six  tons, 
and  will  pay  this  winter  a  special  tax  of  from  ten  to 
twelve  dollars  in  order  that  these  great  coal  corporations 
may  do  a  little  better  than  paying  only  ten  per  cent,  on 
their  watered  stocks.  '  The  exceptionally  low  price  in 
America  during  the  past  year,'  say  the  managers  of  the 
Reading  Railroad  in  their  report,  '  has  introduced  coal 
in  competition  with  wood  into  districts  where  it  never 
had  been  sent  before  ;  and  it  is  well-known  that  when 
the  appliances  for  burning  anthracite  coal  are.  once  in- 
troduced, and  the  advantages  of  that  fuel  once  under- 
stood, it  is  never  displaced  by  any  other.'  We  are 
wedded  to  the  glowing  anthracite  as  the  Englishman  is 
wedded  to  his  beer.  The  corporations  have  found  it 
out,  and  have  fixed  the  excise  accordingly." 

At  the  time  these  pages  are  passing  through  the 
press,  coal  is  selling  in  New  York  for  seven  dollars  a 


272          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


SCENE  IN   THE    COAL  REGIONS. 


ton,  and  is  rising  in  price.  Probably,  wben  the  mid- 
winter arrives,  the  rate  will  have  advanced  to  ten  dol- 
lars per  ton,  and  this  will  be  the  average  price  through- 
out the  Middle  and  Eastern  States.  And  yet  it  costs 
but  from  two  dollars  to  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  to 
produce  this  coal  at  the  mines.  The  balance  is  made 
up  by  the  enormous  rates  charged  for  transportation 
and  by  the  profits  of  the  retail  dealers.  Mr.  Franklin 
B.  Gowen,  president  of  the  Philadelphia  &  Reading 
Railroad  Company,  in  his  report  to  the  stockholders  in 
January,  1871,  made  an  estimate  of  the  natural  average 
price  of  coal  at  Port  Carbon,  a  point  on  the  Reading 
Railroad,  about  ninety  miles  from  Philadelphia.  He 
declared  "  that  if  all  the  coal  fields  were  producing 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      273 

largely,  the  average  price  of  coal  at  Port  Carbon  would 
not  exceed  from  $2.25  to  $2.50  per  ton." 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  retail  dealers  in  the  East  to 
lay  in  their  supplies  of  coal  for  the  winter  during  the 
.summer  and  early  fall.  At  this  period  of  the  year 
large  quantities  of  coal  are  sold  by  the  miners,  and  the 
prices  then  obtained  to  a  great  degree  govern  the  retail 
prices  for  the  remainder  of  the  year.  The  companies 
exert  themselves  to  keep  the  prices  at  these  sales  at  the 
highest  possible  figure,  and  as  they  are  masters  of  the 
situation,  they  succeed  in  obtaining  whatever  they  may 
•choose  to  ask.  Some  idea  of  their  high-handed  manner 
of  conducting  their  business  may  be  gained  from  the 
following  comments  of  the  New  York  Tribune  upon  the 
August  (1873)  sales  of  Scranton  coal: 

"  The  poor,  starving  coal  companies  have  just  given 
another  turn  to  the  screw,  just  'to  steady  the  price' 
of  the  fuel  by  which  ten  millions  of  people  are  to  cook 
their  food  and  keep  themselves  warm  the  coming  win- 
ter. The  Scranton  auction  sale  was  held  yesterday, 
and  the  average  price  obtained  for  the  90,000  tons  sold 
was  $5.17  per  ton,  against  an  average  of  $3.46  for  100,- 
000  tons  sold  August  28th,  1872,  and  of  $5.03  for 
140,000  tons  sold  August  30th,  1871,  the  famine  year. 
In  the  year  1870,  the  production  was  also  interrupted 
by  strikes,  the  suspension  of  mining  in  the  Schuylkill 
region  for  four  months,  terminating  August  1st,  enabling, 
as  President  Gowen  tells  us,  the  Wyoming  and  Lacka- 
wanna  Companies  to  obtain  high  prices.  Yet  the 
average  price  for  80,000  tons  of  Scranton  coal,  sold  by 
auction,  August  31st,  1870,  was  only  $4.83.  We  bring 
these  prices  together  in  a  line  in  order  that  the  public 
may  compare  them  • 
18 


274          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Average  price,  August  31st,  1870 $4.83 

Average  price,  August  30th,  1871 5.03 

•Average  price,  August  28th,  1872 3.46 

Average  price,  August  27th,  1873 5.17 

"  We  confess  our  inability  to  do  justice  to  the  facts 
which  the  above  figures  so  eloquently  proclaim.  In  1870 
and  1871,  the  supply  of  coal  was  restricted  by  strikes 
of  the  laborers,  which  for  magnitude  and  obstinate  per- 
sistency are  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  Trades 
Unions.  Last  year  is  the  only  one  of  the  four  when 
the  price  of  coal  was  regulated  by  natural  laws,  with 
both  supply  and  demand  unimpeded.  This  year  we 
have  a  conspiracy  of  the  coal  corporations,  and  as  the 
result  of  that  conspiracy  we  have  prices  already  far 
above  the  point  to  which  strikes  and  suspensions  car- 
ried them  in  1870  and  1871.  The  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania might  have  levied  a  tax  on  anthracite  coal  of  the 
difference  between  this  and  last  year's  prices,  and  paid 
her  entire  bonded  debt  in  one  year.  The  annual  pro- 
duct of  such  a  tax  would  extinguish  the  whole  debt  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  Canal  bonds  and  all,  even  with 
the  present  deficiencies  in  the  Sinking  Funds.  Yet 
people  are  expected  to.  pay  over  these  millions  to  the 
wealthiest  corporations  in  the  world  without  a  murmur. 
We  are  told  by  Mr.  Mead,  the  secretary  of  the  little 
twenty  per  cent.  Pennsylvania  Coal  Company,  that  it 
13  *  beneficial '  to  us  to  submit  to  this  extortion ;  that  it 
is  *  right  and  reasonable '  that  we  should  pay  this  tax. 
Here  have  these  companies  for  five  years  been  fighting 
each  other  and  their  private  competitors,  and  distribut- 
ing all  the  while  ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty  per  cent,  divi- 
dends ;  and  now  they  come  forward  and  extort  a  coal 
tax  of  more  than  a  dollar  per  ton  over  and  above  what 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       275 

would  give  them  a  fair  profit,  and  they  claim  to  be  pub- 
lic benefactors !     What  colossal  impudence! 

"Another  man,  Mr.  R.  G.  Moulton,  the  general 
agent  of  the  Delaware  &  Hudson  Canal  Company, 
gives  his  views :  <  If  the  low  rates  had  continued,  the 
result  would  have  been  a  general  stoppage  of  the  busi- 
ness and  a  tremendous  inflation  of  prices.'  As  well 
talk  of  a  general  stoppage  of  agriculture!  In  the 
opinion  of  these  gentlemen,  prices  have  now  reached  a 
1  healthy  level.'  To  the  shallow  twaddle  of  these  tax- 
gatherers,  to  which,  four  weeks  ago,  we  appropriated  a 
column  of  our  space,  we  oppose  the  eminently  sound 
and  conservative  views  of  President  Gowen.  '  High 
prices  and  uncertainty  of  supply,'  says  Mr.  Gowen, 
1  will  drive  away  buyers,  force  manufacturers  to  turn  to 
other  fuels,  and  prevent  the  natural  increase  of  demand 
which  would  result  from  low  prices,  and  which  would 
soon  supply  a  certain  market  for  any  temporary  over- 
production.' ('Reading  Railroad  Report,'  1871,  page 
18.)  It  is  also  certain  that  Mr.  Gowen  regarded  the  over- 
production of  last  year  as  only  temporary,  for  he  states 
his  belief  that  the  stock  on  hand  at  the  close  of  the 
season  was  no  greater  than  in  the  year  preceding ;  argues 
that  the  market  will  require  three  million  tons  more  in 
1873  than  in  1872,  and  concludes  that  it  is  a  reasonable 
supposition  '  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  produce  this  year 
any  quantity  so  greatly  in  excess  of  the  demand  as  to 
depress  the  market  to  any  considerable  degree.'  ('  Read- 
ing Railroad  Report,'  1873,  pages  20  and  21.)  We 
might  quote  further  from  Mr.  Gowen,  but  have  we  not 
quoted  enough  to  show  that,  as  a  disinterested  observer, 
he  would  have  pronounced  the  work  of  this  Anthracite 
Coal  Combination  to  be  one  of  the  most  inexcusable 


276          HISTORY  OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


WESTERN  COAL  MINTS. 


displays  of  rapacious  greed  that  the  world  has  witnessed 
since  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  civilized  man?" 
There  is  no  good  reason  why  coal  that  costs  two 
dollars  per  ton  at  the  mines  should  cost  seven  dollars 
to  the  Eastern  consumer.  The  actual  cost  of  transpor- 
tation could  be  paid  and  a  fair  profit  returned  to  the 
railroad  companies,  and  yet  the  price  of  coal  be  reduced 
very  much.  But  a  fair  profit  is  not  to  the  taste  of  the 
monopolist.  He  must  have  an  exorbitant  return  for 
his  capital,  or  he  is  not  satisfied.  He  cares  nothing  for 
the  thousands  of  suffering  poor  who  are  unable  to  pro- 
cure fuel  at  the  prices  at  which  he  holds  it.  He  is 
deaf  to  the  voice  of  humanity ;  he  thinks  only  of  his 
gains.  So  the  curse  of  the  railroad  monopolist  hangs 
like  a  black  pall  over  the  Republic,  growing  darker  and 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       277 

darker  as  the  time  wears  on.  His  greed  and  heartless- 
ness  have  made  bread  dear  in  a  land  capable  of  feeding 
the  world,  and  the  same  accursed  spirit  of  avarice  has 
put  the  next  great  necessity  of  human  life  almost 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  poor.  "  The  cheapness  of  food 
and  coal  most  concerns  the  comfort  of  the  people ;  to 
lower  their  price  must  be  the  aim  of  every  popular 
government.  Yet  both  with  us  have  become  the  sub- 
jects of  monopolies,  and  are  dealt  out  to  the  people  by 
the  great  companies  in  such  quantities  as  they  think 
will  aid  them  best  in  paying  their  dividends.  We  are 
threatened  with  a  dearth  of  coal,  because  the  companies 
have  resolved  that  there  shall  be  one.  There  is  no 
complaint  of  any  deficiency  in  the  supply,  of  any  failure 
of  the  mines,  or  any  want  of  labor,  but  the  coal  com- 
panies and  the  railroads  combine  to  stop  the  production 
of  coal  in  order  to  raise  the  price,  and  are  willing  to 
starve  the  miner  and  the  consumer  to  enlarge  their  own 
profits.  It  is  of  no  consequence  to  them  that  the  poor 
must  suffer  or  perish,  that  every  honest  working  family 
must  be  pinched  and  straitened,  that  manufactures  are 
impeded  and  commerce  checked,  so  long  as  their  divi- 
dends are  maintained  and  their  wasteful  extravagance 
supplied.  The  price  of  coal  has  already  risen  one-third; 
by  December,  if  the  companies  choose,  it  may  be 
doubled.  The  mines  are  to  be  left  unworked,  the  coal 
retained,  and  the  all-powerful  companies'  rule  un- 
checked over  the  helpless  people.  It  has  long  been 
their  custom  to  produce  these  periods  of  unnecessary 
dearth ;  they  scarcely  seem  conscious  of  the  cruelty  of 
their  policy,  or  of  the  painful  consequences  of  their 
avarice." 

It  is  an  ugly  state  of  affairs,  but  there  is  no  denying 


278          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  facts  in  the  case.  The  people  of  the  New  England 
and  Middle  States  are  utterly  at  the  mercy  of  the  great 
corporations  controlling  the  Pennsylvania  coal  fields. 
They  must  pay  for  their  fuel  just  what  these  companies 
choose  to  ask  for  it,  and  they  have  no  means  of  escaping 
from  their  dilemma  if  the  companies  are  left  in  their 
present  condition.  The  companies  have  been  steadily 
increasing  their  exactions,  and  unless  something  is 
done  to  check  them,  they  will  no  doubt  increase  them 
to  a  point  at  which  anthracite  coal  will  become  accessi- 
ble only  to  the  rich. 

Doubtless  these  companies  have  rights,  among  which 
is  the  right  to  earn  a  fair  return  for  the  labor  and 
capital  invested  in  their  business.  But  the  people,  the 
consumers,  have  a  right  in  the  matter,  which  they  will 
yet  be  driven  to  assert.  The  Almighty  did  not  create 
the  coal  beds  of  Pennsylvania  for  the  sole  benefit  of  the 
railroads  and  coal  corporations  that  have  secured  the 
control  of  them.  He  placed  this  magnificent  gift  in  a 
region  easily  accessible,  for  the  benefit  of  the  millions 
who  people  the  vast  region  it  is  intended  to  supply. 
The  people  have  a  right  to  obtain  it  at  moderate  rates, 
and  they  have  a  right  to  compel  the  great  monopoly 
that  is  bleeding  them  so  unmercifully  to  respect  this 
claim ;  and  the  day  may  come,  and  ought  to  come,  if 
there  is  not  a  change  for  the  better,  when  the  coal 
monopolist  will  find  that  vested  rights,  and  charters, 
and  stocks  and  bonds,  are  powerless  to  restrain  the 
wrath  of  a  defrauded  people  bent  upon  supplying  one 
of  the  chief  necessities  of  their  existence. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  a  remedy  could  be  found 
in  the  introduction  of  the  bituminous  coal  of  the  West- 
ern States  into  the  market  of  the  East.  This  fuel, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      279 

however,  would  be  subject  to  a  heavy  transportation 
tax  which  would  be  levied  upon  it  by  the  railroads 
over  which  it  would  have  to  pass,  and  this  would  go 
far  towards  preventing  it  from  becoming  a  formidable 
rival  to  Pennsylvania  coal. 

Another  remedy  that  has  been  proposed  is  the  con- 
struction of  a  freight  railroad  by  the  General  Govern- 
ment from  New  York  to  Chicago.  It  is  believed  by  the 
advocates  of  this  scheme  that  such  a  road,  on  which 
minimum  rates  of  transportation  would  be  charged, 
would  bring  Western  coal  to  the  Eastern  markets  at 
rates  which  would  effectually  break  down  the  anthra- 
cite monopoly.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  if  the 
Western  coal  could  be  laid  down  in  New  York  and 
Boston  at  reasonable  rates,  it  would  prove  a  formidable 
rival  to  anthracite ;  but  the  railroad  rates,  as  at  present 
managed,  preserve  the  supremacy  of  the  kindred  mo- 
nopoly. Should  the  proposed  Government  road  touch 
the  Pennsylvania  coal  regions  on  its  way  to  the  West, 
another  blow  would  be  struck  at  the  monopoly.  By 
affording  cheap  transportation  to  the  Eastern  markets, 
it  would  reduce  the  price  of  coal  at  least  one-half.  It 
is  the  cost  of  transportation  alone  that  raises  the  price 
of  fuel,  and  not  the  cost  of  producing  it. 

A  recent  number  of  Harper's  Weekly,  commenting 
upon  the  extortions  of  the  coal  monopoly,  thus  speaks 
of  the  necessity  for  such  a  railroad : 

"But  the  future  of  the  coal  trade  is  still  more 
suggestive.  Soon  the  mines  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
West  must  supply  the  fuel  of  the  world.  The  mines 
of  England,  yielding  120,000,000  tons  a  year,  already 
show  signs  of  exhaustion.  Coal  has  doubled  in  price  in 
England  within  three  years.  English  iron  manufactu- 


280          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

rers  are  turning  to  the  United  States  as  the  scene  of 
their  future  successes.  It  is  rumored  in  Philadelphia 
that  a  prominent  English  firm  engaged  in  building 
steamers  has  resolved  to  remove  with  all  its  capital  and 
labor  to  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  Western  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  may  soon 
supply  the  factories  of  Europe  with  fuel,  that  the  great 
iron- works  of  the  world  will  follow  the  line  of  coal  from 
Pittsburg  to  the  Tennessee;  and  it  seems  more  than 
ever  the  duty  of  the  National  Government  to  prevent 
this  great  trade  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  monopo- 
lists. A  Government  railway  penetrating  the  West 
from  New  York  to  Chicago  seems  the  only  means  of 
opening  to  the  world  the  immense  masses  of  coal  that 
lie  every  where  scattered  through  the  inaccessible 
country.  Our  export  of  fuel  and  the  growth  of  our  iron 
factories  depend  upon  the  cheapness  of  coal.  It  seems 
the  duty  of  the  National  Government  to  provide  at  least 
economical  transportation ;  and  the  best  mode  of  tempt- 
ing the  steam-ship  builders  from  the  banks  of  the  Clyde 
to  the  Hudson  or  the  Delaware  would  be  to  provide  a 
sufficient  communication  between  the  mines  and  the 
sea.  Nor  with  a  Government  route  would  the  great 
monopolies  ever  be  able  to  prey  upon  the  famishing 
people." 

But  will  Congress  build  such  a  road?  Will  that 
honorable  body  condescend  to  consider  the  rights  of  the 
people  against  the  interests  of  the  railroads  ?  We  con- 
fess we  have  little  hope  of  it.  The  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  so  far  from  showing  any  disposition  to 
check  the  extortions  of  the  monopolists,  has  aided  the 
coal  monopoly  in  its  robberies  of  the  people  by  com- 
pelling the  people  of  the  Eastern  States  to  purchase 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      281 

Pennsylvania  coal.  It  has,  in  its  eagerness  to  serve 
the  men  who  are  plundering  its  masters — the  people — 
levied  a  prohibitory  duty  upon  coal  imported  from  the 
British  Provinces.  The  rich  coal  fields  of  Nova  Scotia 
lie  at  the  very  doors  of  New  England,  and  a  fine  quality 
of  coal -could  be  delivered  at  the  New  England  ports  at 
prices  lower  than  the  Pennsylvania  dealers  are  demand- 
ing. It  is  to  the  interest  of  New  England  to  purchase 
this  coal.  With  its  markets  thus  supplied,  it  would  be 
relieved  of  its  dependence  upon  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
competition  thus  introduced  would  result  in  a  scale  of 
moderate  prices.  The  anthracite  monopolist  would  be 
deprived  of  his  power  to  rob  the  people,  and  would  be 
obliged  to  sell  his  coal  for  its  actual  value.  But  Con- 
gress has  joined  the  coalition  against  the  people,  and  in 
order  that  the  Pennsylvania  coal  ring  may  rob  and 
plunder  the  community,  by  charging  unfair  prices  for 
its  coal,  it  has  levied  upon  foreign  coal  a  duty  which 
keeps  it  out  of  the  market. 

Let  the  duty  be  taken  off  foreign  coal ;  let  there  be 
free  trade  in  this  great  necessity  of  life,  and  a  very 
different  state  of  affairs  will  ensue.  Let  the  people 
enjoy  the  benefit  of  a  free  market,  and  let  them  be  rid 
of  their  slavery  to  an  insolent  and  unscrupulous  mon- 
opoly. 

Think  of  this,  farmers  and  workmen  of  New  England, 
as  you  sit  by  your  costly  coal  fires,  and  reckon  the 
value  of  each  lump  of  the  precious  fuel.  Demand  of 
your  servants  in  Congress  that  justice  shall  be  done 
you,  and  that  you  shall  be  able  to  buy  your  coal  cheap 
in  a  land  which  is  the  richest  of  all  lands  in  that 
mineral.  You  have  a  right  to  a  free  market.  You 
have  a  right  to  your  hard  earnings,  and  it  is  a  shame 


282  HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGB    MOVEMENT. 

to  your  manhood  to  submit  to  such  infamous  extortion 
as  is  being  practised  upon  you  with  the  assistance  of 
your  servants  in  Congress.  The  remedy  lies  in  your 
own  hands.  Members  of  Congress  will  do  much  for  the 
monopolists,  but  they  will  not  dare  to  resist  the  deter- 
mined expression  of  your  will,  for  do  you  not  hold  their 
official  lives  in  your  hands  ?  and  can  you  not  make  or 
unmake  them  with  a  ballot?  Organize,  combine  for 
the  protection  of  your  interests.  Join  hands  with  the 
farmers  of  the  West  in  their  courageous  war  upon  mon- 
opolies of  all  kinds.  There  is  not  a  monopoly  in  the 
land  but  can  be  broken  to  atoms  by  the  combined  and 
determined  action  of  an  indignant  and  wronged  people. 


PART    III. 
THE    FARMERS'    WRONGS. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE   AGRICULTURAL   CLASSES   AND   THEIR   WRONGS. 

Detailed  Statement  of  the  Agricultural  Wealth  of  the  United  States,  and  of 
the  Strength  of  the  Agricultural  Class — The  American  Farmer — His  De- 
fects and  Virtues — His  Character  as  a  Man  and  a  Citizen — The  Superior  of 
the  Old  World  Farmer — He  should  be  the  most  independent  and  contented 
Man  on  Earth — The  actual  State  of  Affairs — Hard  Lot  of  the  American  Far- 
mer— Difficulty  of  making  the  Farm  pay — A  real  Grievance — Wrongs  of 
the  Farmer — The  Effect  upon  the  Young  Men — Driven  from  Home — Sad 
Story  of  a  Farmer's  Daughter — Not  an  isolated  Case — Cause  for  Apprehen- 
sion— A  Remedy  needed. 

IN  the  Ninth  Census  of  the  United  States,  taken  in 
the  year  1870,  the  number  of  persons  engaged  in  all 
classes  of  occupations  was  12,505,923.  Of  these  5,922,- 
471  were  persons  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  The 
rest  of  the  great  army  of  workers  was  divided  as  fol- 
lows :  Persons  engaged  in  personal  and  professional 
services,  2,684,793.  Persons  engaged  in  trade  and 
transportation,  1,191,238.  Persons  engaged  in  manu- 
factures and  mechanical  and  mining  industries,  2,707,- 
421.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  nearly  one-half  of  the 
industrial  class  of  the  United  States  is  engaged  in  agri- 
cultural pursuits.  Taking  the  number  of  inhabitants 
of  the  Union  of  ten  years  of  age  and  over,  which  is 

283 


284          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OK, 

28,228,945,  we  gain  a  still  clearer  conception  of  the 
strength  and  importance  of  the  agricultural  class  of 
the  country. 

The  agricultural  workers  are  thus  subdivided,  accord- 
ing to  the  Census  quoted : 

Total.  Males.  Females. 

Agricultural  laborers 2,885,996  2,512,664  373,332 

Apiarists 136  136     

Dairymen  and  dairywomen 3,550  3,133  417 

Farm  and  plantation  overseers 3,609  3,609     

Farmers  and  planters 2,977,711  2,955,030  22,681 

Florists .  ...       1,085  1,046  39 

Gardeners  and  nurserymen 31,435  31,202  233 

Stock-drovers  3,181  3,181     

Stock-herders 5,590  5,545  45 

Stock-raisers 6,588  6,558  30 

Turpentine  fanners 361  361     

Turpentine  laborers 2,117  1,933  184 

Vinegrowers 1,112  1,105  7 

This  being  the  force  employed,  let  us  glance  at  the 
field  in  which  its  operations  are  performed,  and  the  re- 
sults accomplished  by  it. 

In  1870,  the  total  area  of  land  in  farms  amounted  to 
407,735,041  acres.  This  was  divided  as  follows : 

Acres  of  improved  laud 188,921,099 

"      "    woodland 159,310,177 

"      "    other  unimproved  land 59,503,765 

The  total  number  of  farms  was  2,659,985.  These 
were  reported  as  follows  : 

Under  5  acres 6,875 

5  acres  and  under  10 172,021 

10  acres  and  under  20 294,607 

20  acres  and  under  50 847,614 

60  acres  and  under  100 754,221 

100  acres  and  under  500 565,054 

500  acres  and  under  1000 15,873 

1000  acres  and  over 3,720 

Average  size  of  farms 153  acres. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES       285 

The  capital  invested  in  the  farms  and  their  products 
was  stated  as  follows  : 

Cash  value  of  farms $9,262,803,861 

Cash  value  of  farming  implements  and  machinery 336,878,429 

Total  amount  of  wages  paid  during  the  year,  including  the 

value  of  board 310,286,285 

Total  (estimated)  value  of  all  farm  productions,  including 

betterments  and  additions  to  stock 2,447,538,658 

Value  of  orchard  products 47,335,189 

Value  of  market-garden  products 20,719,229 

Value  of  forest  products 36,808,277 

Value  of  homemade  manufactures 23,423,332 

Value  of  animals  slaughtered,  or  sold  for  slaughter 398,956,376 

Value  of  all  live  stock 1,525,276,457 

The  live  stock  was  stated  as  follows : 

Number  of  horses 7,145,370 

Number  of  mules  and  asses 1,125,415 

Number  of  milch  cows 8,935,332 

Number  of  working  oxen 1,319,271 

Number  of  other  cattle 13,566,005 

Number  of  sheep 28,477,951 

Number  of  swine 25,134,569 

The  farm  products  were  as  follows : 

Bushels  of  Spring  wheat 112,549,733 

Bushels  of  Winter  wheat 175,195,893 

Bushels  of  sweet  potatoes 21,709,824 

Bushels  of  Irish  potatoes 143,337,473 

Pounds  of  butter 514,092,683 

Pounds  of  cheese 53,492,153 

•Gallons  of  milk  sold 235,500,599 

Bushels  of  clover  seed 639,657 

Bushels  of  grass  seed 583,188 

Hogsheads  of  cane  sugar 87,043 

Hogsheads  of  sorghum  sugar 24 

Pounds  of  maple  sugar 28,443,645 

Gallons  of  cane  molasses 66,593,323 

Gallons  of  sorghum  molasses 10,050,089 

Gallons  of  maple  molasses 921,057 

Pounds  of  beeswax 631,129 

Pounds  of  honey 14,702,815 

Bushels  of  rye 19,918,795 

Bushels  of  Indian  corn 769,944,549 

Bushels  of  oats 282,107,157 

Bushels  of  barley 29,761,306 


28G          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Bushels  of  buck-wheat. 9,821,721 

Pounds  of  tobacco 262,735,341 

Bales  of  cotton 3,011,996 

Pounds  of  rice 73,635,021 

Pounds  of  wool 100,102,386 

Bushels  of  peas  and  beans 5  745  027 

Gallons  of  wine 3,092,330 

Tons  of  hay 27,316,048 

Pounds  of  hops 25,456,669 

Tons  of  hemp „         12  746 

Pounds  of  flax 27,133,034 

Bushels  of  flaxseed 1,730,444 

Pounds  of  silk  cocoons _          3,937 

These  figures  present  to  the  reader  a  fair  average  of 
the  condition  of  the  farming  interest  of  the  country. 
They  show  that  nearly  one-half  of  the  whole  toiling 
class,  the  men  and  women  who  use  hands  and  brain  to 
procure  their  daily  bread,  are  engaged  in  the  labors  of 
the  farm  and  in  pursuits  kindred  to  it.  These  consti- 
tute the  real  backbone  and  sinew  of  the  country,  and 
are  its  mainstay  in  times  of  trial  and  danger. 

Whatever  may  be  the  merits  of  other  classes,  it  can- 
not be  denied  that  our  agricultural  community  com- 
prises a  population  of  which  any  country  may  be 
proud.  The  American  farmer  is,  as  a  rule,  an  intelli- 
gent, clear-headed,  practical  man.  He  is  the  possessor 
of,  at  least,  a  common  school  education.  A  reader  of 
the  newspapers  and  a  lover  of  books,  he  manages  to 
keep  himself  abreast  of  the  questions  of  the  day,  and 
has  definite  and  intelligent  opinions  concerning  them, 
which  he  is  able  to  express  vigorously  when  occasion 
demands.  He  is  strong-armed  as  well  as  strong-minded, 
and  his  out-door  life  keeps  him  in  robust  health.  He  is 
industrious,  ambitious  to  improve  his  temporal  condi- 
tion, and  attentive  to  his  duties.  As  a  citizen  he  is 
faithful  to  the  obligations  imposed  upon  him  by  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       287 


WAGONING  GRAIN  TO  MARKET. 


laws  of  the  land,  and  deeply  interested  in  the  welfare 
of  his  country.  As  the  head  of  a  family  he  is  kind, 
affectionate,  earnestly  striving  to  advance  the  welfare 
of  those  dependent  on  him.  In  short,  his  ambition  ex- 
tends to  two  things  chiefly — to  provide  for  his  family 
in  such  a  way  that  his  children  may  have  a  comfortable 
and  happy  home,  and  enter  upon  life  prepared  for  its 
struggles,  possessing  vigorous  bodies  and  well-trained 
minds ;  and  to  make  his  farm  the  best  in  the  county. 

No  one  who  has  travelled  through  agricultural  dis- 
tricts of  the  Old  World,  can  withhold  from  the  Ameri- 
can farmer  his  meed  of  praise.  The  farmer  of  England 
is,  at  the  best,  the  inferior  of  the  American.  He  is 
coarser,  worse  in  morals  and  general  habits,  and  inferior 
in  education ;  while  on  the  continent,  the  farmer  is 
little  better  than  a  slave. 


288          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Now,  in  the  natural  order  of  things,  and  especially  in 
this  happy  land  of  freedom,  the  farmer  should  be  the 
most  fortunate  man  in  the  community.  Owning  his 
land,  with  good  health,  dependent  only  upon  the  bounty 
of  the  Giver  of  all  Good,  his  should  be  a  life  of  abso- 
lute independence.  Not  that  this  should  free  him  from 
the  great  necessity  of  earning  these  blessings  by  the 
sweat  of  his  brow,  but  that  his  hard  labor  should  be 
blessed  with  a  fair  reward,  and  that  he  should  be  able 
•to  look  forward  with  confidence  to  a  comfortable  pro- 
vision for  his  old  age,  and  a  fair  start  in  life  for  his  chil- 
dren. Y<fet,  looking  around  upon  the  community,  we 
find  matters  very  different.  The  condition  of  affairs 
which  meets  us  at  every  turn  is  not  that  which  should 
exist  in  a  well-regulated  state  of  society. 

Instead  of  the  lighthearted,  independent,  contented 
owner  of  a  domain  sufficient  to  support  him  in  comfort, 
we  find  the  American  farmer  a  toiling,  overworked 
man  from  the  beginning  to  the  close  of  his  life.  How- 
ever intelligent  he  may  be,  however  determined  to 
succeed,  we  find  him,  as  a  rule,  doing  little  more  than 
providing  food  and  clothing  for  those  dependent  on 
him,  often  struggling  under  a  load  of  debt,  and  con- 
scious that  he  is  not  receiving  as  fair  a  return  for  his 
labor  as  the  merchant  or  mechanic  receives  for  his. 
There  is  something  wrong  in  the  system  which  thus 
dooms  him  to  perpetual  slavery,  and  it  will  be  interest- 
ing to  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  causes  of  the  evil 
which  has  come  upon  him. 

It  is  a  common  saying  that  "  no  man  makes  a  for- 
tune on  a  farm."  It  is  true  there  are  instances  of  great 
wealth  amassed  by  farmers,  but  they  are  the  excep- 
tions. These  fortunate  persons  have  been  possessed 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       289 

of  large  capital,  which  has  enabled  them  to  conduct 
their  operations  on  a  scale  which  compelled  large 
returns.  The  average  farmer,  however,  is  a  man  of 
limited  means,  and  it  taxes  all  his  energy  to  make 
"  both  ends  meet "  at  the  end  of  the  year.  He  may 
•dream  of  great  wealth,  and,  in  his  mind's  eye,  may  see 
himself  a  capitalist,  able  to  carry  out  his  theories  upon 
a  proper  scale ;  but  the  golden  harvest  never  comes  to 
him,  and  he  ends  his  days  where  he  began,  a  strug- 
gling man,  vainly  grappling  with  a  difficulty  that  is 
too  great  for  him.  Yet  he  labors  as  hard,  as  honestly, 
•and  as  intelligently  as  the  merchant  or  manufacturer. 
He  has,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  capital  invested  as 
they,  and  yet  in  spite  of  his  efforts,  in  spite  of  his  in- 
telligence, in  spite  of  his  honesty,  he  cannot  keep  up 
with  them  in  the  race  for  wealth.  He  is  distanced  by 
men  of  less  ability,  and  he  cannot  help  himself.  The 
most  that  the  majority  of  farmers  are  capable  of  achiev- 
ing is  to  become  the  absolute  masters  of  their  property. 
He  is  a  lucky  man  who  can  do  this,  who  can  keep  the 
farm  clear  of  mortgages  and  himself  free  from  debt, 
and  earn  enough  to  educate  his  children  and  afford  his 
family  the  refinements  and  comforts  of  our  present 
•civilization. 

Now  here  is  a  real  grievance ;  here  is  a  most  singu- 
lar state  of  affairs.  The  most  useful  class  in  the  land, 
that  which  should  be  the  most  fortunate  and  indepen- 
dent, is  becoming  the  most  oppressed,  the  hardest 
worked,  and  the  poorest  paid.  There  is  no  necessity 
for  this  state  of  affairs.  It  should  not  exist.  But  it  is 
a  reality,  and  the  farmers  know  it,  and  their  efforts  to 
remedy  it  have  thus  far  been  without  success.  Every 
year  the  trouble  is  becoming  more  serious.  The  young 

19 


290          HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


ST.   PAUL,  MINNESOTA. 

men,  seeing  the  fate  of  their  fathers,  their  lives  of  con- 
stant toil,  and  the  hopelessness  of  realizing  a  proper 
return  for  their  industry,  are  leaving  the  farm  and 
flocking  to  the  great  cities,  to  seek  in  other  pursuits 
the  rewards  denied  them  in  the  calling  they  prefer,  and 
to  which  they  are  best  suited.  They  leave  behind 
them  the  sweet  restraints  of  home,  and  the  happy  in- 
nocence of  a  country  life,  and  come  to  the  cities  to 
meet  trials  and  temptations  to  which  they  too  often 
fall  victims. 

The  young  women,  dismayed  by  the  hard  lot  of 
their  mothers,  and  wishing  to  escape  from  the  drudgery 
which  is  the  inevitable  doom  of  the  farmer's  wife, 
follow  the  example  of  their  brothers.  They  come  to 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      291 

the  city,  where  there  is  no  room  for  them,  and  where 
snares  and  dangers  lie  thick  along  their  paths.  Too 
often  they  yield  to  them,  and  go  down  into  the  dread- 
ful abyss  from  which  no  woman  ever  comes  back. 
Oh !  the  sad  stories  of  farmers'  daughters  that  one 
hears  in  the  great  city  of  New  York.  How  they  come 
crowding  there,  year  after  year,  frightened  by  the  hard 
life  at  home,  and,  in  their  eagerness  to  escape  from  it, 
rushing  upon  a  doom  so  terrible  that  even  the  hardest 
lot  of  honest  labor  would  be  joyfully  embraced  could 
they  but  see  the  end  when  taking  the  first  step. 

Not  long  ago,  a  gray  haired  old  man  came  to  New 
York  from  his  farm  in  New  England,  in  search  of  his 
daughter.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  son.  He  told 
a  sad  tale  to  the  police.  Owning  his  farm,  and  nomin- 
ally well  to  do  in  the  world,  he  was  still  barely  able  to 
provide  a  support  for  his  family.  One  of  his  daughters 
— the  eldest — appreciating  his  difficulties,  and  wishing 
to  help  him  by  relieving  him  of  her  support,  had  left 
home  with  his  consent,  and  had  come  to  the  great  city 
to  obtain  work.  For  awhile  she  succeeded,  and  not 
only  earned  enough  to  keep  her  in  comfort,  butx  man- 
aged to  send  an  occasional  remittance  to  the  old  people 
at  home.  By  and  by  there  was  a  change.  Her  letters 
became  rarer,  and  at  length  ceased.  Weeks  passed 
away,  but  no  letter  came,  and,  in  alarm,  the  old  man 
had  come  to  the  city  to  find  his  child.  He  was  sure 
she  was  not  dead,  and  he  dreaded  to  find  that  she  had 
gone  the  way  that  so  many  go.  He  applied  to  the 
police,  and  in  the  official  to  whom  he  confided  his 
story  he  found  a  sympathizing  friend.  Inquiries  among 
the  members  of  the  force  enabled  the  officers  to  recog- 
nize the  girl  by  her  father's  description  as  one  who  had 


292          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

but  recently  become  known  to  them  as  a  lost  woman, 
and  they  at  once  led  the  father  and  brother  to  the 
house  in  which  she  was  living.  As  they  entered  the 
brightly  lighted  parlors,  the  girl  recognized  her  father, 
and,  with  a  wild  cry  of  joy,  sprang  into  his  arms. 
There  was  no  need  of  explanation,  and  the  father  had 
no  reproaches  for  the  poor,  sinful  wanderer.  Lifting 
her  tenderly  in  his  arms,  he  bore  her  to  the  street, 
sobbing  out  joyfully  as  they  passed  the  portals  of  the 
house  of  shame : 

"  We've  saved  her,  thank  God !    We've  saved  Lizzie ! " 

That  night  all  three  left  for  their  distant  home. 

This  is  not  an  isolated  case.  There  is  many  an  un- 
fortunate who  has  trod  the  hard  streets  of  the  metro- 
polis, with  no  eye  but  the  pitying  one  above  to  look 
kindly  on  her,  who  could  tell  of  a  home  from  which 
the  hard  hand  of  poverty  drove  her. 

It  is  a  most  lamentable  condition  of  affairs  that 
makes  these  things  possible.  It  is  not  so  with  other 
callings.  The  labor  of  the  merchant,  the  manufac- 
turer, the  small  trader,  the  professional  man,  enables 
him  to  do  better  for  his  children,  and  to  give  them  a 
home  of  refinement  and  happiness,  which  they  enjoy, 
and  which  makes  them  eager  to  provide  homes  of  their 
own  when  they  arrive  at  man's  and  woman's  estate. 
But  the  reverse  is  too  often  the  case  with  the  farmer. 
His  sons  have  no  wish  to  toil  as  their  father,  and  they 
seek  to  escape  from  the  farm,  and  change  their  pursuits 
as  soon  as  they  can.  The  farmer's  daughter,  seeing 
her  mother's  daily  toil  and  care,  and  the  constant 
struggle  of  both  parents  to  earn  a  decent  living,  has  no 
wish  to  become  a  farmer's  wife,  and  she  too  seeks  to 
leave  home  at  the  earliest  possible  moment. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      293 

Now  these  evils,  like  most  of  those  from  which  the 
farmer  suffers,  are  traceable  to  the  cause  we  have 
been  considering.  The  farmer  does  not  receive  a  pro- 
per return  for  his  labor,  and  is  therefore  unable  to  pro- 
vide for  his  family  as  he  should.  The  same  amount 
of  labor,  of  energy,  intelligence,  and  capital  in  other 
pursuits  would  produce  different  and  happier  results. 
Here  they  do  not  produce  even  fair  results. 

The  whole  farming  community  will  bear  testimony 
to  the  truth  of  our  assertion.  We  are  stating  no  im- 
aginary case.  It  is  a  sad  history  of  facts  we  are  relat- 
ing. We  assert  that  the  farmer's  grievances  are  real, 
and  not  fictitious.  They  deserve  from  the  entire  com- 
munity a  patient  hearing.  He  who  can  find  a  remedy 
for  them  will  deserve  and  receive  the  thanks  of  a 
grateful  country. 


294          HISTOET   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE    MIDDLE-MEN. 

A  Leading  Cause  of  the  Distress  of  Farmers — Working  at  Starvation  Prices — 
High  Price  of  Bread — Who  is  responsible  for  it — How  the  Middle-Men 
grow  Rich  at  the  Expense  of  the  Farmer — An  Unequal  Division  of  Profits 
— The  Farmer  receives  too  Little — Comparison  between  Agricultural  and 
Manufacturing  Profits — The  Story  of  Two  Brothers — A  Lesson  for  Farmers 
— Profitable  and  Unprofitable  Labor — Contrast  between  the  Middle-Men 
and  the  Farmers — Where  the  Profit  on  Grain  goes — A  Palace  and  a  Farm 
House — Who  pay  for  the  Splendors  of  the  Large  Cities — Need  of  the  Far- 
mer for  Ready  Money — How  this  Necessity  is  taken  Advantage  of — The 
Local  Grain  Dealers — How  they  Plunder  the  Farmers — The  Excess  of  Wes- 
tern Production — The  Real  Cause  of  it. 

ONE  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  great  distress  pre- 
vailing among  the  farming  interest  to-day  is  the  low 
price  which  the  farmer  receives  for  his  products.  There 
can  be  no  question  that  his  labor  is  repaid  at  too  low  a 
rate,  and  that  until  he  receives  a  fairer  price  for  his  toil 
and  skill  he  must  be  content  to  struggle  on  as  he  is 
forced  to  do  at  present. 

Now,  we  are  aware  that  there  will  be  many  who  will 
take  alarm  at  the  idea  of  an  increase  in  the  price  of 
breadstuffs,  and  who  will  meet  our  assertion  with  the  old 
argument  that  the  people  pay  enough  for  their  bread 
already.  We  are  fully  aware  of  this.  We  believe  that 
it  would  be  a  great  evil  to  the  country  at  large  to  in- 
crease the  price  of  bread,  and  that  that  article  is  already 
sufficiently  high ;  but  we  maintain  that  this  state  of 
affairs  is  not  due  to  the  farmer. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       295 

The  farmer,  the  producer  of  the  food  of  the  country, 
is  compelled  to  make  a  heavy  outlay  of  money  and  time 
in  order  to  make  a  fair  crop  of  grain.  To  this  outlay 
he  adds  his  labor,  which  is  long  and  severe.  When  his 
crop  is  harvested  and  sent  to  market,  he  receives  a  small 
profit  upon  his  investment  in  the  price  paid  for  his 
grain,  and  this  is  still  further  reduced  by  the  iniquitous 
freights  levied  upon  him  by  the  railroads  for  transport- 
ing his  produce  to  market.  The  grain  upon  reaching 
market  passes  into  other  hands,  and  sells  at  an  advance 
upon  the  price  paid  the  farmer.  The  next  step  is  to 
convert  it  into  flour  or  meal,  and  here  another  profit  is 
added  to  its  cost,  and  one  very  much  larger  than  that 
received  by  the  farmer.  Millers  are  fortunate  men,  and 
they  are  experts  in  the  art  of  making  money.  The  flour 
or  meal  next  passes  into  the  hands  of  the  commission 
merchant,  or  the  retail  dealer,  and  by  the  time  it 
reaches  the  final  consumer  the  cost  is  vastly  increased 
by  the  number  of  profits  it  has  to  pay.  As  flour  or 
bread  a  price  is  paid  for  it  which  the  whole  community 
pronounce  too  high,  and  the  result  is  that  the  farmer  is 
universally  denounced  for  his  rapacity.  He  is  believed 
by  the  average  consumer  of  bread  to  be  enjoying  the 
proceeds  of  an  extortionate  price  for  the  chief  article  of 
human  consumption. 

Now  the  truth  is,  that  of  all  the  profits  we  have 
•enumerated,  that  of  the  farmer  is  the  smallest  and  the 
most  unfair.  It  is  not  in  proportion  to  that  of  the  mer- 
chant or  the  miller.  He  is  robbed  by  the  railroads  in 
the  first  instance,  and  in  the  next  place  his  price  is  kept 
down  in  order  that  the  grain  merchant  and  the  miller 
may  enlarge  their  profits.  These  worthy  gentlemen 
are  shrewd  enough  to  join  in  the  general  demand  for 


296          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


THE  MIDDLE-MAN'S  DREAM    OF  HIS  PLUNDER. 

cheaper  food,  and  in  denouncing  the  farmer  for  keeping 
up  the  price  of  bread,  when  it  is  their  heavy  profits  that 
keep  up  the  high  prices.  They  know  where  the  trouble 
lies,  but  by  denouncing  the  farmer,  they  seek  to  screen, 
themselves. 

The  merchant  and  the  miller  make  too  much  upon 
their  investment  of  labor  and  capital,  and  the  farmer 
makes  too  little  upon  his.  Matters  should  be  adjusted 
upon  a  different  basis.  The  middle-men  should  be  con- 
tent with  a  smaller  profit,  and  the  profit  of  the  farmer 
should  be  increased.  It  will  be  difficult  to  do  this,  for 
the  middle-men,  being  masters  of  the  situation,  will  not. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      297 

be  satisfied  without  a  certain  return  for  their  laborr 
which  return  they  place  at  a  very  high  figure,  and  the 
farmer,  who  is  entirely  dependent  upon  them,  must  be 
satisfied  with  what  he  can  get.  Yet  the  farmer's  labor 
is  as  much  entitled  to  reward  as  that  of  the  middle-man, 
and  it  is  fair  that  his  profit  should  be  as  large  in  pro- 
portion as  that  of  any  one  through  whose  hands  his 
grain  passes.  But,  instead  of  this,  instead  of  receiving 
the  reward  to  which  his  honest  labor  is  entitled,  he  i& 
compelled  to  accept  a  miserably  small  return  for  that 
labor,  in  order  that  the  middle-men  may  make  large 
profits  and  grow  rich.  They  grow  rich  at  the  expense 
of  the  farmer  and  the  community.  The  farmer  either 
remains  where  he  started  or  grows  poorer. 

Some  time  ago  Mr.  John  T.  Campbell,  of  Rockville, 
Indiana,  undertook  to  compare  the  average  profits  upon 
the  capital  of  the  country  invested  in  manufactures  and 
that  invested  in  farming,  as  reported  by  the  last  Cen- 
sus of  the  United  States  : 

"  Let  us  take,"  says  he,  "  a  general  survey  of  the  sta- 
tistics as  shown  by  the  census  reports  of  the  three  last 
decades,  and  carefully  note  the  comparison  between  the 
general  manufacturing  interests  of  the  nation,  much  of 
which  is  protected,  and  the  general  agricultural  inter- 
ests, and  see  if  it  teaches  us  a  lesson. 

"  But  we  would  be  discouraged  from  this  comparison 
by  General  Walker's  foot  note  to  the  compendium  of 
the  Ninth  Census,  page  797,  in  which  he  says  in  sub- 
stance that  capital  reported  as  invested  in  manufactures 
is  entirely  untrustworthy  and  delusive,  and  that  it  is  the 
one  inquiry  which  manufacturers  resent  as  uselessly  ob- 
trusive, and  that  they  could  not  tell  what  they  were  worth 
or  how  much  of  their  wealth  was  invested  as  capital  if 


298          HISTORY   OP   TH^E   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

they  were  disposed  to.  He  thinks  the  capital  that  yields 
a  gross  product  annually  of  four  and  a  quarter  billions 
should  be  reported  at  eight  billions  instead  of  two  bil- 
lions, as  shown  by  the  Ninth  Census,  and  recommends 
the  abandonment  of  that  inquiry  in  the  future. 

"Perhaps  the  following  showing  will  explain  why 
the  manufacturers  are  so  reluctant  about  showing  their 
capital,  and  also  that  generally  the  amount  of  their 
capital  is  overstated  rather  than  understated. 

"  While  the  statistics  may  not  be  strictly  accurate, 
they  are  a  safe  guide  by  which  to  compare  one  industry 
with  another,  or  the  same  industry  at  different  periods. 

"  In  1850  the  value  of  the  manufactured  product, 
after  deducting  the  cost  of  wages  and  raw  material,  was 
42  i  per  cent,  on  the  capital  invested.  This,  of  course, 
was  not  the  clear  profit  on  capital,  for  doubtless  the 
•owners  have  greatly  augmented  its  profits  by  the  assis- 
tance of  their  own  labor. 

"In  1860  the  profits  on  manufacturing  capital  (assis- 
ted by  the  owners'  labor,  as  before),  after  deducting  the 
•cost  of  wages  and  raw  material,  was  47  per  cent,  per 
annum . 

"In  1870  the  manufacturing  capital,  put  under  like 
conditions  as  before,  yielded  a  profit  of  nearly  46  per 
cent,  per  annum,  or  including  mining  and  fishing,  as 
per  census  of  1850  and  1860,  44  J  per  cent. 

"  However  '  untrustworthy '  the  census  reports  may 
be  as  to  the  amount  of  capital  engaged  in  manufacture, 
here  is  a  uniform  percentage  for  three  decades. 

"  The  value  of  the  total  agricultural  product  not  being 
given  for  any  but  the  census  of  1870,  I  cannot  compare 
the  profits  of  capital  invested  in  agricultural  industry 
with  the  profits  of  capital  invested  in  manufacturing 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       299 

industry  for  any  but  that  year,  but  it  will  doubtless  be 
a  good  indication  of  the  results  in  1850  and  1860. 

"  In  1870  the  value  of  the  entire  agricultural  product, 
after  deducting  the  cost  of  wages,  as  in  the  case  of 
manufacturers,  was  19}  per  cent,  per  annum  on  the 
capital  invested  in  agriculture,  assisted  by  the  owners' 
labor. 

"  In  this  case  I  assume  the  value  of  the  farm,  farm- 
ing implements,  and  live  stock  (less  its  annual  increase) 
to  be  the  farmer's  capital,  to  which  should  be  added  the 
value  of  the  seed  for  the  crops  and  provender  for  the 
stock. 

"  From  1850  to  I860  manufacturing  capital  increased 
89  £  per  cent.,  while  the  number  of  establishments  in- 
creased only  14  J  per  cent.,  and  the  number  of  opera- 
tives increased  only  37  per  cent. 

"  This  leads  one  hereditary  protectionist  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  manufacturing  capital  has  but  little  tendency 
to  diffuse  itself  among  the  people ;  but  on  the  contrary, 
that  those  who  possessed  it  in  1850  also  possessed  about 
85  per  cent,  of  the  increase  from  1850  to  1860. 

"From  1860  to  1870  manufacturing  capital  (includ- 
ing mining  and  fishing,  as  these  branches  of  industry 
were  classed  with  and  included  in  manufacturing 
statistics  in  1850-60)  increased  132J  per  cent.  The 
number  of  establishments  increased  nearly  87  per  cent.; 
and  the  number  of  operatives  increased  only  70  per 
cent. 

"  While  this  showing  is  much  better  than  the  pre- 
vious one,  it  still  shows  that  the  fortunate  few  who 
had  possession  of  the  capital  still  get  the  lion's  share  of 
the  increase. 

"  The  per  cent,  on  the  dutiable  imports  from  1850 


300          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

to  1860  averaged  about  25  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to 
1870  about  40  per  cent.  Possibly,  or  even  probably 
this  high  duty  had  much  or  most  to  do  with  increasing 
the  capital — the  number  of  establishments  and  the 
number  of  operatives  during  the  last  decade — but  must 
they  continue  to  be  propped  up  by  protection  at  the 
expense  of  the  greatly  overworked  agricultural  laborers? 
For  it  really  appears  this  way.  Perhaps  some  one  bet- 
ter versed  in  statistics  can  see  some  other  and  greater 
reason  why  the  agricultural  capital  of  the  nation,  con- 
sisting of  farm  implements  and  live  stock,  increased 
lOli  per  cent,  from  1850  to  1860,  during  which  decade 
the  average  duties  on  imports  was  about  25  per  cent., 
and  during  which  period  manufacturing  capital  in- 
creased only  89 J  per  cent.  And  why  from  1860  to 
1870  agricultural  capital  increased  only  39 &  per  cent., 
with  an  average  duty  of  40  per  cent.,  while  manufac- 
turing capital  increased  132i  per  cent. 

"  It  is  not  sufficient  to  answer  that  the  ravages  of  war 
have  depreciated  the  value  of  farming  capital,  for  other 
things  being  equal,  manufacturing  capital  would  suffer 
as  much  as  farming  capital,  and  would  be  as  difficult  to 
resuscitate. 

"  The  State  of  Louisiana  has  quite  as  bad  a  showing 
of  agricultural  capital  as  any  Southern  State,  and  the 
following  is  the  comparison  of  increase  in  agricultural 
and  manufacturing  capital  for  the  last  two  decades  in 
that  State:  Agricultural  capital  increased  from  1850  to 
1860  102  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to  1870  it  decreased 
55  per  cent.  Manufacturing  capital  increased  from 
1850  to  1860  42  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to  1870  156 
per  cent.  Perhaps  the  people  are  lazy  in  Louisiana 
and  the  other  late  rebel  States,  and  the  manufac- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      301 

luring  capital  has  been  taken  there  by  the  Yankees. 
Let  us  therefore  take  Ohio,  a  first-class  agricultural  and 
manufacturing  State  with  an  industrious  population. 

"From  1850  to  1860  agricultural  capital  in  Ohio 
increased  87  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to  1870  it 
increased  only  54 §  per  cent.  Manufacturing  capital 
increased  from  1850  to  1860  97  per  cent.,  and  from 
1860  to  1870  it  increased  164  per  cent. 

"  Perhaps  it  may  be  urged  that  agricultural  capital  in 
Ohio  has  about  reached  its  climax  and  cannot  expand 
much  more,  while  manufacturing  capital  may  expand 
inimitably.  If  so  to  any  extent  in  Ohio  it  would  be 
doubly  or  trebly  so  in  the  older  States.  Let  us  examine 
Connecticut.  Agricultural  capital  increased  from  1850 
to  1860  27i  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to  1870  it 
increased  nearly  39  per  cent.,  showing  that  it  is  pos- 
sible for  agricultural  capital  to  still  increase  greatly  in 
value  even  in  the  oldest  States.  The  manufacturing 
capital  (in  Connecticut)  increased  from  1850  to  1860 
76 1  per  cent.,  and  from  1860  to  1870  it  increased  109 
per  cent.  In  this  old  State,  as  elsewhere,  to  him  that 
had  it  was  given,  for  the  number  of  establishments 
increased  from  1850  to  1860  19  i  per  cent.,  and  from 
1860  to  1870  they  increased  69  i  per  cent. 

"How  about  the  operatives?  They  increased  in 
number  from  1850  to  1860  27  per  cent.,  and  from  1860 
to  1870  they  increased  39  per  cent. 

"  The  number  of  operatives  have  not  maintained 
their  former  ratio  to  the  capital  on  which  they  are 
employed.  In  1850  there  was  an  operative  in  the 
United  States  to  every  $557  of  manufacturing  capital, 
in  1860  one  to  every  $770  of  capital,  and  in  1870  one 
to  every  $1031  of  capital. 


302          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

"In  Pennsylvania  there  was  in  1850  an  operative 
for  every  $644  of  manufacturing  capital,  in  1860  an 
operative  to  every  $855,  and  in  1870  an  operative  ta 
every  $1270. 

"  In  the  State  of  Massachusetts  in  1850  there  was  an 
operative  to  every  $501  of  manufacturing  capital ;  in 
1860  an  operative  to  every  $611  of  capital,  and  in 
1870  an  operative  to  every  $829  of  capital.  These 
examples  are  a  fair  type  of  the  rest.  Protection  in  this 
country  is  fast  coining  to  mean  Protection  for  improved 
machinery  with  a  Chinaman  to  operate  it,  against 
cheap  labor  in  Europe. 

"  Let  us  see  if  the  agriculturists  of  Pennsylvania 
make  enough  on  their  capital  and  labor  to  pay  for  pro- 
tecting the  manufacturers  of  that  State.  In  1870  the 
agricultural  product  of  Pennsylvania,  less  the  cost  of 
wages,  was  13i  per  cent,  on  the  agricultural  capital 
assisted  by  the  owners'  labor,  while  the  manufacturing 
product,  less  cost  of  wages  and  raw  material,  was  40 
per  cent,  assisted  by  the  owners'  labor.  But  possibly 
agricultural  capital  in  Pennsylvania  is  rated  too  high, 
for  there  is  a  limit  to  what  the  land  may  be  made  to 
produce,  though  there  is  no  well-defined  limit  to  the 
price  which  the  presence  of  a  large  landless  population 
may  be  the  innocent  cause  of  putting  on  it.  Let  us 
examine  Illinois,  where  land  is  cheap  and  productive 
and  markets  easy  of  access.  If  the  Illinois  farmer  can't 
keep  pace  with  the  manufacturer  none  other  can. 

"In  1870  the  value  of  the  agricultural  product  of 
Illinois,  less  the  cost  of  wages,  was  17  per  cent, 
on  the  agricultural  capital  assisted  by  the  owners'  labor ; 
while  the  manufactured  product,  less  the  cost  of  wages 
and  raw  material,  was  49 1  per  cent,  on  the  manufactur- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       SOS 

ing  capital  of  that  State  for  the  same  year  assisted  by 
the  owners'  labor. 

"In  short,  5,500,000  laborers,  operating  with  $11,000,- 
000,000  of  capital,  can  give  a  product  of  only  $2,500,- 
000,000  a  year  in  agriculture;  while  2,000,000  of 
laborers,  operating  on  $2,000,000,000  capital  in  manu- 
facturing, can  give  a  product,  less  the  cost  of  the  raw 
material,  of  $1,500,000,000. 

"  While  we  may  have  to  concede  that  certain  specified 
industries  will  languish  and  fail  if  not  protected,  we  also 
insist  that  the  field  in  general  manufacturing  is  wide 
enough  and  profitable  enough  to  fairly  employ  all  that 
may  fail  in  special  industries." 

These  figures  are  eloquent,  and  go  far  to  sustain  the 
assertions  we  have  made. 

Thirty  years  ago,  two  brothers  started  out  in  life. 
The  elder,  loving  the  country,  its  pure  air  and  free  life, 
invested  the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars,  which  he 
had  inherited  from  his  father,  in  a  snug  farm  in  the 
"West.  His  farm  lay  in  a  growing  section  of  country, 
within  easy  access  of  the  markets,  and  the  land  was  as 
good  as  any  in  the  State.  The  young  man,  whom  we 
shall  call  David  Dean,  had  been  brought  up  on  a  farm 
in  New  England,  and  was  by  nature  in  every  way 
fitted  for  an  agricultural  proprietor.  Under  his  man- 
agement his  farm  prospered,  and  year  by  year  it  grew 
until  he  became  one  of  the  best  to  do  farmers  in  his 
State.  A  man  of  intelligence  and  education,  he  kept 
himself  abreast  of  the  times,  adopting  every  improve- 
ment in  cultivation  that  his  judgment  sanctioned,  and 
rendering  his  homestead  in  all  respects  a  model  farm. 
In  due  time  he  married.  Children  grew  up  around 
him,  and  these  he  was  enabled  to  keep  in  comfort  and 


304  HISTORY   OF   THE  GRANGE    MOVEMENT. 

to  provide  each  with  a  fair  education  as  an  equipment  for 
the  battle  of  life.  He  counted  himself  a  fortunate  man, 
as,  indeed,  he  was,  for  he  was  an  exceptionally  pros- 
perous farmer.  Thirty  years  of  honest  and  intelligent 
labor  brought  him  their  reward,  and  when  at  last  he 
was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  he  was  found  to  have 
earned  for  his  family,  besides  the  support  he  had  given 
them,  a  fine  farm  of  several  hundred  acres,  and  about 
twenty  thousand  dollars  in  other  investments.  His 
whole  estate  was  worth,  perhaps  $60,000,  representing, 
apart  from  the  amount  expended  in  maintaining  his 
family,  an  average  gain  of  about  $2000  per  annum 
during  the  thirty  years  of  his  manhood. 

The  younger  brother  also  inherited  five  thousand 
dollars  from  his  father,  but,  being  more  ambitious  than 
David,  he  obtained  employment  in  New  York.  In  those 
days  $5000  was  a  good  round  sum,  for  we  were  then  a 
nation  of  small  dealers ;  and  the  young  man,  being  pro- 
vident and  temperate  in  his  habits,  invested  this  in  such 
a  manner  that  it  nearly  supported  him,  leaving  him  a 
considerable  portion  of  his  salary,  which  he  carefully 
invested.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years  he  was  enabled 
to  purchase  a  minor  interest  in  the  business  of  the  house 
in  which  he  was  employed,  and  being  a  steady,  indus- 
trious and  frugal  man,  his  condition  was  bettered  every 
year.  In  ten  years  from  the  day  he  entered  the  house 
he  was  the  owner  of  half  the  business.  In  ten  years 
more  he  had  bought  out  the  interests  of  the  other  part- 
ners, and  was  the  sole  owner  of  the  business.  He  too 
had  married,  and  children  had  grown  up  around  him. 
At  the  end  of  the  twenty  years  he  was  in  possession  of 
a  splendid  and  lucrative  business,  which  was  increasing 
his  wealth  rapidly  from  year  to  year,  and  his  home  was 


20 


305 


506          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

an  elegant  mansion  replete  with  every  luxury.  At  the 
end  of  the  thirty  years  men  called  him  a  millionaire ; 
and  having  occasion  about  that  time  to  make  an  inven- 
tory of  his  possessions,  he  found  that  he  was  the  master 
of  the  handsome  fortune  of  two  millions  of  dollars,  in- 
vested in  various  forms.  Apart  from  the  cost  of  main- 
taining his  family,  his  wealth  represented  an  average 
gain  of  nearly  $67,000  for  every  year  of  his  working 
career.  As  he  stood  by  the  grave  of  his  farmer  brother, 
to  whom  he  was  deeply  attached,  and  to  whom  he  had 
often  lent  a  helping  hand,  he  inwardly  thanked  Heaven 
that  he  had  chosen  at  the  first  to  abandon  the  farm  and 
adopt  a  mercantile  life ;  and  he  was  very  clearly  of  the 
opinion  that  his  brother  David,  whom  men  called  for- 
tunate, had  received  a  very  imperfect  return  for  the 
capital  and  intelligent  labor  he  had  expended  upon  his 
calling. 

And  if  this  was  his  opinion,  as  a  shrewd,  practical 
man  of  business,  of  one  who  had  been  really  fortunate 
in  his  pursuits,  what  must  he  have  thought  of  the  re- 
compense of  the  vast  army  of  farmers  who  are  doomed 
to  perpetual  servitude  in  order  that  others  not  of  their 
blood  may  grow  fat  upon  their  exertions? 

It  would  be  an  interesting,  if  a  very  saddening  jour- 
ney of  inspection,  for  one  to  visit  the  counting-houses 
of  the  fat,  sleek  dealers  in  grain,  the  forwarders  and 
middle-men  of  our  great  cities,  where  every  evidence  of 
wealth  and  prosperity  is  visible,  and  where  the  huge 
ledgers  contain  the  summary  of  the  gains  which  have 
flowed  into  the  house  from  the  results  of  its  sales  and 
speculations  in  grain.  It  would  be  interesting  to  talk 
with  the  heads  of  the  houses,  the  well-fed,  well-clothed, 
soft-handed  and  portly  members  of  the  Produce  Ex- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       307 

change,  and  learn  how  rosy  are  their  views  of  life,  how 
bright  their  anticipations  of  the  future.  It  would  be 
still  more  interesting  to  ride  up  with  the  head  of  the 
house,  in  his  elegant  coach  with  liveried  servant,  to  his 
superb  mansion  in  the  fashionable  quarter  of  the  city ; 
to  enter  with  him  and  see  how  luxurious  are  all  the 
appointments  of  the  establishment;  how  soft  and  deep 
the  carpets  into  which  one's  foot  sinks  noiselessly ;  how 
rich  the  frescoes,  how  superb  the  furniture,  and  how 
beautiful  the  general  appearance  of  the  place.  It  would 
be  interesting,  we  say,  to  see  all  these,  the  evidences  of 
wealth  earned  in  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  busi- 
ness of  buying  and  selling  grain ;  and  it  would  be  even 
more  interesting,  and  should  be  deeply  instructive,  to 
go  from  these  scenes  of  splendor,  and  visit  in  succession 
the  homes  of  the  farmers  in  whose  grain  the  house  that 
has  been  so  successful  has  been  operating.  One  might 
take  the  names  from  the  accounts  in  the  merchant's 
ledger.  What  a  contrast  there  would  be !  Jt  would 
be  like  passing  from  the  master's  mansion  to  the  cabins 
of  the  slaves  on  a  Southern  plantation  in  the  ante- 
bellum days.  What  a  succession  of  plain  and  often 
unattractive  homes  we  should  find !  Instead  of  the 
elegant  mistress  of  the  city  mansion,  we  should  find 
the  worn,  anxious,  prematurely  old  fanner's  wife, 
whose  dreams  of  an  easier  lot  have  faded  before  the 
unceasing  toil  and  care  demanded  of  her.  Instead 
of  the  fat,  rosy,  well-dressed  middle-man,  we  should 
find  the  farmer  in  homespun,  with  hard,  brown  hand, 
and  a  man  worn  down  in  body  and  soul  with  care  and 
toil  in  the  present  and  anxiety  for  the  future.  In- 
stead of  the  cheery  views  of  the  middle-man,  we 
should  find  heavy-hearted  broodings  over  the  unsatie- 


308          HISTORY   07    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

factoriness  of  his  position  and  the  injustice  with  which 
his  labors  are  repaid.  We  should  find  scores  of 
honest,  industrious,  and  deserving  men  toiling  early 
and  late,  enduring  hardships  and  privations,  only  to 
see  their  just  reward  taken  from  them  to  enrich  the 
middle-man.  Is  it  a  wonder  that  they  regard  the  grain 
dealer  as  their  worst  enemy  ? 

The  farmer  is  not  a  capitalist.  He  has  very  little 
ready  money  as  a  rule,  and  his  need  for  cash  is  very 
great.  Often  when  the  harvest  has  been  gathered 
in,  and  the  crop  is  ready  for  the  market,  there  are 
numerous  expenses  devolving  upon  the  farmer  which 
must  be  met  in  cash.  There  is  but  one  way  to 
obtain  ready  money,  and  that  is  to  sell  a  portion  of 
the  grain  that  has  been  harvested  to  the  local  grain 
dealer,  numbers  of  whom  abound  in  every  agricul- 
tural district.  The  farmer  cannot  wait  for  the  slow 
process  of  sending  his  crop  to  a  distant  market,  and 
awaiting  the  remittances  of  his  commission  merchant ; 
and  he  often  argues -that  the  grain  will  bring  him  but 
little  more  after  the  expenses  of  transportation,  sell- 
ing, etc.,  are  paid.  His  need  of  money  is  urgent, 
and  a  portion  of  his  crop  goes  to  the  nearest  local 
grain  merchant;  and  when  once  sales  of  this  kind 
have  begun,  the  entire  crop  is  usually  disposed  of  in 
the  same  manner. 

The  local  dealer  is  perfectly  acquainted  with  the 
necessities  of  the  farmer.  IJe  knows  that  nothing  but 
the  need  of  money  has  driven  him  to  sell  his  crop  in 
such  a  manner,  and  his  offers  are  governed  by  this 
knowledge.  He  takes  advantage  of  the  farmer's  neces- 
sity to  offer  him  a  price  below  the  actual  value  of  his 
grain,  and  the  latter  is  obliged,  or  feels  himself  obliged, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       309 

to  accept  it ;  and  the  crop  that  has  cost  so  much  labor 
and  care  and  capital  to  produce,  goes  to  swell  the  profits 
of  the  local  grain  dealer,  and  the  farmer  is  doomed  to 
another  disappointment. 

Said  a  gentleman,  writing  from  Dubuque,  Iowa,  not 
long  since,  referring  to  the  hardships  endured  by  the 
farmers  of  that  State  : 

"  While  every  other  interest  seems  to  'bear  down* 
upon  the  farmer,  he  has  been,  until  recently,  entirely 
powerless  to  resist  or  to  retaliate  by  putting  up  the 
price  of  what  he  has  to  sell.  In  a  former  letter  I  have 
explained  how  the  railroads  often  play  into  the  hands 
of  the  grain  speculators,  to  the  injury  of  the  farmers. 
But  these  speculators  have  a  way  of  combining  against 
the  farmers,  independently  of  the  railroads.  The  great 
bulk  of  the  grain  of  this  State  has  been  sold  by  the 
producers  at  the  nearest  railroad  station,  and  it  has 
been  very  rare  for  a  farmer  to  ship  his  own  crop.  The 
reasons  for  this  are  numerous :  very  few  farmers  know 
much  about  the  methods  of  doing  business  in  the  cities; 
they  are  not  acquainted  with  the  commission  merchants, 
and  if  they  were  would  often  be  afraid  to  trust  them. 
Again,  it  often  happens  that  the  farmer  desires  to  sell 
a  load  of  grain  and  get  the  money  for  it  immediately 
without  waiting  for  it  to  be  sold  in  Chicago,  while  he 
may  not  desire  to  sell  enough  at  the  present  state  of  the 
market  to  load  one  or  more  cars.  The  result  of  these 
circumstances  is  that  the  local  wheat  buyers  have  had 
almost  a  monopoly  of  the  shipping  business,  and,  as  I 
have  already  remarked,  the  bulk  of  the  crop  is  sold  at 
the  nearest  railroad  station.  But  even  here  there  is 
little  or  no  competition  between  rival  buyers,  because 
they  either  agree  each  morning  to  pay  a  certain  fixed 


310          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

price  that  day,  or  else  agree  not  to  outbid  each  other, 
and  divide  their  profits  in  proportion  to  the  amount 
each  man  has  bought." 

Thus  the  farmer  is  robbed  year  after  year,  and  when 
he  utters  his  complaint,  there  are  loud  outcries  from 
the  robbers  that  his  grievances  are  purely  imaginary, 
and  that  he  has  brought  all  his  woes  upon  himself  by 
an  excessive  production  of  grain,  and  is  experiencing 
only  the  evils  which  attend  upon  an  overstocked 
market. 

But  this  outcry  about  a  surplus  of  grain  in  the  West 
is  mere  folly.  The  agriculture  of  the  Western  and 
especially  the  North-western  States  is  of  necessity  con- 
fined to  grain.  "  The  North-west  not  only  must  pro- 
duce cereals,  but  must  produce  a  surplus.  The  hope 
that  growth  of  manufactures  may  create  a  sufficient 
1  home  market'  in  the  farming  States  is  cherished  by 
many,  in  complete  disregard  of  necessary  conditions  of 
manufacture,  or  the  ratio  of  production  to  consumption 
of  agricultural  products.  The  average  consumption 
of  wheat  is  four  and  seventy-six  hundreths  bushels 
per  capita  ;  and  of  all  cereals,  including  the  quantity 
fed  to  animals,  thirty-six  bushels  per  capita,.  If  it  were 
possible  to  gather  up  all  the  hands  employed  in  all  the 
cotton  mills  of  the  United  States  and  deposit  them  in 
a  single  county  in  Iowa,  either  one  of  the  fourteen 
counties  in  that  State  now  produces  more  wheat  than 
all  those  hands  could  consume.  All  the  hands  em- 
ployed in  the  factories  and  shops  of  the  United  States, 
if  added  to  the  present  population  of  Illinois,  would 
consume  less  than  half  the  surplus  of  cereals  now  pro- 
duced by  that  State.  A  mill  of  273  hands  on  every 
farm  of  100  acres  of  wheat  would  only  suffice  to  con- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      311 

sume  the  wheat-  which  that  farm  would  produce.  Until 
hands  in  manufacturing  establishments  eat  very  much 
more  than  they  are  able  to  do  at  present,  and  manufac- 
turers establish  themselves  without  regard  to  natural 
facilities  and  resources,  the  great  agricultural  States  will 
continue  to  produce  a  surplus  of  cereals.  The  costly 
Exchange  of  products  between  farms  and  factories  widely 
separated,  supports  a  class  which  consumes  nearly  half 
as  much  as  do  the  hands  employed  in  manufactures. 
In  the  year  1871,  about  thirty-nine  per  cent,  of  the 
wheat  grown  in  this  country  was  consumed  by  farmers 
and  those  dependent  upon  them ;  about  eighteen  per 
cent,  by  persons  employed  in  manufactures  and  those 
dependent  upon  them;  about  eighteen  per  cent,  by  those 
engaged  in  personal  and  professional  services  and  others 
dependent  upon  them ;  about  eight  per  cent,  by  persons 
engaged  in  trade  and  transportation  and  their  depen- 
dents; and  the  rest,  about  seventeen  per  cent.,  was 
exported.  The  surplus  of  cereals  in  the  North-western 
States,  therefore,  is  not  the  result  of  accident  or  mis- 
taken Avhim,  but  the  inevitable  consequence  of  fixed 
laws.  Increasing  density  of  population  and  cost  of 
land  steadily  drive  the  larger  operations  of  agriculture 
to  regions  mo  e  remote  from  the  great  centres  of  popu- 
lation, manufactures,  and  commerce,  and  to  fresher  and 
cheaper  lands.  New  York  produces  less  wheat  and  less 
corn  than  it  did  twenty  years  ago.  The  cost  of  moving 
the  ever-increasing  surplus  of  agricultural  States,  over 
a  steadily  increasing  distance,  to  points  where  it  is 
needed  to  supply  an  ever-increasing  deficit  in  produc- 
tion, is  a  condition  of  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  agri- 
culture in  this  country  which  it  cannot  escape."1 
*  "VT.  M.  Grosvenor. 


312          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

It  is  idle,  then,  to  speak  of  the  Western  surplus  of 
cereals  as  the  fault  of  the  farmer  or  the  cause  of  the 
evils  from  which  he  suffers.  The  wrongs  of  which  he 
complains  spring  from  no  such  source.  We  have 
pointed  them  out,  and  in  doing  so  have  expressed  the 
eenee  of  the  entire  farming  community. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       313 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE   RAILROADS   AND   THE   FARMERS. 

Opportunity  of  the  Kail  roads  to  plunder  the  Farmers — Extent  of  the  Wheat 
Production  of  the  United  States — Amount  consumed  at  Home — The 
Western  Surplus — Amount  of  Corn  produced — The  System  of  High  Freights 
— The  West  shut  out  from  Market — Effect  of  the  Civil  War — Burning  Corn 
for  Fuel — Greed  of  the  Railroad  Companies — The  Cost  of  getting  Grain  to 
Market — Facts  for  Farmers — Combination  of  the  Railroads  and  the  Middle- 
men—The Story  of  a  Car  Load  of  Corn — Mr.  Walker's  Views — The 
Farmers'  Complaint — Railroads  disregard  the  Law — Futile  Efforts  of  the 
Western  States  to  protect  their  Citizens — How  High  Freights  are  arranged 
— The  Dependence  of  the  Farmers  upon  the  Railroads — The  Effect  of  High 
Freights  upon  the  Value  of  the  Farm — A  Startling  Exhibit. 

WE  have  endeavored  to  familiarize  the  reader  with 
the  greed  and  tyranny  of  the  railroad  corporations. 
We  come  now  to  consider  their  dealings  with  the 
farmers,  and  to  show  how  the  latter  are  plundered  by 
the  corporations  of  their  earnings  by  the  iniquitous 
rates  levied  upon  them.  The  farmers  of  the  entire 
country  are  sufferers  at  the  hands  of  the  railroads,  but 
the  farmers  of  the  Western  States  are  their  principal 
victims. 

The  reason  of  this  will  be  evident  when  we  consider 
the  .relative  production  and  consumption  of  the  various 
sections  of  the  country.  In  1870  the  total  wheat  crop 
of  the  United  States  was  287,745,626  bushels.  Of  this 
the  Western  States,  not  including  the  Pacific  States,  or 
the  Territories,  produced  over  202,000,000.  About  one- 


314          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

third  of  this  vast  amount  is  used  for  home  consumption, 
and  the  rest,  or  about  130,000,000  of  bushels,  is  shipped 
away  to  other  States  and  to  foreign  countries.  Exactly 
how  much  is  exported  to  Europe  depends  upon  the 
condition  of  the  harvest  in  the  Old  World,  but  about 
50,000,000  bushels  are  annually  sent  over  the  ocean. 
The  remainder  is  sold  in  the  American  markets.  The 
New  England  States  are  large  consumers  of  Western 
wheat,  requiring  about  35,000,000  bushels  more  than 
they  produce  themselves.  About  33,000,000  bushels 
are  received  in  New  York,  and  though  some  of  this  is 
finally  exported,  the  bulk  remains  in  the  Empire  State. 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  Maryland  require  about 
5,000,000  bushels  more  than  they  produce.  The 
Southern  States  do  not  produce  all  they  need,  and  are 
consequently  large  buyers  of  Western  wheat. 

All  the  surplus  of  the  West,  in  order  to  find  a  mar- 
ket, must,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  pass  over  some  rail- 
road. The  bulk  of  the  wheat  is  sent  to  Chicago  and 
the  lake  ports  and  to  St.  Louis,  whence  it  finds  its  way 
during  the  season  of  navigation  to  the  Erie  Canal  at 
Buffalo  and  the  cities  communicating  with  the  canal, 
thence  by  the  canal  to  Albany,  whence  all  that  is 
intended  for  the  East  and  for  export  is  sent  to  New 
York  or  Boston.  But  the  season  of  navigation  occupies 
only  a  portion  of  the  year,  and  during  the  remainder 
the  grain  of  the  West  must  find  its  way  eastward  over 
one  of  the  great  railways.  The  cost  of  transportation 
to  the  East  eats  up  about  one-half  of  the  value  of^the 
wheat,  and  the  farmer's  profit  is  made  small  in  order 
that  the  heavy  freights  may  be  paid  and  the  large 
profits  of  the  middle-men  gained. 

But  wheat  is  not  the  only  grain  crop  that  seeks  a 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       315 


CAMP  OF  WAGONKRS  HAULING   GRAIN   TO  MARKET. 

market.  The  production  of  Indian  corn  in  the  United 
States  in  1870  amounted  to  760,944,549  bushels.  Of 
this  product  492,664,536  bushels  were  grown  in  the 
Western  States.  Very  much  of  this  is  used  at  home, 
but  an  immense  quantity  is  shipped  to  the  East  for 
•consumption  there  and  for  exportation. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Western  States,  being 
the  principal  grain  producers  of  the  country,  are  the 
most  dependent  upon  the  railroads,  and,  therefore,  the 
greatest  sufferers  by  their  extortions. 


316          HISTORY    OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Every  farmer  will  doubtless  remember  the  expecta- 
tions that  were  held  out  to  him,  when  the  road  upon 
which  he  is  principally  dependent  was  seeking  the 
right  of  way  and  subscriptions  towards  defraying  the 
cost  of  its  construction.  How  he  dreamed  of  the  days 
which  were  to  come  when  he  could  send  his  grain 
cheaply  and  rapidly  to  market.  But  alas,  those  dreams 
were  never  realized.  The  road  once  built,  the  rates 
were  based  upon  a  scale  to  meet  the  financial  needs  of 
its  managers,  and  the  farmers'  interests  were  never  con- 
sidered. The  road  was  built  to  make  money  for  its 
stockholders,  and  the  farmer  must  pay  its  tolls  or  his 
crops  could  not  reach  the  market.  The  inducements 
and  promises  made  by  the  corporations  at  the  outset 
were  never  fulfilled. 

When  the  civil  war  burst  upon  the  country  in  1861, 
the  Western  farmers  were  among  the  first  sufferers. 
Their  Southern  market  was  closed  entirely  against 
them,  and  their  great  avenue  to  the  sea,  the  Missis- 
sippi river,  was  lost  to  them.  Corn  fell  rapidly  in 
price  until  it  reached  ten  cents  per  bushel.  At  this 
rate  no  one  could  afford  to  pay  the  cost  of  sending  it  to 
market,  and  it  being  cheaper  than  coal,  vast  quantities 
were  consumed  in  the  West  for  fuel.  But  as  the  war 
progressed,  the  needs  of  the  Government  and  the 
Eastern  States  created  a  strong  demand  for  Western 
corn,  and  the  price  of  that  grain  rose  in  the  Eastern 
markets.  The  Western  farmers  at  once  began  to  ship 
their  corn  East,  hoping  to  make  up  some  of  the  losses 
they  had  sustained.  No  sooner  had  the  demand  sprung 
up,  however,  than  the  railroads  at  once  advanced  their 
tolls,  and  the  money  that  should  have  gone  to  repay 
the  farmers'  losses  was  secured  by  them  by  reason  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       317 

their  exorbitant  freight  charges.  So  burdensome  were 
the  exactions  of  the  roads  that  there  was  a  general 
outcry  from  the  entire  community  against  the  outrage. 
Said  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Agricultural  Society  of 
Iowa,  in  his  report  for  1862:  "Our  great  national 
highway  to  the  ocean  for  two  years  has  been  closed, 
and  we  have  been  left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  relent- 
less gamblers  in  railroad  stocks.  With  facilities  alto- 
gether inadequate  to  carry  the  marketable  products  of 
the  teeming  West,  they  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
necessities  of  the  people  to  make  one  advance  after 
another  in  their  tariff  of  charges,  until  it  now  costs,  in 
some  instances,  three  times  as  much  to  carry  our  grain 
to  market  as  it  does  to  produce  it." 

In  the  ten  years  that  have  gone  by  since  this  com- 
plaint was  made,  neither  Iowa  nor  any  of  the  States 
have  experienced  any  relief  from  the  evils  referred  to. 
New  roads  have  been  built,  but  the  rates  have  remained 
high.  They  have  even  grown  higher.  In  a  season  of 
scarcity  they  are  sufficient  to  throw  a  gloom  over  the 
entire  farming  interest;  and  when  such  a  magnificent 
yield  as  that  of  1872  blesses  the  country,  the  general 
joy  of  the  agricultural  community  is.  embittered  by  a 
strong  advance  in  freights.  The  roads  combine  .against 
the  farmers,  be  the  season  good  or  bad.  The  grain  of 
the  West  must  go  to  market,  and  the  roads  combine  to 
demand  what  they  please  for  its  transportation.  The 
farmers  find  that  to  get  the  product  of  one  acre  of  corn 
to  market,  they  must  pay  the  railroad  the  product  of 
three  acres.  The  reader  can  easily  calculate  the  result. 
A  prominent  farmer  in  Iowa  recently  declared  to  a  cor* 
respondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  that  if  the  cost  of 
producing  grain  was  as  great  in  Iowa  as  in  the  States 


318          HISTORY    OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

farther  east,  the  corn  crop  could  not  be  sent  to  market 
at  all. 

The  farmer,  unlike  other  producers  of  a  valuable 
commodity,  is  not  allowed  to  fix  the  price  of  his  pro- 
duce. That  is  decided  for  him  by  the  railroads  and  the 
middle-men,  who  generally  work  together,  as  they  can 
well  afford  to  do,  the  farmer  paying  the  cost  of  their 
iniquitous  combination. 

Said  an  Iowa  farmer  recently  : 

"  The  railroads  of  this  State  'discriminate  unjustly 
against  the  farmers  in  the  transportation  of  crops ;  that 
is,  give  other  men  advantages  which  they  deny  to  the 
farmers.  Let  me  explain :  Here  is  a  wheat  or  corn 
buyer  who  makes  a  living  by  purchasing  grain  of  the 
farmers  and  shipping  it  to  Chicago.  Of  course  he 
makes  a  profit  by  it — grows  rich,  in  fact.  Now  the 
farmers  think  that  if  they  ship  their  own  grain  directly 
to  Chicago  they  might  save  the  profit  that  this  middle- 
man makes.  They  engage  a  lot  of  cars,  load  them, 
and  send  them  forward,  but  they  find  when  they  have 
paid  the  freight  and  the  other  expenses  which  the  mid- 
dle-man must  necessarily  also  incur,  they  don't  have  as 
much  left  for  their  grain  as  he  offered  them.  Now  how 
is  that  explained?  The  railroad  company  gives  the 
grain  trader  a  drawback  on  the  grain  he  ships,  which 
it  refuses  to  the  farmers;  and  in  some  instances,  at 
least,  these  traders  are  in  partnership  with  railway 
officials.  I  thought,  when  the  idea  of  cooperative  ship- 
ments was  first  proposed,  that  these  favors  were  given 
solely  on  account  of  the  amount  of  business  that  these 
men  brought  to  the  railroads.  I  supposed  that  the  de- 
ductions were  simply  those  that  would  be  naturally 
made  to  wholesale  trade,  and  in  speeches  to  the  farmers 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       319 

I  told  them  so.  But  we  have  learned  differently,  for 
when  our  farmers  have  combined  and  offered  freight  in 
large  quantities  to  the  railroad  companies,  they  have 
refused  to  give  us  the  advantages  which  they  give  to 
the  favorites. 

"  The  terms  of  these  contracts  are  secret.  But  we 
know  that  they  must  be  considerable,  or  these  men  who 
have  them  could  not  make  so  much  money.  You  see 
what  this  kind  of  railroad  management  amounts  to. 
The  company  comes  in  and  says :  l  You  shall  sell  your 
corn  to  a  certain  man  and  for  a  certain  price,  which  we 
will  fix.'  That's  one  thing  we  complain  of,  and  we  will 
not  long  submit  to  it.  But  I  haven't  told  you  all.  In 
certain  cases  the  roads  have  fixed  the  rates  of  freight 
very  high,  and  then  men  have  appeared  among  the 
farmers,  offering  to  buy  our  produce  at  prices  just  a 
shade  higher  than  what  it  would  net  us  to  ship  it  our- 
selves, but  at  rates  much  below  what  it  ought  to  bring 
us.  We  have  often  suspected  that  those  men  were  the 
agents  of  the  railroad  companies  or  of  the  railroad 
managers.  If  our  suspicions  were  correct,  you  see 
what  an  outrage  upon  the  farmers  it  was.  The  rail- 
road people  knowing  our  necessities,  and  that  many  of 
us  are  obliged  to  sell,  even  at  a  loss,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  money,  first  arbitrarily  fix  the  price  of  our 
produce  and  then  force  us  to  sell  to  them. 

"  Nor  are  these  discriminations  confined  to  our  ship- 
ments cast.  They  discriminate  in  favor  of  certain  men 
ia  bringing  freight  westward,  and  in  that  way  force  us 
to  trade  with  those  men.  Take  salt,  for  instance,  and 
let  an  association  of  farmers  and  a  local  trader  purchase 
the  eamc  amount  at  the  same  price  in  Chicago.  When 
that  salt  is  in  Iowa,  the  local  trader,  if  there  is  strong 


320          HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

competition,  will  retail  it  to  the  farmers  cheaper  than 
what  their  own  cost  them  with  the  freight  added.  Now 
there  must  be  some  cat  in  that  meal  (or  salt).  It  may 
be  that  in  some  cases  the  wholesale  dealer  may  give,  the 
Iowa  trader  a  drawback ;  but  in  others  we  know  that 
he  is  favored  with  special  rates  by  the  railroads  which 
they  refuse  to  give  to  others  shipping  the  same  goods 
in  like  amount." 

Said  another: 

"  We  fare  worse  than  the  man  who  fell  among  thieves 
between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho.  The  great  railroad 
corporations  first  extort  from  us  everything  they  possi- 
bly can,  and  then  they  turn  us  over  to  Chicago  to  be 
still  further  plundered.  Why,  they  don't  allow  us  to 
say  which  elevator  our  grain  shall  go  into  when  it 
reaches  Chicago;  we  have  no  redress  if  the  railroad 
don't  deliver  as  much  grain  as  we  ship  from  here,  and 
it  is  utterly  impossible  for  us  to  have  any  of  our  grain 
passed  as  'No.  1.'  We  may  ship  the  best  wheat  that 
ever  went  to  Chicago,  and  the  probabilities  are  that 
they  will  mix  it  up  with  their  *  imperial '  wheat  and 
make  a  *  No.  2 '  that  will  bring  a  higher  price,  and  the 
increase  that  we  ought  to  have  goes  to  the  owner  of  the 
elevator.  We  have  no  particular  interest  in  Chicago's 
prosperity;  indeed,  if  our  grain  could  go  forward  with- 
out going  into  Chicago  to  be  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  her 
speculators,  we  should  be  much  better  oif." 

Some  time  ago  a  Philadelphia  merchant  stated  that  a 
car  load  of  corn  had  been  recently  shipped  to  him  from 
the  interior  of  Iowa.  The  freight  charges,  commissions 
and  other  expenses  amounted  to  $233.70,  and  the  grain 
sold  for  $233.07,  leaving  a  deficit  to  the  shippers  in  ad- 
dition to  the  value  of  the  grain  at  the  point  of  ship- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      321 

ment.  Another  consignment  of  corn  netted  the  shippers 
five  cents  a  bushel,  from  which,  however,  was  to  be 
deducted  the  price  of  the  corn  at  the  place  of  produc- 
tion, which  would  entail  a  loss  of  ten  or  fifteen  cents  a 
bushel. 

In  some  cases  the  farmers  within  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  of  a  convenient  market  in  the  West,  have  found 
it  cheaper  to  haul  their  grain  to  market  in  their  own 
wagons  than  to  ship  it  by  the  railroads. 

Said  the  Hon.  Amasa  Walker,  of  Brookline,  Mass., 
in  a  speech  delivered  in  Boston  on  the  1st  of  Septem- 
ber, 1873  :  "  The  farmer's  products  must  be  transported 
a  great  distance,  and  they  are  heavy  products,  and  it 
takes  a  large  part  of  what  he  can  raise  to  pay  the  freight 
and  get  his  goods  to  market.  You  have,  perhaps,  heard 
of  the  man  who  went  out  to  Iowa  and  bought  a  lot  of 
corn  for  thirteen  cents,  and,  selling  it  in  Springfield, 
Mass.,  for  sixty-nine  cents,  made  just  one  cent  a  bushel. 
Now  that  is  a  very  startling  illustration,  but  no  more 
startling  than  true,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  whole 
thing  appears.  Now  you  will  see  why  the  farmers  are 
the  first  to  move,  because  they  are  made  so  much  more 
interested  than  others  by  its  taking  such  a  larger  por- 
tion of  what  they  can  raise.  For  instance,  a  manufac- 
turer will  send  on  his  goods  West  and  pay  not  more 
than  five  per  cent. — a  twentieth  or  thirtieth  part  of 
what  the  farmer  pays  on  his  products,  and  the  differ- 
ence is  a  very  wide  one." 

Said  Mr.  Stephen  Smith,  the  Illinois  farmer,  speak- 
ing for  the  men  of  his  calling  in  his  own  State,  recog- 
nizing and  pointing  out  the  evils  of  railroad  extortion : 
"  For  the  past  three  or  four  years  the  conviction  has 
been  gradually  forcing  itself  upon  us  that  something 
21 


322          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

was  wrong  in  our  affairs ;  for  while  every  other  industry 
was  being  fairly  remunerated,  we  have  been  steadily 
going  behind,  until  poverty,  if  not  bankruptcy,  stared 
us  in  the  face.  We  found  that,  while  we  labored  harder 
and  more  hours  than  the  artisan  and  workman  in  other 
pursuits,  we  were  forced  to  content  ourselves  with  poorer 
food  and  clothing,  with  fewer  social  privileges,  and  less 
opportunities  for  mental  cultivation  than  they.  We 
could  not  help  seeing  that  if  they  were  as  steady  and 
industrious  as  we,  they  were  able  to  live  in  better 
houses,  and  had  more  money  to  .spend  in  their  adorn- 
ment than  we  had ;  that  if  they  had  the  taste  for  such 
things,  as  most  of  them  had,  they  had  more  pictures, 
books  and  newspapers,  and  more  leisure  to  enjoy  them, 
than  we,  and  that  they  often  indulged  in  such  luxuries 
as  lectures,  concerts,  excursions,  and  festivals,  while  it 
was  rare,  indeed,  that  we  could  afford  to  give  wife  and 
children  one  of  these  treats.  Then  we  began  to  see 
that  the  men  who  did  nothing  but  handle  the  products 
of  our  labor  were  still  better  off,  and  were  getting  rich 
while  we  were  growing  poor ;  that  those  who  supplied 
us  with  the  implements  for  our  work  added  from  twenty 
to  fifty  per  cent,  to  the  original  cost,  and  charged  it 
over  to  us ;  that  the  merchant  and  grocer  who  supplied 
us  with  necessaries  in  their  line  never  forgot  their  pro- 
fits ;  that  the  lawyer,  who  spent  half  an  hour  in  draw- 
ing up  the  mortgage  upon  our  farm,  charged  us  what 
would  be  equal  to  four  days  of  our  labor;  that  to  the 
doctor  who  came  five  or  six  miles  into  the  country  to 
cheer  the  coming  or  speed  the  departing  member  of  our 
family,  we  paid  the  priee  of  an  acre  of  corn  or  five 
days'  labor  with  our  team ;  that  the  teacher,  for  whose 
education  we  had  paid,  earned  as  much  in  six  hours  as 


THE   FARMER'S  WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.         323 


we  could  in  six  days  of  sixteen  hours  each ;  and  so  on 
through  all  the  branches  of  trade,  professions  or  pro- 
ductions, we  found  all  getting  a  fair,  and  some  an  exor- 
bitant, profit  on  their  commodities  and  services  with 
which  our  own  would  bear  no  comparison." 

"  Is  it  any  wonder,"  says  the  New  York  Tribune, 
commenting  upon  this  decla- 
ration, "that  the  men  who 
turned  from  their  hard  labor 
and  profitless  crops  to  see 
these  features  of  their  sur- 
roundings should  put  up  the 
cry,  'There's  something  wrong 
about  all  this'?  And  the 
story  is  not  much  exagger- 
ated ;  from  the  farmer's  point 
of  view  not  at  all,  but  on  the 
contrary  very  mildly  stated. 
You  may  say  some  of  these 
things  that  seem  so  unjust 
and  harsh  are  but  the  natural 
and  inevitable  accompani- 
ments of  the  profession  of 
agriculture;  that  men  take 
up  and  follow  farming  know-  ^nAT  IS  LEFT  OF  A  CROP 

„     ,         ,.        ,  ,  AFTER    PAYING    RAILROAD 

ing  all  the  disadvantages  and        CHARGES. 
risks  of  the  business;    that 

they  go  into  it  with  their  eyes  open,  and  that  even  with 
these  drawbacks  the  business  is  overdone,  and  low 
prices  are  brought  about  by  over-production.  But  with 
all  that,  you  do  not  remove  or  explain  the  patent  injus- 
tice which  always  stares  the  farmer  in  the  face,  that  all 
his  neighbors  in  other  pursuits  and  occupations  are  get- 


324          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ting  rich  and  living  in  comfort  upon  the  profits  of  his 
business  and  his  labor.  For  many  of  the  discomforts 
and  privations  of  their  lot  there  are  compensations,  of 
course.  They  do  not  deny  this,  though  they  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  enumerate  them  in  the  recital  of 
their  complaints,  for  they  belong  to  the  other  side  of 
the  case.  On  the  other  side  of  the  case,  too,  are  con- 
siderations that  pertain  to  the  kind  of  crops  they  raise, 
whether  they  could  not  make  their  business  more  pro- 
fitable by  the  exercise  of  sounder  judgment  in  the  choice 
of  crops  to  be  produced,  and  other  similar  suggestions. 
But  underlying  all  this  is  a  grievance  actual  and  tangi- 
ble, and  that  is  their  present  and  immediate  objective 
point,  to  wit :  the  absolute  power  over  them  and  their 
business  of  the  railroad  corporations  which  have  been 
created  by  their  votes.  They  have  seen  the  railroads 
discriminating  against  them  in  freight  tariffs,  and  pay- 
ing no  heed  to  remonstrance  or  protest.  They  have 
appealed  to  legislatures  and  to  courts,  and  found  them- 
selves met  with  the  money  and  power  of  great  moneyed 
corporations ;  and  finally  they  have  betaken  themselves 
to  organization  and  to  trying  the  force  of  numbers  for 
the  acquisition  of  what  they  believe  to  be  their  rights. 
They  may  be  striking  out  in  some  cases  blindly  and  in 
a  hasty,  unreasoning  way ;  but  what  they  mean  to  do 
is  to  agitate  the  subject  till  it  gets  some  attention  and 
some  thought  from  men  competent  to  devise  a  remedy, 
or  at  least  a  relief." 

Efforts  have  been  made  by  some  of  the  Western 
States  to  protect  their  farmers  against  the  extortions  of 
the  roads;  but  little  has  been  accomplished.  The  rail- 
road corporations,  relying  upon  their  great  wealth  and 
their  immense  patronage,  insolently  defy  the  States 


THE   FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.         325 

that  seek  to  control  them,  and  disregard  the  laws  con- 
cerning them.  They  do  not  mean  to  submit  to  control. 
They  have  reaped  a  rich  harvest  from  the  farmers. 
Railroad  directors  have  fattened  too  long  upon  the 
plunder  of  the  farm  to  give  it  up  without  a  struggle. 
Thej  mean  to  make  it  so  terrible  for  the  farmers  to 
fight  the  road  that  the  latter  will  be  forced  to  cease  to 
defend  their  rights,  and  submit  to  any  exaction  that 
may  be  levied  upon  them.  They  mean  that  the  world 
shall  continue  to  witness  the  unequal  state  of  affairs 
now  existing,  in  which  the  farmer  is  growing  poorer 
and  the  railroad  director  richer. 

It  certainly  is  a  very  unfortunate  state  of  affairs 
which  makes  the  bread-producing  interest  of  the  country 
the  chief  sufferer  from  the  rapacity  of  railroads.  Yet 
there  is  no  denying  the  fact  that  the  cereals  of  the 
agricultural  States  are  taxed  more  heavily  by  the  rail- 
road corporations  than  any  other  products  of  the  land. 

Mr.  W.  M.  Grosvenor,  from  whom  we  have  quoted  in 
a  previous  chapter,  has  recently  published  an  article  of 
unusual  ability  in  the  November  number  of  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  (which  we  commend  to  the  perusal  of  the 
readers  of  this  work),  in  which,  though  differing  widely 
from  the  views  expressed  in  these  pages,  he  sets  forth 
in  a  masterly  manner  the  reasons  why  grain  is  the 
principal  sufferer  from  railroad  extortion.  Let  us  hear 
him : 

"  Three  men  meet  in  a  room  in  New  York.  They 
are  not  called  kings,  wear  no  crowns,  and  bear  no  scep- 
tres. They  merely  represent  trunk  lines  of  railway 
from  the  Mississippi  to  New  York.  Other  points  settled, 
one  says,  'As  to  the  grain  rate  ;  shall  we  make  it  fifty 
from  Chicago  ? ' 


326          HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


"  'Agreed ;  crops  are  heavy,  and  we  shall  have  enough 
to  do.' 

"  Business  finished,  the  three  enjoy  sundry  bottles  of 
good  wine.  The  daily  papers  presently  announce  that 
'  the  trunk  lines  have  agreed  upon  a  new  schedule  of 
rates  for  freight,  which  is,  in  effect,  a  trifling  increase ; 

on  grain,  from  for- 
ty-five to  fifty 
cents  from  Chi- 
cago to  New  York, 
with  rates  to  other 
points  in  the  usu- 
al proportion.' — 
The  conversation 
was  insignificant, 
the  increase  'tri- 
fling/ But  to  the 
farmers  of  the 
Northwest,  it 
means  that  the 
will  of  three  men 
has  taken  over 
thirty  millions 
from  the  cash  va- 
lue of  their  pro- 
ducts for  that 

year,  and  five  hundred  millions  from  the  actual  value 
of  their  farms. 

"  The  conversation  is  imaginary ;  but  the  startling 
facts  upon  which  it  is  based  are  terribly  real,  as  West- 
ern farmers  have  learned.  The  few  men  who  control 
the  great  railway  lines  have  it  in  their  power  to  strip 
Western  agriculture  of  all  its  earnings, — not  after  the 


BAKING  THE  RATES  OF  RAILROAD 
FREIGHTS. 


FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      327 

• 

manner  of  ancient  highwaymen,  by  high-handed  defi- 
ance of  society  and  law,  the  rush  of  swift  steeds,  the 
clash  of  steel,  and  the  stern  '  Stand  and  deliver  ! '  The 
bandits  of  modern  civilization,  who  enrich  themselves 
by  the  plunder  of  others,  come  with  chests  full  of 
charters;  judges  are  their  friends,  if  not  their  tools; 
and  they  wield  no  weapon  more  alarming  than  the  little 
pencil  with  which  they  calculate  differences  of  rate, 
apparently  so  insignificant  that  public  opinion  wonders 
why  the  farmer  should  complain  about  such  trifles. 
Yet  the  farmers  have  complained,  and,  complaining  in 
vain,  have  got  angry.  When  large  bodies  of  men  get 
angry,  the  results  are  likely  to  be  important,  though 
they  may  not  always  prove  beneficent.  The  farmers' 
movement  threatens  a  revolution  in  the  business  of 
transportation,  if  not  in  the  laws  which  protect  invest- 
ments of  capital.  It  seems  strange,  no  doubt,  to  those 
who  do  not  know  that  a  change  of  one-twentieth  of  a 
mill  per  one  hundred  pounds,  in  the  charge  for  trans- 
portation per  mile,  may  take  hundreds  of  millions  from 
the  actual  value  of  farms.  It  can  neither  be  compre- 
hended nor  intelligently  directed,  without  a  full  under- 
standing of  the  conditions  under  which  agriculture 
exists  in  the  Northwestern  States,  and  of  the  power 
which  the  railway  has  exerted  and  still  wields  for  the 
development  or  destruction  of  that  great  industry. 

"About  150^)00,000  bushels  of  wheat,  11,000,000 
tons  of  hay,  and  1,012,000,000  bushels  of  cereals  are 
annually  produced  by  eleven  States,  having  in  1870  a 
population  of  14,283,000.  In  this  statement,  as  in  the 
term  *  Northwestern  States,'  when  used  in  this  article, 
Kentucky  and  Missouri  are  included  with  the  former 
free  States  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Had  these  States 


328          HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

• 

consumed  in  proportion  to  their  population,  there  would 
have  remained  a  surplus  of  eighty-one  million  bushels 
of  wheat  and  five  hundred  million  bushels  of  cereals. 
Though  the  consumption  per  capita  is  greater  of  cereals 
other  than  wheat  in  this  region  than  in  the  whole 
country,  over  two  hundred  million  bushels  of  grain  are 
received  yearly  at  seven  chief  points  of  shipment  from 
the  West,  while  a  large  quantity  besides  goes  directly 
to  consumers  at  the  East  and  South,  without  passing 
through  either  of  these  cities.  Probably  eight  million 
tons  of  grain,  besides  hay  and  other  products  of  the 
farm,  go  forth  from  this  fertile  region  each  year  in 
search  of  distant  markets. 

"  Because  the  surplus  is  so  enormous,  distant  markets 
control  in  a  great  degree  the  price  of  the  whole  crop. 
As  the  water  behind  a  dam  never  rises  far  above  the 
level  of  the  overflowing  sheet,  so  the  prices  of  products 
largely  exported  do  not  rise  much  above  the  export 
price,  less  cost  of  transportation  to  the  port  of  ship- 
ment. That  this  is  true  of  wheat,  of  which  we  export 
about  one-sixth,  is  well  known ;  of  other  grain  and  of 
hay  we  export  comparatively  little,  and  yet  the  surplus 
at  the  West  is  so  large,  and  the  demand  at  the  East  for 
consumption  or  shipment  so  essential  to  a  profitable 
sale  of  the  crop,  that  the  Eastern  markets  rule  prices, 
not  only  of  the  quantity  forwarded,  but  of  the  entire 
product.  A  very  large  proportion  of  the  corn  crop  is 
consumed  at  the  West.  Yet  the  average  of  monthly 
quotations  for  the  three  years  1869,  1870,  and  1871,  at 
New  York,  Chicago,  and  Cincinnati,  the  difference  per 
bushel  and  per  cental,  and  the  summer  rate  for  freight 
per  cental  from  Chicago  and  Cincinnati  to  New  York, 
all  in  cents,  compare  as  follows : 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      329 

Difference.  Freight 

Price.  Perbu.  Per  ct  Bates. 

New  York 87  2-3 

Cincinnati 642-3  23  41  41 

Chicago 62  1-3  25  1-3  45  1-5  45 

"  Thus  even  in  corn,  the  average  rate  for  three  years 
at  these  three  markets  corresponds  exactly  with  the 
summer  rate  of  transportation  between  them. 

"  In  spite  of  wide  fluctuations,  '  corners/  and  local 
disturbances,  the  tendency  of  Western  markets  is  to 
approximate  closely  during  any  term  of  years  to  the 
rates  at  which  the  surplus  of  products  of  the  farm  can 
be  shipped  to  and  sold  in  Eastern  markets. 

"  Consequently,  an  increase  of  one  cent  per  bushel  in 
cost  of  transportation  ordinarily  costs  the  Western 
farmer  one  cent  per  bushel  in  the  selling  price  of  his 
crop.  Neighborhood  consumers,  millers,  produce  mer- 
chants, cattle-feeders,  do  not  ordinarily  pay  more  than 
the  price  fixed  by  Eastern  quotations  less  the  rate  of 
transportation,  because  they  know  that  millions  of 
bushels  all  around  them  must  find  a  market  at  the 
East,  or  be  wholly  lost. 

"  Cotton  was  '  king,'  only  because  it  could  bear  trans- 
portation, its  value  being  great  in  proportion  to  its  bulk. 
Hay  would  wear  the  crown,  if,  instead  of  one  cent,  it 
was  worth  twenty  cents  a  pound.  Crops  differ  very 
widely  in  their  dependence  upon  cost  of  transportation, 
and  hence  the  question  of  transportation  affects  the 
Southern  and  Southwestern  States  much  less  than  the 
States  of  the  Northwest.  Wool  excepted,  Northern 
crops  vary  in  value,  from  about  two  cents  per  pound  for 
wheat  to  less  than  one  cent  for  potatoes.  But  tobacco 
is  worth  eight,  sugar  ten,  and  cotton  nineteen  cents  a 
pound.  Transportation  of  cotton  one  hundred  miles 


330          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

by  wagon  (at  twenty  cents  per  ton  per  mile)  would  cost 
only  one-nineteenth  of  its  value.  Carriage  a  like  dis- 
tance would  cost  about  half  the  value  of  wheat,  and 
more  than  the  whole  value  of  potatoes  or  hay.  At 
three  cents  per  ton  per  mile,  by  railroad,  the  entire 
value  of  potatoes  (at  fifty-four  cents)  would  pay  for 
transportation  600  miles;  of  hay  (at  twenty-two  dol- 
lars a  ton),  733  miles;  of  wheat  ($1.24  a  bushel),  1377 
miles;  of  tobacco  (eight  cents),  5533  miles;  of  sugar 
(ten  cents),  6666  miles;  and  of  cotton  (nineteen  cents), 
12,666  miles.  Even  in  the  palmy  days  of  Southern 
agriculture,  the  building  of  railroads  was  regarded  with 
comparative  indifference  by  the  people  of  that  section ; 
and,  for  the  same  reason,  the  contest  between  the  farm 
and  the  rail  is  mainly  confined  to  the  Northwest. 

"  Unable  to  raise  Southern  crops,  the  farmers  of  the 
Northwest  must  raise  products  peculiarly  affected  in 
value  by  the  cost  of  transportation,  or  relapse  into  a 
patriarchal  form  of  industry,  and  derive  their  only 
profit  from  flocks  and  herds.  The  value  of  animals  for 
food  is  limited  by  the  demand  for  consumption.  All 
the  animal  food  required  by  States  which  do  not  pro- 
duce enough  for  their  own  use — in  value  about  forty 
millions,  or  one-tenth  of  the  entire  consumption — could 
be  supplied  hy  a  single  State.  Texas  now  has  one- 
seventh  of  all  the  neat  cattle  in  the  country,  and  the 
difference  in  cost  of  transportation  from  Texas  and 
from  Northwestern  States  is  more  than  compensated  by 
the  difference  in  the  cost  of  land.  No  large  increase 
in  the  production  of  animals  at  the  Northwest  could  be 
profitable,  unless  the  people  of  this  country  should  con- 
tinue to  eat  very  much  more  animal  food.  Wool  bears 
transportation  a  long  distance,  but,  again,  the  demand 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      331 

is  limited ;  the  entire  value  of  wool  consumed,  not  of 
our  own  production,  is  less  than  that  of  the  wheat  alone 
exported.  Meanwhile,  Texas,  New  Mexico,  and  Cali- 
fornia will  soon  supply  wool  in  such  quantity  that  the 
growing  of  sheep  for  wool  alone  must  become  even  less 
profitable  than  it  now  is  in  the  Northwestern  States.  .  .  . 
"  An  increase  of  five  cents  per  one  hundred  pounds 
in  the  cost  of  transportation  from  Western  States  to 
New  York  or  other  Eastern  markets  is  equivalent  to 
three  cents  a  bushel  on  wheat,  two  cents  and  eight- 
tenths  on  rye  and  corn,  one  cent  and  six-tenths  a  bushel 
on  oats,  and  (allowing  for  convenience  forty-nine  pounds 
to  the  bushel  of  barley  and  buckwheat,  laws  of  different 
States  varying  widely)  two  cents  and  four-tenths  to  the 
bushel  of  barley  or  buckwheat.  At  these  rates,  suppos- 
ing the  change  in  rates  to  affect  the  whole  crop  of  all 
the  Northwestern  States  alike,  the  loss  in  value  to  the 
farmer  upon  the  crop  of  1871,  as  given  in  the  latest 
agricultural  report,  may  be  thus  stated : 


Loss  in 
Quantity  produced.  Value. 

Wheat 149,600,000  bushels  $4,488,000 

Corn 690,900,000       "  19,345,000 

Hay 10,915,000  tons  10,915,000 

Oats 153,789,000  bushels  2,460,000 

Rye 6,625,000       "  185,000 

Barley 10,019,000       "  245,000 

Buckwheat 1,694,000      "  41,000 

$37,679,000 

"  This  loss  of  over  $37,000,000  in  the  selling  price  of 
the  products  of  44,375,100  acres  cultivated  is  about 
eighty-four  cents  an  acre.  It  is  a  loss  not  of  valuation, 
but  of  the  yearly  income  or  profit  upon  which  valuation 
is  based.  The  actual  value  of  land  for  farming  pur- 


332         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

poses  is  that  sum  upon  which  the  net  profit  of  the 
yearly  crop  will  yield  a  fair  interest.  At  seven  per 
cent,  interest,  whatever  reduces  the  net  profit  seventy 
cents  per  acre  reduces  the  actual  value  of  the  land  $10 
per  acre.  Hence  the  loss  of  $37,679,000,  in  the  yearly 
income  from  certain  lands,  is  equivalent  to  a  loss  of 
$538,271,000  in  their  actual  value.  Such  is  the  result 
of  a  '  trifling '  change  of  five  cents  per  cental  in  rates  of 
freight ! 

"  It  is  true,  the  farmers  of  the  eleven  States  are  not 
affected  in  the  same  degree  by  a  general  change  in  rates. 
For  the  effect  upon  the  value  of  land  depends  upon  the 
number  of  bushels  produced  to  the  acre.  The  average 
yield  of  different  crops  to  the  acre  in  different  States, 
for  the  four  years  1868—1871  inclusive,  and  the  effect 
of  a  change  of  one  cent,  per  one  hundred  pounds  upon  the 
average  value  of  land  employed  in  growing  each  crop 
in  each  State,  are  stated  in  the  following  tables : 


AVERAGE   YIELD   OF   DIFFERENT   CROPS. 

"  (Hay   in   tons   and    hundredths;   other  crops   in 
bushels  and  tenths.) 


1 

1 

1 

1 

£ 

$ 

3 
« 

Potato. 

s? 

w 

Ohio  

140 

404 

142 

31  9 

244 

151 

90 

1.32 

89 

29  2 

11  0 

22  1 

19  1 

176 

74 

1.28 

Michigan  

139 

32  8 

167 

33.7 

289 

17.3 

103 

1.31 

121 

33  1 

145 

282 

237 

161 

76 

132 

11  7 

32  7 

162 

309 

230 

161 

79 

1.37 

135 

33  8 

15  8 

33  7 

2(56 

186 

86 

1.36 

148 

33  2 

185 

35  o 

25  1 

194 

109 

1  49 

127 

362 

18  1 

35  3 

270 

205 

111 

1.58 

136 

325 

17  0 

299 

254 

21  0 

96 

1.50 

16.2 

33  8 

21  6 

32  6 

248 

179 

134 

1.56 

Nebraska  

14.7 

34.1 

19.8 

36.3 

28.4 

19.6 

106 

1.56 

THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      333 

"  Effect  upon  value  of  land  per  acre  of  a  change  of 
one  cent  per  one  hundred  pounds  in  value  of  crop : 


1 
1 

1 

K 

M 

1 

(^ 

I 

jf 

M 

& 

Potato. 

& 

a 

Ohio  

$1.20 

3.20 

1.13 

1.46 

1  05 

1  70 

771 

3  71 

.76 

2.33 

.88 

"  1  01 

1  23 

1  33 

634 

357 

1.19 

2.62 

1.33 

1.54 

1  21 

202 

883 

371 

1.03 

2.65 

1.16 

1  29 

1  12 

1  62 

651 

371 

Illinois  

1.00 

261 

1  29 

141 

1  12 

1  61 

677 

385 

1.16 

2.70 

1.26 

154 

130 

1.66 

737 

385 

1.21 

2.65 

1  48 

1  60 

1  35 

1  75 

934 

414 

1.09 

289 

1  45 

1  61 

1  48 

1  89 

951 

443 

1.02 

2.60 

136 

1.37 

147 

1  77 

823 

428 

1.39 

2.70 

1  73 

1  49 

1  25 

1  73 

11  48 

443 

Nebraska  

1.68 

2.73 

1.56 

1.66 

1.37 

1.98 

9.08 

4.43 

"From  these  tables,  the  effect  of  any  change  of  rates 
of  transportation  or  of  price,  upon  lands  employed  in 
growing  either  crop  in  either  State,  may  be  readily  cal- 
culated ;  also  the  profit  on  every  one  hundred  pounds 
of  each  crop  necessary  to  yield  seven  per  cent,  interest 
on  any  value  of  land  per  acre ;  also,  the  effect  of  any 
change  in  rates  of  freight  per  ton  per  mile,  the  distance 
to  the  controlling  market  being  known.  Thus,  from  a 
farm  nine  hundred  miles  from  New  York,  a  change  in 
freight  rates  of  one  nine-hundredth  of  one  cent  per  one 
hundred  pounds,  or  one  forty-fifth  of  one  cent  per  ton, 
per  mile,  will  affect  the  value  of  wheat  land  in  Illinois 
one  dollar  an  acre.  It  is  easy  to  see,  also,  that  there 
are  limits  within  which  only  these  effects  follow,  fixed, 
on  the  one  hand,  by  the  lowest  cost  of  raising  any  crop 
compared  with  its  value  at  a  consuming  market,  and 
on  the  other  hand  by  the  cost  of  land.  But  within  those 
limits,  as  far  as  the  price  of  crops  is  controlled  by  dis- 
tant markets,  all  the  profits  and  even  the  very  existence 
of  agriculture  depend  upon  the  rate  charged  for  trans- 
porting its  products.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  owners 


334          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

of  land  and  producers  of  grain  regard  with  constant 
apprehension  a  power  which  may  at  any  moment  affect 
the  value  of  a  thousand  million  bushels  of  cereals,  and 
of  forty-four  million  acres  of  cultivated  land.  Even  if 
a  change  of  five  cents  per  cental  does  not  affect  the 
whole  crop  so  much  as  three  cents  per  bushel  in  price, 
it  may  take  away  all  the  profit — all  the  reward  of  a 
year's  labor.  And  the  same  power  may  also  raise  rates 
even  more  at  pleasure.  The  farmers  have  been  taught 
that  the  cost  of  transportation  depends  upon  the  will  of 
a  few  men,  and  varies  with  their  agreements  or  quarrels. 
The  quondam  pedler  of  Vermont  fell  out  with  Van- 
derbilt,  and  their  quarrel  was  worth,  during  the  year 
1870,  one-fifth  of  a  cent  per  ton  per  mile  to  the  farmers ; 
$9,000,000  on  the  crop  of  wheat  alone,  if  it  had  all  been 
shipped  at  the  reduced  rate.  In  July,  1872,  somebody 
raised  the  rates  from  the  West  five  cents  per  cental. 
His  act  cost  the  farmers  millions  of  dollars.  Is  it 
strange  that  our  greatest  industry  grows  restive  under 
fluctuations  which  it  can  neither  foresee  nor  compre- 
hend? Elsewhere  the  world  moves.  The  beneficent 
progress  of  civilization  in  other  lands  is  toward  cheaper 
transportation  and  better  wages  for  the  producer. 
Russia  pushes  railroads  through  her  vast  territory,  in 
order  that  her  subjects  may  obtain  at  the  Baltic  and 
Black  Seas  better  pay  for  their  industry.  We  cannot 
maintain  sufficient  private  markets  of  our  own,  nor 
force  upward  prices  in  those  great  markets  of  the  world 
upon  which  ours  depend.  If,  while  the  world  makes 
transportation  cheaper,  we  make  it  more  costly,  the 
loss  will  be  our  own. 

"  This  the  farmer  believes  we  are  doing.    He  declares 
that  others  who  stand  between  him  and  the  consumer, 


THE   FARMERS  WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.         335 

amass  great  wealth,  while  pinching  economy  barely 
saves  him  subsistence  and  does  not  keep  him  from  debt. 
His  beliefs,  as  to  the  cause  of  existing  evils,  and  the 
best  remedy,  whether  correct  or  not,  will  soon  take  the 
shape  of  laws.  He  has  the  votes.  Before  that  power, 
legislators  drop  like  leaves  shaken  by  the  autumn  wind. 
Governors,  politicians  of  all  grades,  crush  each  other  in 
their  hurry  to  seize  the  new  standard.  Lawyers  who 
do  not  forget  the  Dartmouth  College  case,  already  find 
themselves  ineligible  to  the  judiciary.  Has  not  this 
same  generation  set  its  heel  upon  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  ?  Reverence  for  judicial  precedents  is  a  dam 
which  floods  have  carried  away.  Restraints  devised  by 
founders  of  our  Government  no  longer  bar  the  people 
from  their  will.  We  have  trusted  all  power  to  the 
majority.  If  its  opinion  is  in  error,  we  have  but  one 
remedy :  that  freedom  of  discussion  which  remains  the 
only  safeguard  of  our  institutions." 


336    mSTORY  OF  THE  GRANGE  MOVEMENT;  OR, 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE    STORY    OF   FARMER   GREEN'S   REAPER. 

A  Common  Fault  with  Farmers — Not  in  a  Condition  to  incur  Risks — The 
Danger  of  running  into  Debt — The  Curse  of  Mortgages — Labor  Saving 
Machines — What  they  are  worth — Unfair  Prices  demanded  for  them — 
Farmers  paying  twenty  per  cent.  Interest. — An  iniquitous  Business — Danger 
of  Indiscriminate  Purchases  of  Machinery — A  few  Words  of  Sober  Counsel 
— Farmer  Green  and  his  Farm — Getting  on  in  the  World — Farmer  Green 
buys  a  Reaper — How  he  paid  for  it — The  first  false  Step — Beautiful  Calcula- 
tions— An  Iron-clad  Note — In  the  Toils — Arrival  of  the  Reaper — Disap- 
pointment— Second  Visit  of  the  Agent — The  Theory  of  Deferred  Payments — 
How  it  works — Deeper  in  Debt — The  Farm  mortgaged — New  Misfortunes — 
Selling  the  Homestead — Beginning  anew — What  Farmer  Green's  Reaper 
cost  him — A  Lesson  for  Farmers. 

WE  have  spoken  of  the  evils  from  which  the  farmers 
of  the  country  have  suffered,  for  which  they  are  not 
responsible.  We  come  now  to  consider  one  for  which 
the  farmer  is  entirely  responsible,  and  which  should 
receive  the  earnest  and  candid  consideration  of  every 
farmer  in  the  land.  We  mean  the  recklessness  with 
which  they  incur  debts  which  they  afterwards  find 
themselves  powerless  to  pay.  We  do  not  mean  that  the 
farmer  is  the  only  one  who  thus  hampers  himself,  or 
that  he  is  any  more  given  to  incurring  debts  than  other 
people,  but  we  do  mean  that  his  carelessness  in  this 
respect  is  a  source  of  serious  trouble  to  him.  He,  of  all 
men,  should  avoid  debt,  for,  as  a  general  rule,  his  means 
6f  discharging  such  obligations  are  too  limited  to  permit 
him  to  incur  risks  that  are  but  trifles  to  other  men.  He 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      337 

must  look  to  his  land  for  the  means  of  discharging  his 
debts,  and  he  should  shun  as  a  pestilence  anything  that 
tends  to  increase  the  burdens  upon  that  land.  To  keep 
the  farm  clear  of  mortgages  should  be  the  farmer's  chief 
effort,  and  nothing  but  the  direst  necessity  should  ever 
tempt  him  to  peril  the  safety  of  his  home. 

Of  late  years  it  has  become  a  habit  with  the  farming 
class  to  depend  upon  the  labor-saving  machines  to  do 
the  work  of  the  farm.  No  one  will  deny  that  improved 
machinery  is  a  great  advantage  to  the  farmer,  or  that  a 
good  planter,  cultivator,  or  reaper  is  worth  making  a 
sacrifice  to  obtain  ;  but  the  labor  is  saved  by  the  machine 
at  a  high  cost  when  the  farmer  goes  in  debt  to  purchase  it. 
If  a  machine  is  wanted,  wait  until  the  money  is  in  hand 
to  pay  for  it. 

In  the  first  place,  the  farmer  pays  a  price  for  the 
machine  that  is  too  high  when  he  purchases  it  for  cash. 
When  only  a  partial  payment  is  made,  and  the  remain- 
der is  paid  in  instalments,  the  cost  of  the  machine  is 
enormously  increased.  Under  the  most  favorable  circum- 
stances, the  machine  costs  more  money  than  it  is 
actually  worth. 

"The  immense  profits  of  general  agents  and  sub- 
agents  have  been  added  to  the  manufacturers'  prices ; 
then,  when  cash  has  not  been  paid,  the  prices  have  been 
still  further  increased  to  cover  interest  at  twenty  per 
cent.  Finally,  as  Mr.  McCormick  testified  in  Washing- 
ton that  from  one-fourth  to  one-third  of  his  sales  were 
bad  debts,  an  average  of  33  per  cent,  must  be  added  to 
cover  these.  The  grand  result  is,  that  the  farmers  pay 
from  50  to  100  per  cent,  more  for  their  machinery  than 
they  ought." 

But  farm  machinery  is  not  the  only  thing  that  the 

22 


338          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

farmer  is  compelled  to  pay  an  exorbitant  price  for. 
If  he  buys  a  sewing  machine  for  his  wife,  he  pays 
fully  twenty-five  or  thirty  per  cent,  more  than  the 
article  is  actually  worth,  the  difference  going  to  swell 
the  enormous  profits  of'  the  sewing  machine  com- 
panies. And  so  the  list  could  be  extended  indefinitely. 
All  kinds  of  machinery  sell  too  high,  and  the  farmer 
is  required  to  pay  a  most  extravagant  profit  to  the 
dealer  who  supplies  him.  People  seem  to  think  that 
he  is  a  legitimate  object  of  plunder,  and  he  is  charged 
prices  that  no  one  would  ever  dream  of  asking  a 
sharp  city  merchant. 

The  country  districts  are  flooded  with  the  agents  of 
the  agricultural  machine  manufacturers,  who  are  using 
all  their  arts  to  dispose  of  the  wares  of  their  principals. 
Reapers,  corn-planters,  seed  drills,  cultivators,  mowing 
machines,  sulky  corn-plows,  and  the  like,  are  offered  in 
profusion.  All  are  costly,  and  many  of  them  are  worth- 
less, for  it  is  a  lamentable  fact  that  about  one-half  of  the 
so-called  labor-saving  machines  are  so  wretchedly  con- 
structed that  they  either  break  down  at  an  early  stage, 
or  are  incapable  of  performing  the  work  for  which  they 
are  designed.  None  of  them  are  absolutely  necessary, 
for  the  work  of  the  farm  can  be  done  without  them, 
and  should  be,  unless  the  farmer  is  fortunate  enough  to 
have  the  purchase  money  in  hand,  and  is  able  to  spare 
it  for  that  purpose.  But  too  often  he  buys  against  his 
own  judgment,  yielding  to  the  blandishments  and  per- 
suasions of  the  agent,  and  when  he  awakes  to  a  sense 
of  his  error,  it  is  too  late  to  withdraw.  He  has  assumed 
a  burdensome  obligation,  and  he  must  meet  it  at  any 
cost.  One  hears  many  sad  stories  of  the  struggles  of 
farmers  to  meet  the  debts  thus  incurred.  "  Since  I 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      339 

have  come  into  this  State,"  says  the  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Tribune,  writing  from  Iowa,  "  and 
mingled  with  the  farmers  here,  I  have  found  that  it  is 
a  common  occurrence,  that  thousands  of  farmers  who 
are  still  struggling  to  keep  their  heads  above  water, 
and  are  obliged  to  economize  in  every  conceivable 
way  and  deny  themselves  and  families  many  com- 
forts, first  began  to  run  behind  when  they  purchased 
a  reaper  or  mower,  or  some  other  piece  of  farm 
machinery  which  they  could  not  pay  for  and  which 
they  could  have  done  without." 

The  sad  history  of  Farmer  Green  (a  veritable 
character,  although  we  introduce  him  here  by  a  fic- 
titious name)  should  be  a  lesson  and  a  warning  to.  all 
his  brethren. 

Farmer  Green  was  a  resident  of  Iowa,  and  was 
reputed  to  be  a  sensible  and  prosperous  man.  He  was 
far  on  in  life,  and  had  cleared  his  farm  of  debt,,  had 
stocked  it  with  many  things  needful  to  his  business, 
and  was  generally  counted  a  prosperous  man.  His.  snug 
farm  was  his  pride  and  boast,  and  he  looked  forward  to 
the  time  when  he  should  be  able  to  add  to  it  by  the 
purchase  of  a  desirable  section  of  land  adjoining  it. 

It  was  the  early  summer,  and  Farmer  Green  was 
rejoicing  in  the  magnificent  crop  of  wheat  that  was 
springing  up  on  his  land,  and  giving  the  promise  of  a 
handsome  return  for  his  care  and  labor.  Day  after  day 
he  watched  the  superb  growth,  and  counted  over  in  his 
mind  the  number  of  bushels  of  golden  grain  it  would 
yield  when  the  summer  sun  had  warmed  it  into  matur- 
ity. Many  were  the  plans  he  laid  for  the  use  of  the 
proceeds  of  that  glorious  crop.  The  goodwife's  wants 
should  be  all  supplied  this  year,  and  none  of  the  chil- 


340         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

dren  should  be  forced  to  put  up  with  the  deprivations 
that  had  fallen  to  their  lot  when  he  was  still  struggling 
to  clear  the  farm  from  its  encumbrance  of  debt. 

One  day,  as  he  stood  watching  the  bright  field  of 
green  that  spread  out  before  him,  and  imagining  what 
he  would  do  when  the  grain  was  harvested  and  the 
money  received  for  it,  he  was  accosted  by  a  stranger 
who  came  driving  down  the  road  from  the  village. 

"A  beautiful  crop  of  wheat  you've  got  there,"  said 
the  stranger,  as  he  drew  rein  before  the  farm  gate. 

"  Yes,"  said  Farmer  Green,  "  I  reckon  it  will  turn 
out  pretty  well." 

"A  fine  farm  you  have,  too,'*  said  the  stranger, 
glancing  admiringly  around  him. 

"  Yes,"  said  the  farmer,  pleased  with  the  compli- 
ment to  his  place.  "  There's  none  better  in  the 
neighborhood." 

"Paid  for  yet?"  asked  the  stranger. 

"  Every  dollar,  thank  God,"  said  the  owner,  heartily. 
"  It's  clear  at  last,  and  I  hope  to  keep  it  so." 

"  That's  right,"  said  the  stranger.  "  Never  contract 
a  debt  you're  not  sure  of  paying,  and  the  farm  will 
remain  yours.  That's  a  mighty  nice  crop  of  wheat," 
he  added,  as  if  speaking  to  himself.  "  I  never  saw  any- 
thing look  prettier.  It  will  be  ready  for  cutting  soon. 
How  do  you  cut  it  ?  By  hand  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  replied  the  farmer.  "  We've  no  reapers  in 
this  part  of  the  country,  and  we  farm  in  the  oldfash- 
ioned  way." 

"  That's  a  pity,"  said  the  stranger.  "  A  reaper 
would  work  beautifully  on  this  land.  Why  it  would 
be  no  trouble  at  all  to  get  your  wheat  in  with  a  good 
reaper." 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      341 

"  That's  true,"  said  Farmer  Green. 

"  You  ought  to  have  a  reaper  to  cut  it  with,"  said 
the  stranger. 

"Can't  afford  it;  haven't  got  the  money  to  spare," 
said  the  farmer. 

"  See  here,  now,"  said  the  stranger,  in  a  more  confi- 
dential tone.  "I'm  selling  a  patent  reaper — a  first- 
class  machine,  and  dirt-cheap  at  the  money  asked  for  it. 
You'd  better  let  me  sell  you  one." 

"  It's  no  use  to  talk  about  it,  my  friend.  I  haven't 
the  money  to  spare." 

"  I  don't  want  your  money  now,"  said  the  man, 
temptingly.  "  I'll  sell  you  one  at  a  bargain,  and  wait 
till  it  has  paid  for  itself." 

And  with  that  the  agent  produced  pencil  and  paper, 
and  went  into  a  calculation,  showing  the  farmer  how 
much  it  would  cost  him  to  cut  his  crop  that"  year,  and 
how  much  the  reaper  would  save  him,  as  well  as  a  cal- 
culation of  the  amount  of  grain  he  could  cut  for  other 
farmers  in  the  vicinity. 

"  So  you  see,"  added  the  agent,  persuasively,  "  before 
the  time  of  payment  comes  around  you  will  have  saved 
and  earned  enough  to  pay  for  the  reaper,  and  will  still 
have  a  fine  machine  capable  of  doing  more  work, 
equally  profitable,  next  season." 

Farmer  Green's  better  judgment  bade  him  refuse  the 
terms  thus  offered,  liberal  as  they  seemed.  He  knew 
the  evil  consequences  of  running  into  debt,  and  his  con- 
science bade  him  put  the  temptation  behind  him.  He 
wanted  a  reaper,  however;  he  had  always  wanted  one; 
and  here  was  an  opportunity  of  purchasing  one  upon 
terms  which  would  enable  him  to  pay  for  it  out  of  its 
actual  earnings.  There  was  not  a  reaper  in  the  county, 


342          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


FARMER  GREEN  TRIES  HIS  REAPER. 

and  he  felt  confident  that  he  would  be  able  to  keep  it 
busy  on  his  neighbors'  farms,  all  through  the  season, 
after  he  had  cut  his  own  crop. 

The  agent  was  a  smooth  tongued,  plausible  fellow, 
and  he  plied  the  farmer  with  every  argument  he  was 
master  of.  The  result  was  that  the  farmer  bought  the 
reaper.  He  had  not  the  money  to  pay  for  it,  but  he 
gave  what  is  called  in  Iowa  "  an  iron-clad  note"  for  it. 
In  plainer  English,  he  gave  his  note  accompanied  with 
a  statement  of  property.  By  the  laws  of  Iowa  such 
a  note  is  equivalent  to  a  mortgage.  And  so,  in  order 
to  purchase  the  reaper,  the  farmer  had  imperilled  his 
property,  and  had  placed  the  safety  of  his  home  upon 
the  turn  of  a  chance. 

The  machine  arrived  in  due  time,  and  was  found  to 
be  all  the  agent  had  claimed  for  it.  It  was  a  capital 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      343 

reaper,  and  a  very  handsome  machine  withal.  Farmer 
Green  could  not  help  feeling  a  little  downhearted  as  he 
remembered  the  risk  he  had  incurred  in  order  to  obtain 
it;  but  he  consoled  himself  with  the  hope  that  he 
would  be  able  to  make  it  pay  for  itself.  When  the 
harvest  came  around,  the  machine  proved  itself  a  good 
worker.  Farmer  Green  soon  had  his  crop  cut  and 
stacked,  and  then  began  to  look  about  him  for  engage- 
ments for  cutting  his  neighbors'  grain.  Some  were 
willing  to  make  the  trial,  and  a  few  jobs  of  this  kind 
enabled  him  to  earn  something  with  his  reaper.  But 
the  work  was  less  in  amount  than  he  had  looked  for- 
ward to,  for  the  agent  who  had  sold  him  the  reaper  had 
found  other  customers  in  the  vicinity,  and  the  demand 
for  Farmer  Green's  machine  was  very  much  less  than 
he  had  anticipated.  The  reaper  stood  idle  under  its 
shed  during  the  better  portion  of  the  harvest  season, 
and  the  farmer  was  doomed  to  a  severe  disappointment. 

When  the  crop  was  sold  there  was  another  disappoint- 
ment. There  had  been  a  heavy  decline  in  the  price  of 
wheat,  and  the  farmer  did  not  receive  as  much  as  he 
had  expected  for  his  grain.  All  this  while  the  day  upon 
which  the  note  must  be  paid  was  drawing  near,  and 
the  farmer's  chances  of  meeting  it  were  rapidly  dimin- 
ishing. And  still  another  blow  fell  upon  him.  Just 
after  the  harvest  his  wife  fell  sick,  and  her  illness  was 
long  and  expensive. 

Upon  the  appointed  day,  the  agent  of  the  Reaper 
Company  presented  the  note  of  Farmer  Green,  and  de- 
manded its  payment.  With  a  sad  heart  the  farmer  re- 
lated his  troubles  to  him,  and  told  him  he  was  unable 
to  meet  his  note.  He  had  not  the  money.  The  agent's 
face  grew  very  long  as  he  listened  to  the  woful  tale, 


- 


844          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

and  after  considerable  hesitation,  he  said  he  was  very 
sorry;  that  Farmer  Green  should  have  made  allowance 
for  all  these  risks,  in  making  the  purchase.  However, 
the  mischief  was  done,  and  there  was  nothing  but  to 
accept  the  situation.  If  the  farmer  could  not  pay,  he 
supposed  the  time  would  have  to  be  extended,  but  it 
would  be  necessary  to  charge  him  a  fair  rate  of  interest. 
Farmer  Green  said  that  that  was  only  just.  He  had 
done  his  best  to  meet  the  note,  but  failing  to  do  so,  he 
was  willing  to  pay  for  his  failure.  What,  he  inquired, 
would  be  a  fair  rate  of  interest  ? 

"  Twenty  per  cent,  per  annum,"  replied  the  agent, 
gravely. 

Farmer  Green's  heart  sank,  and  he  said  in  a  despair- 
ing tone,  that  the  rate  was  too  high. 

"  For  ordinary  interest,  perhaps,"  replied  the  agent ; 
"  but,  you  see,  we  assume  a  serious  risk  in  this  case.  I'd 
rather  have  the  money  down  than  one  hundred  per 
cent,  interest.  But  you  havn't  got  it.  We  take  the 
risk  of  your  failing  entirely  to  pay  us,  and  it  is  only  fair 
that  we  should  be  paid  for  this  risk  as  well  as  for  the 
delay  we  are  put  to." 

There  was  no  help  for  it,  and  Farmer  Green  was 
obliged  to  pay  the  extortionate  demand.  He  had  placed 
himself  at  the  mercy  of  the  Reaper  Company,  and  he 
must  do  their  bidding.  He  hoped  that  a  succession  of 
good  crops  would  enable  him  to  pay  the  interest  and 
take  up  the  note ;  but,  alas  for  him,  this  hope  was  des- 
tined to  disappointment  also.  He  paid  the  interest  once 
or  twice,  but  the  burden  was  too  heavy  for  him,  and  at 
last,  in  sheer  despair,  he  mortgaged  the  farm,  paid  the 
note,  and  got  rid  of  the  Eeaper  Company.  But  he 
had  only  shifted  his  burdens.  The  mortgage  proved  as 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      345 


FARMEK  GREEN  MORTGAGES  HIS  FARM. 

troublesome  as  the  note  had  been,  and  instead  of  being 
able  to  decrease  it,  he  was  obliged  to  increase  it  as  time 
passed  on.  By  the  first  false  step  he  had  placed  the 
farm  of  which  he  was  so  proud  in  danger.  He  had 
voluntarily  incurred  a  useless  debt,  and  the  rest  of  his 
bad  luck  was  simply  the  logical  consequence  of  a  reckless 
and  foolish  act.  He  ran  behind  steadily,  and  at  length 
his  difficulties  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  in  order 
to  rid  himself  of  the  debts  he  had  no  hope  of  paying  in 
any  other  way,  he  sold  his  farm,  discharged  the  mort- 
gage, and  bidding  adieu  to  his  old  home  and  friends, 
went  farther  West,  to  a  section  where  lands  were 
cheaper,  and  there  began  life  anew  at  the  time  he  had 
once  hoped  to  enjoy  some  rest  from  his  labors. 

And   yet,  Farmer  Green,  with  all   his  shrewdness, 


546          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

never  attributed  his  misfortunes  to  their  true  cause. 
He  never  admitted,  even  to  himself,  that  his  great  error 
had  been  in  contracting  a  useless  debt,  and  assuming 
an  obligation  he  had  no  certainty  of  meeting.  He 
never  believed  that  it  was  the  reaper  that  ruined  him, 
yet  such  was  the  case.  Had  he  put  by  the  temptation 
held  out  to  him  by  the  Reaper  agent,  there  would  have 
been  no  burden  resting  upon  him,  and  his  short  crop, 
and  other  misfortunes,  would  not  have  driven  him  to 
the  expedients  he  was  obliged  to  resort  to.  "  Out  of 
debt,  out  of  danger  "  is  a  true  maxim ;  the  wisdom  and 
force  of  which  only  those  who  have  passed  through 
the  agony  and  humiliation  of  such  a  slavery  can  appre- 
ciate. 

There  are  debts  enough  that  the  farmer  cannot  help 
assuming;  burdens  that  fall  upon  him  through  no  fault 
of  his.  They  are  heavy  enough,  God  knows,  and  they 
should  teach  him  to  assume  none  from  which  he  can 
possibly  escape. 

Improved  machinery  is  useful  where  it  is  honestly 
made,  but  even  the  best  is  worth  less  than  the  farmer 
ordinarily  pays  for  it.  He  is  charged  too  high,  and  his 
hard  earnings,  instead  of  constituting  a  fund  for  the 
rearing  of  his  children  and  the  protection  of  his  old  age, 
go  to  make  up  the  colossal  fortunes  of  the  manufacturers 
and  dealers  in  such  machinery.  A  reform  is  needed, 
and  it  is  near  at  hand. 


TilE   FARMERS   WAR    AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.         347 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

FARMER    SMITH    SPEAKS   HIS   MIND. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  State  Association — Speech  at  Carrollton 
— Views  of  a  Practical  and  Thinking  Farmer — Sound  Views  for  the  Con- 
sideration of  the  Farmers  of  the  Union — Mr.  Smith's  Homestead — A  com- 
fortable Western  Farm — A  quiet  Talk  with  Farmer  Smith — His  Statement 
of  the  Farmers'  Wrongs,  and  his  Views  as  to  the  Remedy — Corn  selling  for 
less  than  Cost — "  Sixty  Bushels  of  Corn  to  buy  Two  Pairs  of  Boys'  Boots" — 
The  Mysteries  of  Western  Coal  Selling — The  Farms  more  heavily  taxed 
than  the  Railroads — The  Grange  offers  the  best  Remedy,  and  the  best 
Means  of  attaining  it. 

PROMINENT  among  the  Western  farmers  who  have 
devoted  themselves  to  a  practical  solution  of  the  ques- 
tions we  have  been  discussing,  is  Mr.  Stephen  M.  Smith, 
of  Illinois.  He  is  the  secretary  of  the  Farmers'  State 
Association  of  Illinois,  and  a  man  of  vigorous  and  inde- 
pendent mind.  As  he  speaks  not  only  for  himself,  but 
for  a  large  and  influential  class  of  farmers,  we  quote 
here  at  length  from  his  public  declarations.  We  do 
this  not  only  to  commend  his  remarks  to  the  careful 
consideration  of  those  of  our  readers  interested  in  these 
questions,  but  in  support  of  our  assertions  respecting  the 
grievances  and  opinions  of  the  farmers  of  the  United 
States.  In  an  address  delivered  to  the  farmers  at  Car- 
rollton, Ills.,  on  the  3d  of  September,  1873,  he  said : 

"  For  a  purpose  evident  enough,  the  report  of  my 
Winchester  speech  of  August  9th  has  been  published 
in  every  paper  which  does  not  happen  to  agree  with  me 
politically,  especially  all  over  this  State  and  the  State 


.348         HISTORY   OF     THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

of  Iowa.  I  have  had  hundreds  of  copies  of  papers  sent 
to  me  with  marked  articles  criticising  this  so-called  re- 
port of  my  Winchester  speech.  Allow  me  to  say  that 
the  words  '  blood  and  anarchy '  never  came  into  my 
speech.  I  didn't  say  I  would  take  my  boys  and  go  to  the 
State  capital  and  help  ride  the  villains  out  on  a  rail, 
although  I  believe  they  deserved  it.  If  I  had  mentioned 
it,  I  wouldn't  have  said  more  than  that  I  believed  they 
deserved  it,  but  I  did  not  say  it.  I  did  say,  and  this  is 
my  very  language — and  mark  now,  for  I  want  to  be 
particularly  honest,  what  my  remarks  were — I  said,  in 
referring  to  the  manner  in  which  our  legislators  had 
betrayed  our  trust  and  sold  out  our  rights  and  interests 
again  and  again,  that  they  were  elected  to  carry  out 
certain  purposes,  and  had  failed  to  do  so  over  and  over 
again,  and  that  the  interests  of  the  laboring  and  produc- 
ing classes  of  the  whole  country,  not  merely  of  this 
State  but  of  the  whole  of  the  United  States,  had  been 
sold  out  over  and  over  again  to  monopolists  of  every 
sort  and  character ;  and  I  added,  there  is  no  law  on  our 
statute  books  by  which  we  can  reach  them  and  punish 
them  for  that  crime  of  betraying  the  laboring  people  of 
the  country.  I  said  I  was  very  much  inclined  to  adopt 
a  punishment  suggested  by  an  indignant  friend  of  mine 
when  our  legislators  adjourned  last  Winter  after  voting 
to  come  back  and  spend  another  Winter  and  take 
another  half  million  out  of  our  pockets  which  we  had 
to  pay  in  corn  at  twenty  cents  a  bushel,  which  punish- 
ment was  to  treat  the  members  to  a  coat  of  tar  and 
feathers  and  ride  them  out  of  their  counties  on  a  rail. 
Now  see  how  you  can  make  a  speech  read  when  you 
take  expressions  that  were  uttered  at  least  an  hour 
apart  and  put  them  into  a  sentence.  What  I  said  about 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       349 

my  boys  was  something  like  this :  Speaking  of  the 
magnitude  of  this  movement,  how  chronic  the  wrong 
was  we  suffered  from,  and  how  this  evil — that  we  had 
no  voice  in  fixing  a  price  upon  our  labor — had  come 
down  to  us  from  the  feudal  ages,  I  said  I  did  not  ex- 
pect to  live  to  see  the  full  fruition  of  my  hopes  in  this 
country,  but  that  I  would  bequeath  the  fight  to  my 
boys  with  the  injunction  that  they  should  never  leave 
it  until  all  their  rights  under  our  Constitution  and  laws 
were  guaranteed  to  them,  and  they  had  secured  the 
dearest  of  all  rights  to  an  American  freeman — that  of 
fixing  the  price  upon  their  own  labor.  That  is  the 
connection  in  which  I  mentioned  my  boys  and  no  other. 
I  did  say  that  when  I  was  a  boy  we  used  to  shoot 
crows  and  hang  them  up  on  a  pole  in  the  corn-field  as 
a  terror  to  evil-doers  [laughter],  and  I  said  perhaps  the 
time  might  come  when,  if  every  other  remedy  failed,  we 
might  hang  some  men  about  the  country  in  that  same 
way  as  a  terror  to  evil-doers ;  but  I  believed  the  remedy 
for  all  the  evils  of  which  we  complained  was  the  peace- 
ful remedy  of  the  ballot-box.  That  is  the  language 
which  has  been  so  tortured,  and  this  is  enough  on  that 
point.  I  have,  however,  this  comforting  reflection  in 
regard  to  all  tjjat  has  been  said  and  all  the  flings  at 
me  in  relation  to  that  speech,  that  if  you  want  to  find 
where  the  best  apples  are,  go  into  the  orchard  and 
look  for  the  tree  under  which  you  will  find  the  most 
clubs.  There  is  no  mistake  about  that  rule. 

"  Whence  comes  this  wrong — the  fact  that,  notwith- 
standing all  this  immense  production  of  all  the  necessa- 
ries of  human  life,  our  farms  are  still  under  mortgage  ? 
Take  another  fact  and  put  it  with  this  one — that  a 
careful  estimate  made  in  1866,  when  we  were  nearer 


350          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

out  of  debt  than  we  have  ever  been  in  the  history  of 
this  country,  since  the  high  prices  of  the  war  enabled  us 
to  pay  off  more  mortgages  and  personal  debts  than 
during  any  previous  period  of  our  existence.  The 
personal  debt  of  the  United  States  was  $1,900,000,000. 
Three-quarters  of  that,  or  about  $1,500,000,000  was 
borne  by  the  agriculturists  of  the  United  States.  When 
you  consider  that  this  latter  sum  has  to  be  carried  at 
an  average  rate  of  ten  per  cent,  per  annum,  is  it  any 
wonder  that  we  are  poor?  Couple  with  this  another 
fact,  that  the  annual  increase  of  the  wealth  of  the 
United  States  for  any  decade  during  the  very  best 
period  of  our  existence  has  never  exceeded  three  and  a- 
half  per  cent.,  that  is,  the  agriculturists  are  actually 
carrying  $1,500,000,000  at  ten  per  cent.,  while  the 
products  of  industry  nowhere,  taking  it  all  through, 
have  exceeded  three  and  a-half  per  cent.  Is  it  then  any 
wonder  you  are  poor,  and  that  with  each  year  the 
whole  agricultural  population  of  the  United  States  is 
growing  poorer  and  poorer,  while  those  who  handle  the 
products  of  our  labor  are  growing  richer  and  richer  ? 

"Take  Commodore  Vanderbilt,  for  example,  and 
suppose  that  twenty  years  ago  he  was  worth  $5,000,000, 
and  that  to-day  he  is  worth  $65,000/)00,  how  has  he 
accumulated  $60,000,000  in  twenty  years?  Mark  it, 
he  never  earned  a  dollar  in  his  life,  and  yet  he  has 
gotten  into  his  hands  $60,000,000  in  twenty  years.  I 
might  stop  right  here  and  not  say  another  word  on  the 
subject,  for  here  is  sufficient  proof  that  there  is  some- 
thing wrong  in  this  business,  owing  to  which  this  man 
has  accumulated  so  much.  How  did  he  do  it  ?  Has 
he  rendered  an  equivalent  in  the  service  he  has  per- 
formed for  us  in  transporting  our  productions  to  market, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       351 

or  has  he  not  ?  That  is  the  question.  If  he  has  not, 
then  we  have  been  wronged  of  just  so  much  money. 
For  everything  beyond  a  fair  and  reasonable  equivalent 
for  the  service  rendered  is  just  as  much  stolen  from  us 
as  if  he  held  a  pistol  at  your  head  and  said,  'Your 
money  or  your  life ; '  taking  it  because  you  had  no 
pistol  and  he  was  the  stronger. 

"  It  is  useless  to  try  to  dodge  this  proposition,  for  it 
can't  be  done.  When  a  man  who  has  earned  nothing 
by  productive  industry,  but  who  has  simply  handled 
the  products  of  labor,  has  accumulated  that  amount  in 
a  number  of  years,  it  is  a  proof  that  something  is  wrong. 
The  whole  wrong  lies  in  this,  that  we  are  getting  too 
little  for  our  products,  and  those  who  handle  them  are 
getting  too  much. 

"  Colonel  Coleman  has  shown  you  what  it  costs  to 
get  a  bushel  of  corn  or  wheat  to  market  from  where  he 
lives  in  Missouri,  and  we  all  know  what  it  costs  here, 
and  that  we  pay  three-fourths  of  the  product  of  our 
labor  to  get  the  other  fourth  to  market.  If  this  is  so, 
who  fixes  the  price  upon  your  labor?  What  have  you 
to  say  in  regard  to  its  price  any  more  than  did  the  slave 
of  the  South  in  the  days  of  his  worst  estate  ?  We  are 
in  fact  in  a  condition  of  slavery  unless  we  can  control 
the  price  of  our  own  labor.  If  you  fix  the  price  of  my 
labor  you  circumscribe  my  actions  and  fix  me  to  one 
plan  for  my  lifetime,  without  opportunity  for  rest  or 
recreation.  How  do  the  monopolists  get  these  prices  ? 
Take  the  plowmen  of  this  State ;  all  have  their  annual 
conventions.  They  come  together  and  agree  that  they 
will  have  just  so  much  for  plows  during  that  year,  no 
matter  what  we  may  get  for  our  products;  and  for  the 
last  two  years  they  have  asked  one  hundred  per  cent. 


352          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

on  the  cost  of  production.  Thus  that  combination 
makes  a  monopoly  of  the  plow  business.  No  matter 
what  agent  or  manufacturer  you  buy  of  you  have  to 
pay  the  same  per  cent.  There  are,  my  friends,  the  pork- 
packers,  from  all  the  principal  cities  in  this  Union,  who 
last  year  met  and  combined  to  fix  the  price  of  pork — 
you  know  this  as  well  as  I.  St.  Louis,  Milwaukee, 
Chicago,  Louisville,  and  Cincinnati  came  together  just 
as  they  are  going  to  convene  next  week  at  Cincinnati, 
and  fixed  the  price  of  our  pork  for  the  coming  year  just 
as  coolly  as  the  master  sold  the  slave  or  the  products 
of  his  labor.  Last  year  they  fixed  the  price  upon  your 
pork  at  $4  a  hundred  live  weight,  and  they  would  buy 
all  there  is  in  the  West  at  the  same  rate.  Of  course 
they  got  it,  and  if  they  had  fixed  the  price  at  $5  they 
would  have  had  it.  I  only  got  $3.25.  Probably  the 
high  price  for  freight  made  the  difference  in  your  case. 
What  right  had  they  to  do  this  ? 

"  Certain  people  denounce  me  because  I  use  strong 
language.  Colonel  Coleman  called  these  pork  men 
scoundrels,  and  I  believe  it's  a  good  word,  for  the  man 
who  robs  me  is  a  scoundrel.  They  combined  to  rob  us. 
The  scoundrels  came  together  and  fixed  their  price,  and 
the  pork  began  coming  in.  The  men  who  were  in  debt, 
and  whose  notes  for  these  reapers  and  mowers  had 
matured,  sold  first,  and  when  they  were  through  the 
stream  stopped.  It  costs  as  much  to  run  a  packing- 
house on  half  time  as  it  does  for  whole  time,  and  as  the 
pork  did  not  come  in  they  put  the  price  up  forty  cents 
a  hundred,  and  that  started  the  stream  again ;  and  the 
next  set  of  men  whose  notes  for  reapers  and  corn- 
planters  had  matured  sent  in  another  lot.  When  that 
was  worked  up  the  pork-packers  put  up  the  price 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       353 

another  forty  cents,  and  another  lot  came  along.  I 
admit  that  there  are  some  rich  farmers  in  our  coun- 
try, but  the  rich  ones  are  the  exception,  and  the 
poor  ones  the  rule.  That  is  the  difference.  But  did 
your  rich  men,  who  do  not  owe  a  dollar  in  the  world 
and  who  have  their  farms  stocked  and  paid,  stop  to 
think  who  fixed  the  price  on  your  pork  ?  Why,  the 
men  who  owned  the  first  notes  for  reapers  and  sold  the 
first  lot  of  hogs  fixed  the  price  of  yours  !  The  price  of 
your  products,  be  it  what  it  may,  is  determined  by  the 
figure  at  which  those  who  must  sell  dispose  of  theirs. 
Those  who  must  sell  fix  the  price  for  those  who  need 
not.  Is  it  not  then  worth  while  to  have  a  union  of  all 
interests,  to  come  together  and  be  brothers  in  fact  as  in 
name  ?  We  can  protect  each  other,  and  while  we  pro- 
tect our  poor  neighbor  and  assist  him  over  a  tight  place, 
we  are  protecting  ourselves,  because  if  he  must  sell  at 
twenty  cents,  that  fixes  the  price  upon  our  corn.  Com- 
bination will  beat  combination.  It  is  to  your  interest 
to  come  together  in  these  farmers'  clubs,  granges, 
organizations,  and  combinations,  for  a  common  purpose, 
which  is  the  mutual  self-protection  of  the  whole  people. 
Did  you  ever  stop  to  think,  my  friend,  that  not  a  single 
locomotive  nor  car  can  be  run  over  these  prairies  of  ours 
without  the  oil  manufactured  from  the  hog,  and  with 
which  they  grease  their  wheels  ?  Shut  down  on  your 
pork  for  one  season,  and  you  dry  up  every  locomotive 
in  the  State.  They  cannot  run  a  day  without  you,  nor 
can  people  do  without  pork  as  an  article  of  food,  without 
lard,  or  your  other  products.  The  wheels  of  the  world 
will  not  go  unless  you  grease  them  with  the  products 
of  your  toil.  When  you  come  together  and  enter  into 
a  combination  of  this  sort  by  your  State,  county,  town- 


354          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ship,  or  precinct  associations,  one  auxiliary  to  the 
others  all  the  way  up,  and  when  the  machinery  is  per- 
fect, I  say  you  have  a  combination  that  is  irresistible, 
for  the  reason  that  you  hold  in  your  hands  the  bread- 
stuffs  which  feed  the  world,  and  when  you  look  at  your 
corn-cribs  and  granaries  and  refuse  to  open  them,  you 
bring  the  world  to  your  feet  at  once,  because  it  cannot 
exist  one  day  without  you. 

"  Increase  in  taxation,  then,  is  another  wrong  which 
we  have  brought  upon  ourselves,  and  we  might  as  well 
look  it  squarely  in  the  face  and  right  it.  When  I  went 
on  the  farm  seventeen  years  ago  it  took  a  $10  gold  piece 
to  pay  the  taxes,  and  now  it  takes  seven  and  a-half  of 
them,  which  is  an  advance  of  a  little  over  seven  hundred 
per  cent.  But  what  corresponding  benefit  have  I,  in 
God's  name,  for  that  increase  of  taxes  ?  Is  it  not  time 
for  us  to  look  into  it,  and  inquire  of  our  public  servants 
how  it  happens  that  our  taxes  increase,  and  what  they 
give  us  in  exchange  for  them  ?  Did  you  know  that 
they  are  multiplying  officers  and  expenses,  and  voting 
away  thousands  upon  thousands  of  dollars  with  a  per- 
fect disregard  of  the  interest  of  the  tax-payers  ?  I  am 
told  that  a  county  not  a  hundred  miles  from  here  used 
to  be  run  for  $300  a  year,  and  now  it  costs  $2500. 
Did  you  ever  stop  to  think  that  it  takes  the  product  of 
a  whole  township  to  feed  a  judge  ?  Our  Circuit  Judge 
eats  up  all  we  earn  in  a  township  in  a  year.  Is  not  he 
a  monstrous  eater  ?  Is  it  not  time  we  tried  to  look  into 
this  matter  and  see  if  we  could  not  get  some  man  who 
would  eat  less  ?  It  costs  too  much  to  board  that  kind 
of  cattle.  Think  of  what  you  are  getting  for  your  pro- 
ducts, and  of  what  you  are  -paying  for  his  service.  Is 
there  any  reason,  justice,  or  right  in  all  this?" 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      355 

Mr.  Smith  then  touched  upon  the  salary  grab,  which 
he  roundly  denounced.  Of  President  Grant  he  said : 
"  The  President  who  signed  that  bill  which  put  $100,000 
in  his  pocket  is  not  one  bit  better  in  my  estimation 
than  the  men  who  voted  for  it  and  took  the  steal.  You 
will  pardon  me  for  using  such  harsh  expressions  as  that, 
when  I  tell  you  I  have  been  a  Republican  ever  since 
the  party  started,  and  went  right  straight  along  with 
it.  But,  thank  God,  I  did  not  vote  for  General  Grant 
the  last  time.  I  have  not  that  sin  to  answer  for,  at  any 
rate.  But  let  me  say,  I  do  not  feel  a  bit  better  about 
it,  and  I  do  not  think  I  degraded  myself  a  bit  more 
voting  for  him  the  first  time  than  any  Democrat  who 
voted  for  James  Buchanan.  I  should  think  there  is 
but  very  little  to  choose  between  them."  In  pursuing 
this  political  topic,  Mr.  Smith  spoke  of  the  Democratic 
party,  which,  he  said,  died  twelve  years  ago.  Still  he 
wanted  to  fix  it  as  the  boy  did  the  dog :  " '  I  know  he  is 
dead,  but  I  want  to  make  him  deader.'  The  people 
have  spewed  it  out  of  their  mouths  because  of  its  cor- 
ruption, and  they  will  spew  the  Republican  party  out 
of  their  mouths  for  the  same  reason. 

"  No  reform  is  possible  within  the  existing  parties. 
History  has  proven  that  no  reform  was  ever  yet  worked 
inside  the  party  or  sect  in  which  originated  the  corrup- 
tions complained  of.  From  Martin  Luther  down  all 
the  great  social,  political  and  religious  reforms  that 
have  ever  been  accomplished  began  clear  down  among 
the  common  people  and  worked  upwards,  while  all 
oppressions,  wrongs  and  corruptions  began  up  yonder 
and  worked  downward.  When  I  began  this  movement 
I  said  I  would  seek  to  accomplish  these  reforms  inside 
of  the  Republican  party  if  I  can,  outside  of  it  if  I  must. 


356          HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT  J    OR, 

But  that  salary  grab,  the  action  of  our  Legislature  last 
winter,  of  the  Republican  Legislature  of  Indiana  upon 
this  matter  last  winter,  and  that  of  the  Iowa  Legisla- 
ture, which  snubbed  the  Grangers,  have  convinced  me 
that  there  is  no  redress  for  us  inside  any  party  organi- 
zation except  our  own.  I  have  been  voted — that  is  the 
word — ever  since  I  was  twenty-one,  and  now  I  am 
going  to  vote ;  that  is  the  difference.  I  have  been  led 
up  to  the  polls  all  these  years  like  cattle,  and  have  been 
voted.  Now,  in  God's  name,  let  us  go  to  voting.  When 
you  do  that  you  will  make  the  '  fur  fly/  When  you 
decide  that  you  will  do  that,  you  will  see  more  than 
one  fellow  around  with  hayseed  in  his  hair  and  in  his 
clothes.  My  advice  is  simply  this ;  to  vote  as  farmers. 
Did  you  ever  stop  to  think  that  you  had  three-fifths  and 
a  fraction  over  of  all  the  votes  in  this  State  ?  Yet,  with 
all  that  numerical  superiority,  what  have  you  done  in 
electing  men  to  office  to  protect  your  interests  ?  Think 
what  power  you  have.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  these  fel- 
lows are  ready  to  bow  right  down  to  us  when  they  think 
of  the  power  we  hold  as  voters  ?  Is  it  any  wonder  that 
they  are  willing  to  concede  to  us  a  great  many  things  and 
a  great  many  rights  they  have  always  denied  us  hereto- 
fore ?  As  for  myself,  so  help  me  heaven,  no  man  who 
has  once  betrayed  my  trust,  no  man  who  took  that 
salary  steal,  from  the  President  down  to  the  lowest  of 
them,  will  ever  get  my  vote  for  any  office  whatever, 
not  even  for  postmaster;  and  I  say,  as  I  did  on  the 
Fourth  of  July,  that  if  any  one  of  these  men  is  ever 
elected  again  outside  of  certain  large  cities,  it  will  be 
agricultural  votes  that  will  elect  him.  And  I  said,  and, 
repeat  the  expression,  that  if  they  are  thus  elected  you 
deserve  to  go  right  in  and  work  thirty  months  to  pay 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      357 

.s 

them  for  one  in  the  public  service.  If  you  are  wronged 
in  the  future  do  not  complain,  for  you  have  it  in  your 
power  to  remedy  the  evil  by  these  combinations  ;  but 
let  them  be  for  good,  mind  you,  not  for  evil.  Let  us 
combine.  I  saw  a  man  at  our  national  Congress  who 
said  :  '  When  I  left  southwestern  Georgia  I  paid  a  dol- 
lar a  bushel  for  your  prairie  corn.  I  come  out  here  and 
I  find  that  you  are  getting  twenty  cents  a  bushel  for 
it,  and  that  therefore  somebody  got  eighty  cents  for 
fetching  it  to  me.  You  ought  to  have  half  a  dollar  for 
that  corn,  and  I  ought  to  get  it  for  seventy-five  cents ; 
and  then  the  fellows  who  fetch  it  to  us  would  get  twenty- 
five  cents  instead  of  eighty,  and  that  would  equalize  the 
thing.  I  would  rather  pay  seventy-five  cents  than  one 
dollar,  and  you  never  ought  to-  raise  a  bushel  of  corn  for 
less  than  half  a  dollar.'  And  so  say  I.  You  never 
should  sell  a  bushel  short  of  half  a  dollar,  and  you  can 
have  it  the  moment  you  say  you  will.  If  your  poor 
neighbors  must  sell,  furnish  them  the  money;  make 
up  a  purse  for  them,  lend  them  the  money  on  their 
cribs  and  enable  them  to  hold  on  till  the  price  is  up. 
People  cannot  eat  dry  goods  and  nails;  but  we  can  be 
self-supporting  on  a  farm ;  and  there  is  where  we  have 
got  the  advantage,  for  we  can  make  our  farms  support 
us,  as  we  did  when  I  was  a  boy,  when  we  spun  linen 
and  muslin,  and  made  everything  we  used.  They  must 
have  our  products,  and  the  power  to  fix  a  price  upon 
them  is  in  our  hands  the  moment  we  get  ready  for  it,  and 
that  within  a  year,  if  we  are  wise  in  this  matter.  First 
begin  by  organizing  everywhere;  not  for  extortion,  not 
for  robbery,  but  to  execute  the  first  law  of  nature,  that 
of  self-protection.  Onranize,  that  we  may  be  strong 
against  the  many.  While  segregated  we  are  weak; 


358          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

aggregated  we  are  a  power  which  will  be  irresistible  for 

good  to  ourselves." 

The  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  gives 

the  following  account  of  an  interview  with  Mr.  Smith  : 
"  The  great  apostle  of  the  farmers'  movement  in  this 

State,  the  man  who  planned  the  organization  of  the 

farmers,  and  by  his  earnest,  well-directed  efforts,  has 

done  more  than  any 
other  to  give  it  shape 
and  make  it  an  ef- 
fective power,  is  S. 
M.  Smith,  Secretary 
of  the  State  Farmers' 
Association,  and 
himself  a  plain,  hard- 
working prairie  far- 
mer, residing  about 
two  miles  from  this 
village.  A  native  of 
Connecticut,  and  de- 
scended from  one  of 
those  frugal,  hard- 
working New-Eng- 
land farmers  who 

S.  M.  SMITH,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  I-LLI-      ,  ,,         marks       f 

NOIS  STATE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 

their     enterprise 

wherever  they  go,  he  came  to  Illinois  seventeen  years 
ago,  gave  up  his  business  of  woollen  manufacturer, 
and  hired  Willow  Farm,  which  he  now  owns.  The 
place,  though  situated  in  the  midst  of  one  of  the  rich- 
est prairies  of  Illinois,  had  then,  after  nearly  twenty 
years'  cultivation,  been  little  improved.  A  very  small 
house,  such  as  one  may  see  upon  the  poorer  farms  of 


THE   FARMERS   WAR   AGAINST    MONOPOLIES.         3o9 

the  East,  a  few  apple  trees  and  some  straw  sheds  to 
shelter  the  stock  in  the  Winter,  were  all  that  the 
owner  had  been  able  to  add  to  the  place  to  promote  the 
comfort  of  his  family,  or  increase  the  value  of  his  farm. 
Mr.  Smith  has  enlarged  the  house,  though  it  is  still 
very  unpretentious  and  far  from  modern  in  its  appoint- 
ments, planted  trees,  ditched  the  land  in  the  low  places, 
and  placed  the  whole  under  a  very  high  state  of  culti- 
vation. His  barns  are  still  of  logs  thatched  with  straw, 
but  his  stock  is  in  good  condition,  and  everything  about 
the  place  bespeaks  the  thrift  as  well  as  the  good  taste 
of  its  owner.  Mr.  Smith  himself  is  past  sixty  years  of 
age,  though  time  has  touched  him  rather  lightly  arid 
left  him  all  the  energy  and  enthusiasm  of  a  young  man. 
A  great  lover  of  books,  his  well-selected  library  is  about 
the  only  luxury  in  which,  as  a  farmer,  he  has  been 
able  to  indulge  himself  and  his  family,  and,  of  all  his 
books,  he  prizes  most  highly  a  complete  bound  file  of 
Mr.  Greeley's  New  Yorker,  for  which,  as  Mr.  Greeley 
afterward  assured  him,  he  raised  the  first  club.  From 
that  day  to  this  the  New  Yorker,  the  Jeffersonian,  the 
Log  Cabin,  or  the  New  York  Tribune,  has  been  constantly 
read  by  Mr.  Smith  and  his  family.  The  truth  is,  I 
hardly  find  a  farmer  in  the  West,  who  reads  or  thinks 
for  himself,  and  who  does  not  speak  of  Mr.  Greeley  as 
having  been  his  personal  friend.  You  will  find  the 
portrait  of  the  founder  of  the  Tribune  hanging  in  almost 
every  farmer's  parlor. 

"  In  one  corner  of  the  apartment  which  serves  as  the 
farmer's  dining-room  and  the  family  sitting-room,  Mr. 
Smith  has  a  table  covered  with  letters,  documents,  and 
newspapers;  and  here,  between  the  intervals  of  farm 
labor,  and  assisted  by  wife  and  son,  a  lad  about  14  years 


3GO          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

of  age,  he  has  conducted  the  correspondence  which  has 
united  the  farmers  of  the  State,  and  prepared  the  speeches 
that  have  roused  them  from  their  apathy.  Mr.  Smith 
met  me  at  the  hotel,  and  invited  me  to  Willow  Farm, 
remarking  that  we  should  have  a  much  better  oppor- 
tunity to  talk  there,  and  that  he  had  some  letters  and 
documents  which  he  desired  to  show  me.  I  think  that 
I  have  before  said  in  one  of  my  letters,  that  the  farmers 
of  this  State  have  two  distinct  organizations.  The 
Grange  is  a  secret  organization  extending  over  many  of 
the  States,  non-political  in  its  character.  The  initia- 
tion fee  of  the  Grange  is  five  dollars  for  men,  and  three 
dollars  for  women,  and  a  tax  of  ten  cents  a  month  is 
collected  from  each  member.  Entirely  distinct  from 
the  Grange  is  the  Farmers'  Club,  an  open  society,  which 
until  the  formation  or  the  State  Association,  was 
entirely  independent.  In  October  last,  Mr.  Smith,  who 
was  then  Secretary  of  the  Farmers'  Club  of  this  place, 
called  a  meeting  to  be  held  in  Kewanee,  on  the  16th 
and  17th  of  that  month,  and  about  fifty  delegates  from 
farmers'  clubs  and  granges  attended.  The  sessions 
were  held  in  a  large  hall,  and  a  few  of  the  citizens 
occasionally  dropped  in,  saw  a  small  knot  of  people  in 
one  corner  of  the  room,  laughed  and  went  out.  But 
those  few  men  formed  the  State  Association,  appointed 
a  State  Central  Committee,  and  a  committee  of  one  from 
each  county.  The  Executive  Committee  there  chosen 
issued  the  call  for  the  Bloomington  Convention  of  last 
January,  probably  the  most  important  farmers'  meeting 
ever  held  in  this  State.  It  is  of  this  State  Association, 
composed  of  delegates  from  both  clubs  and  granges, 
that  Mr.  Smith  is  Secretary. 

"Until  I  met  Mr.  Smith,  I  had  been  unable  to  get  any 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      361 

very  clear  idea  of  the  exact  grounds  of  the  farmers'  com- 
plaints. 'Railroad  extortion,'  '  Unjust  Discrimination/ 
'  Monopoly,'  are  general  terms  freely  used  by  the 
farmers,  but  just  what  constituted  them  I  was  unable 
to  find  out.  One  of  my  first  questions,  therefore,  was 
whether  the  farmers  of  this  State  were  not  prosperous. 
I  told  him  that  the  people  of  the  East,  hearing  of  the 
wonderful  fertility  of  Illinois  soil,  supposed  the  farmers 
who  had  been  here  for  any  length  of  time  must  be  a 
well-to-do,  comfortably  situated  class  of  people.  Mr. 
Smith  replied  that  this  was  a  very  erroneous  idea. 
*  The  majority  of  the  farmers  of  this  State,'  he  said, 
'have  hard  work  to  support  their  families.  Year  by 
year  new  mortgages  are  given  to  pay  new  debts,  and  it 
is  the  exception  rather  than  the  rule  for  a  farmer  to  be 
saving  anything.  At  least  one-half  of  the  farms  in  this 
part  of  the  State  are  mortgaged  for  money  borrowed  at 
ten  per  cent,  interest,  and  the  majority  of  them  will 
never  be  redeemed.  You  let  it  be  known  that  a  man 
in  this  village  has  a  thousand  dollars  to  lend  on  first- 
class  security,  and  he  will  have  a  dozen  applications 
before  night!' 

"  '  Have  these  mortgages  been  given  for  balances  due 
on  farms  purchased,  or  for  money  borrowed  after  the 
farms  have  been  paid  for?'  I  asked. 

"'In  some  cases  they  represent  a  part  of  the  purchase 
money  of  the  farms,  but  in  most  cases  the  farmers  have 
been  obliged  to  borrow  because  they  have  been  running 
behind.  Nobody  can  make  anything  by  farming  here 
unless  he  has  a  large  farm,  and  I'll  tell  you  by-and-by 
why,  with  plenty  of  land,  a  man  can  make  a  little ; 
but  even  then  he  can  seldom  realize  ordinary  interest 
on  his  investment.  Now,  I  have  here  a  good  farm,  and 


302          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


you  can  see  what  I  have  made  of  it.  But  I  never 
could  have  paid  for  it  in  the  sixteen  years  I  have  been 
here  from  the  profits  of  farming.  I  was  successful  in  a 
little  speculation,  and  made  enough  to  buy  the  land.' 

"  l  The  railroad  men  say  that  you  farmers  are  extrava- 
gant in  your  living  j  that  during  your  years  of  prosperity 
the  silk  dress  got  into  the  family,  and  that  you  have 

never  been  able  to 
get  it  out — in  short, 
that  you  are  indulg- 
ing in  a  style  of  liv- 
ing wholly  unknown 
among  you  a  few 


years  ago. 

«<It   is 


so, 


not 

was  the  reply.  i  If 
you  will  notice  the 
little  boxes  of  houses 
in  which  the  most 
of  our  farmers  live, 
with  almost  nothing 
about  them  to  make 
them  attractive,  and 
then  if  you  could  go 
into  them  and  see 
how  meanly  they  are 
furnished,  and  how  the  inmates  have  to  economize  and 
count  every  cent  they  expend,  you  would  see  that  the 
assertion  is  not  true.  Take  the  farmers  who  live  within 
ten  miles  west  of  me,  and  I  don't  believe  the  whole  of  them 
spend  $15  a  year  in  reading  matter ;  and  as  for  dress, 
your  mechanics,  who  work  by  the  day,  and  their  families, 
are  much  better  clad.  All  over  these  prairies  you  see 


W.  C.  FLAGG,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  ILLI- 
NOIS STATE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      363 

magnificent  fields  of  corn ;  but  if  it  costs  the  farmer 
more  to  raise  it  than  he  can  get  for  it,  a  good  crop  is  no 
sign  of  prosperity.' 

"  *  Is  it  true  that  you  have  to  sell  your  corn  for  less 
than  what  it  costs  you  to  produce  it  ?  '  I  asked. . 

"  '  Certainly,  and  I  can  demonstrate  it  to  you/  was  the 
reply.  *  I  have  given  the  matter  very  careful  study  for 
years,  and  I  think  I  can  tell  just  about  how  much  it 
costs  me  to  raise  a  bushel  of  corn.  You  may  take  first 
the  labor.  I  think  any  farmer  will  tell  you  that  it 
takes  a  man  and  a  team  at  least  five  days  to  plow,  har- 
row, mark  out,  plant,  cultivate,  harvest,  and  house  an 
acre  of  corn.  It  can't  be  done  in  less  time.  Two  dol- 
lars a  day  is  no  more  than  a  fair  price  for  the  work  of 
a  man  and  a  team.  Then  the  first  item  of  expense  is 
$10.  The  land  in  this  county  is  assessed  at  $33.33i  an 
acre ;  it  is  worth,  unless  the  sale  of  the  whole  of  it 
should  be  forced,  $40;  I  refused  $68  an  acre  for  my 
farm  last  year.  Interest  at  10  per  cent,  on  $40  for  one 
year  is  $4.  Fifty  bushels  of  corn  to  an  acre  is  more 

•J  */ 

than  the  average  of  this  c'ounty.  To  shell  a  bushel 
of  corn  and  haul  it  two  miles  to  Kewanee,  with  taxes, 
the  wear  and  tear  on  farming  implements,  etc.,  costs  at 
least  five  cents  a  bushel,  or  $2.50  for  the  crop  on  an 
acre.  So  you  see  my  acre  of  corn  has  cost  me  $16.50. 
Corn  is  now  worth  in  Kewanee  twenty  cents  a  bushel. 
My  fifty  bushels  will,  therefore,  bring  me  only  $10. 
That  is,  I  barely  get  pay  for  my  labor,  while  I  lose  the 
interest  on  the  money  invested  in  my  farm,  the  wear 
and  tear  of  machinery,  and  get  nothing  for  shelling  and 
carting,  or  with  which  to  pay  my  taxes.  Again,  the 
bushel  of  corn  has  cost  me  33  cents.  I  suppose  we  can 
raise  corn  at  a  profit  for  thirty  cents  a  bushel.  Our 


364         HISTORY  OF  THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

farmers  don't  expect  to  get  10  per  cent,  interest  on 
their  investments,  though  they  have  as  good  a  right  to 
it  as  the  capitalist  or  merchant.  Then  there  is  one 
other  thing  which  I  did  not  take  into  account.  The 
stalks  have  no  cash  value,  but  they  furnish  fodder  for  our 
stock.  The  only  thing  that  has  saved  the  Illinois  far- 
mer from  complete  ruin  and  bankruptcy  has  been  his 
stock.  After  our  corn  has  been  husked,  we  turn  our 
cattle  into  the  fields  and  they  will  come  out  in  the 
Spring  fat.  I  said  that  I  would  tell  you  why  a  large 
farm  might  be  made  to  pay,  where  a  small  one  could 
not.  If  a  man  has  a  large  farm  and  capital  enough  he 
can  make  money  raising  stock  and  hogs,  because  each 
will  get  a  certain  percentage  of  its  growth  from  material 
on  the  farm  that  has  no  market,  and  is,  therefore,  really 
of  no  value  unless  used  in  this  way.  Beside,  the  corn 
which  I  feed  to  my  stock  and  pigs,  brings  me  much 
more  than  twenty  cents  a  bushel. 

" i  I  can  give  you  some  striking  examples  of  the  pro- 
fit of  raising  corn  and  wheat  in  this  vicinity,  if  you  de- 
sire. One  forenoon  a  man  went  past  here  with  a  load 
of  sixty  bushels  of  corn.  He  said  that  he  had  come  a 
long"  distance — had  started  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. As  he  returned  in  the  afternoon,  I  asked  him  how 
much  he  had  got  for  his  load  of  corn.  He  held  up  two 
pairs  of  boys'  boots,  and  said  that  his  sixty  bushels  of 
corn,  and  $1  in  cash,  had  just  purchased  them.  It 
took  at  least  seven  days'  labor  of  a  man  and  team  to 
raise  that  corn,  and  another  long  day  to  haul  it  to  mar- 
ket, to  say  nothing  of  interest  on  the  farmer's  invest- 
ment and  other  expenses.  I  judge  that  each  pair  of 
boots  cost  about  five  days'  labor,  or  its  equivalent.  I 
knew  another  man  who  took  a  ton  of  corn  to  market 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      365 

for  the  purpose  of  buying  coal.  It  purchased  just  a 
ton,  and  he  spent  a  day  with  his  team  in  hauling.  One 
year  I  raised  3600  bushels  of  wheat,  and  kept  a  careful 
account  of  its  cost.  When  I  sold  it,  and  balanced  my 
books,  I  found  that  I  had  for  my  own  labor,  which  I 
had  not  charged,  and  that  of  my  wife,  who  had  a  terri- 
bly hard  time  of  it  cooking  for  harvesters  and  threshers 
during  the  hot  weather  of  midsummer,  just  $300 ! 
Why,  sir,  $1000  would  not  have  paid  for  that  summer's 
work.  Wheat  is  so  uncertain  a  crop,  it  has  so  many 
enemies  from  the  time  it  is  sown  until  it  is  threshed, 
and  it  is  so  exacting  of  the  farmer  who  must  attend  to 
it  at  certain  time,  or  he  will  lose  it,  that  we  can't  afford 
to  raise  it  for  less  than  ninety  cents  a  bushel. 

" '  Now  there  is  something  wrong  in  all  this.  With 
our  productive  soil,  and  facilities  for  reaching  market, 
the  farmers  of  Illinois  ought  to  be  fore-handed,  comfort- 
ably housed  and  clothed,  and  able  to  save  a  little  every 
year,  instead  of  getting  deeper  and  deeper  into  debt. 
We  are  an  intelligent,  hard-working,  economical  people, 
and  every  one  of  us  who  owns  his  farm  is  to  that  ex- 
tent a  capitalist  j  and  we  ought  to  be  able  to  do  as  well 
as  the  journeyman  mechanic,  with  less  education  than 
we  and  no  capital.  It  is  not  right  that  the  Chicago, 
Burlington  &  Quincy  Railroad,  which  only  moves  our 
crop  to  Chicago,  a  distance  of  132  miles,  and  the  trade 
in  that  city  who  handles  it,  should  be  growing  enor- 
mously rich,  while  we  are  growing  poorer.  It  is  not 
worth  eleven  cents  a  bushel  to  take  our  corn  from  here 
to  Chicago,  and  the  railroad  that  is  charging  it  is  rob- 
bing us  of  a  part  of  the  fruits  of  our  labor.' 

" '  Mr.  Walker,  the  President  of  this  road,  told  me 
that  railroad  property  in  Illinois  was  not  profitable, 


366          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

and  while  he  admitted  that  his  road  was  one  of  the  few 
that  are  paying  dividends,  I  inferred  from  what  he  said 
that  it  was  making  only  fair  profits,'  I  remarked.  '  He 
said  also,  that  when  you  farmers  complain  that  railroad 
corporations  are  getting  rich,  you  forget  that  while  your 
farms  were  bought  for  from  $1.25  to  $5  an  acre,  they 
are  now  worth  on  an  average,  from  $50  to  $75,  and 
some  of  them  even  $100.' 

"  <  We  don't  forget  that,'  said  Mr.  Smith  ;  'but  let  us 
see,  now,  how  much  it  amounts  to.  This  country  was 
settled  about  forty  years  ago  by  men  who  came  into 
what  was  then  a  wilderness,  lived  for  years  in  log 
cabins,  and  were  deprived  of  every  comfort  and  luxury 
of  civilized  life.  Suppose  that  they  had  remained  and 
still  hold  the  land,  its  enhancement  represents  all  those 
privations,  and  besides  the  toil  not  only  of  the  head  of 
the  family,  but  in  many  cases  of  all  its  members  for 
forty  years.  Fifty  dollars  an  acre  is  a  high  price  for 
the  average  land  in  this  county.  The  increase  in  value 
on  an  eighty-acre  farm  has  been  less  than  $4000.  Be- 
side this  we  have  barely  made  a  living.  Perhaps  Mr. 
.Walker  and  his  family  would  like  to  try  it. 

" '  And  now  in  regard  to  this  railroad,  I'll  give  you  a 
few  facts,  and  then  you  can  see  whether  it  is  paying 
more  than  a  fair  percentage  or  not.  It  has  paid  a  divi- 
dend from  the  very  start,  and  in  addition  to  that  it  has 
been  constantly  laying  by  a  surplus.  Sometimes  this 
surplus  has  been  used  to  water  the  stock,  and  sometimes 
in  other  ways,  as  I  will  tell  you.  The  road  has  numer- 
ous branches  or  feeders.  Each  of  these  has  been  nomi- 
nally built  by  a  separate  company.  The  towns  along 
the  line  have  been  induced  to  subscribe  for  stock  and 
give  town  or  county  bonds  for  it.  These  bonds  have 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      367 

paid  for  grading  and  putting  down  the  ties.  Then  the 
company  has  mortgaged  the  road  to  raise  money  to 
complete  it.  In  a  few  years  it  has  to  be  sold  for  the 
benefit  of  the  mortgagees ;  the  stock,  which  is  mostly 
held  by  the  towns  and  counties,  and  for  which  they 
issued  their  bonds,  is  wiped  out,  the  Burlington  Rail- 
road buys  the  branch  for  perhaps  one-half  or  two-thirds 
its  cost,  pays  the  mortgage  out  of  its  surplus,  issues  new 
stock  and  divides  it  among  its  own  stockholders.  These 
men  that  get  the  stock  never  paid  a  cent  for  it.  In 
some  cases,  instead  of  dividing  new  stock,  they  divide 
the  bonds,  a  dividend  of  this  kind  amounting  to  sixty 
per  cent,  of  the  capital  having  been  recently  made.  I 
have  been  told  of  a  man  whose  original  investment  of 
$100  in  the  stock  of  this  road  has  increased  to  $20,000. 
I  don't  believe  it,  but  I  do  believe  that  every  dollar's 
worth  of  stock  originally  put  in  has  been  so  much 
watered  as  to  represent  now  a  good  many  dollars. 

" '  You  say  President  Walker  told  you  that  it  required 
large  sums  of  money  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the 
railroads  as  the  country  becomes  more  densely  settled. 
We  don't  object  to  that.  If  a  road  needs  to  be  extended, 
let  the  company  issue  new  stock  and  get  the  money  for 
it.  No  farmer  in  this  State  will  complain  as  long  as 
the  railroads  do  not  make  more  than  10  per  cent,  on 
the  money  actually  paid  in.  What  we  do  object  to  is 
paying  such  exorbitant  rates  for  freight;  we  don't  think 
it  right  that  this  Burlington  Road  should  be  able,  be- 
side paying  a  dividend,  to  lay  by  a  surplus ;  then,  when 
they  spend  that  surplus  in  building  a  new  road,  they 
ought  not  to  expect  the  farmers  to  pay  them  such  high 
rates  that  they  can  divide  10  per  cent,  on  their  surplus. 
In  other  words,  they  extort  from  us,  unjustly,  $1,000,* 


368          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

000,  and  then  come  and  expect  to  realize,  out  of  our 
crops,  10  per  cent,  on  the  money  that  ought  to  be  in 
our  pockets.  That's  what  we  call  extortion. 

" '  Judge  Beckwith  of  the  Alton  Road  tells  you  that 
millions  of  dollars  have  been  sunk  in  the  railroads  of 
this  State.  I  have  no  doubt  that  is  true.  He  says  that 
if  you  take  the  cost  of  each  item  that  entered  into  the 
construction  of  a  road,  there  is  not  a  road  in  the  State 
that  pays  a  fair  percentage  on  that  amount.  Well, 
what  of  it?  Does  Judge  Beckwith  expect  to  get  10 
per  cent,  interest  on  all  the  money  that  has  been  sunk 
in  establishing  railroads  ?  Suppose  the  man  who  pre- 
ceded me  paid  $2000  for  this  farm  and  sunk  $5000 
more  in  improving  it ;  then  suppose  I  come  and  buy  it 
for  $5000,  must  I  expect  that  the  farm  will  pay  me 
interest  on  $12,000  ?  Yet  this  seems  to  me  the  reason- 
ing of  the  railroad  managers.  I  think  I  know  the 
farmers  of  this  State  pretty  well,  and  I  tell  you  only 
the  truth  when  I  say  that  we  don't  ask  the  railroads  to 
serve  us  for  nothing,  nor  for  any  cheaper  rates  than 
they  can  fairly  afford.  Then,  if  we  are  no  better  off 
we  will  look  elsewhere  for  the  remedy.  But  I  tell  you, 
eleven  cents  a  bushel  is  too  much  for  carrying  corn 
from  here  to  Chicago,  where  it  is  delivered  here  in  the 
elevator,  is  carried  over  only  one  road  and  delivered  in 
the  company's  own  warehouse,  and  nothing  short  of 
the  figures  showing  the  exact  cost  of  the  service  will 
convince  us  that  we  are  not  robbed  by  the  railroad  of- 
a  part  of  the  price  of  every  bushel  of  corn  carried 
over  it. 

" '  We  think  the  leading  railroads  of  this  State,  besides 
charging  us  too  high  rates  for  the  benefit  of  the  stock- 
holders, are  not  managed  as  economically  as  they  might 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       369 

be,  and  that  there  are  "  rings  "  connected  with  some  of 
them  which  are  increasing  the  cost  of  running  the  roads 
for  their  own  benefit/  continued  Mr.  Smith.  '  It 
is  generally  hard  to  discover  just  where  the  swindle 
is,  because  when  the  officers  of  a  road  manage  it  so  that 
the  dividends  come  regularly,  the  stockholders  are  not 
often  very  watchful  over  them.  Sometimes,  however, 
we  get  hold  of  a  fact.  Now  here  is  the  Burlington  & 
Quincy  road,  which  has  in  Kewanee  a  patent  shoot  for 
coal.  It  takes  at  this  point  forty  tons  a  day.  The 
miner  will  sell  me  coal  at  the  bank  for  seven  cents  a 
bushel — that  is,  $1.75  a  ton.  He  carts  it  a  mile  and 
delivers  it  in  the  railroad  shoot  for  eleven  cents  a 
bushel,  or  $2.75  a  ton.  He  pays  one  cent  a  bushel,  or 
twenty-five  cents  a  ton,  for  carting.  This  leaves  seventy- 
five  cents  a  ton,  or  $30  a  day,  on  the  amount  delivered, 
which  the  miner  charges  the  railroad  company  buying 
coal  at  wholesale  in  excesa  of  what  he  charges  me,  when 
I  buy  by  the  single  ton.  Now  there  must  be  some  cat 
under  that  meal.  Again,  I  met,  recently,  a  gentleman 
w^ho  is  engaged  in  coal  mining  in  Indiana.  He  told  me 
that  a  shaft  had  been  opened  a  few  rods  from  one  of  the 
branches  of  this  Burlington  road,  and,  having  agreed 
with  the  owner  to  take  his  coal  at  $1.25  a  ton,  he  went 
to  the  railroad  company  to  arrange  for  its  .transporta- 
tion. A  few  miles  further  down  the  road  was  another 
mine,  and  he  thought  he  ought  to  have  rates  similar  to 
those  the  company  mining  there  had.  The  general 
freight  agent  refused  to  supply  him  with  any  cars  at  all 
— I  suppose  he  pretended  not  to  have  them.  An 
investigation  showed  that  at  the  old  mine  the  railroad 
company  was  paying  $1.75  a  ton  for  coal — fifty  cents  a 
ton  more  than  it  was  worth  there — and  there  are  strong 
24 


370          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

grounds  for  suspecting  that  some  of  the  officers  of  the 
road  are  interested  in  the  mine. 

"  '  The  railroad  managers  say  that  while  the  "  fast 
freight"  lines  may  conflict  with  the  interests  of  the 
stockholders  of  a  road,  they  don't  injure  the  farmers. 
I  contend  that  they  do.  The  rates  of  freight  arid  fare 
are  fixed  with  reference  to  the  dividends  that  it  is 
desired  to  make.  Anything,  therefore,  that  reduces 
the  profits  to  the  stockholders  increases  the  rates  which 
the  farmer  has  to  pay.  Suppose  this  Burlington  road 
should  actually  make  only  three  per  cent,  this  year, 
don't  you  suppose  they  would  raise  their  rates  the  next  ? 
At  the  same  time  the  "  ring,"  comprising  some  of  the 
officers  of  the  road,  may  he  making  enough  on  "  fast 
freight "  lines,  "  palace  car "  lines,  and  other  inside 
arrangements,  to  increase  the  dividends  very  greatly, 
were  the  profits  divided  among  the  stockholders.  These 
are  but  a  few  of  the  abuses  of  which  we  complain.  On 
some  of  the  roads  there  are  "  construction  rings  "  and 
"  rings  "  of  various  kinds.  All  we  ask  is  that  the  rail- 
roads shall  be  honestly  managed  ;  that  the  "  rings  "  shall 
be  broken,  and  then  we  are  willing  to  pay  for  moving 
our  crops  such  prices  as  will  fairly  remunerate  the  rail- 
road companies.' 

"  '  How  do  you  propose  to  bring  about  this  reform  ? ' 
I  asked. 

" '  We  hold,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  Legislature 
has  a  right  to  control  the  railroads.  It  has  a  right  to 
know  just  how  much  the  service  which  they  render 
costs,  and  to  enact  that  higher  than  certain  rates  are 
extortionate.  The  act  that  was  passed  really  strikes 
only  at  unjust  discriminations,  and  has  increased  the 
burdens  of  the  farmers  at  all  competing  points  as  well 


THE  FARMER'S  TVAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       371 

as  at  many  others.  Now  I  hold  that  a  lower  rate  at 
a  competing  point  is  not  prima  facie  evidence  of  unjust 
discrimination.  But  that  is  what  this  law  says.' 

" '  Suppose  the  courts  decide  that  your  law  fixing 
maximum  rates  is  unconstitutional/  I  suggested. 

"  ;  Then  we  must  change  the  Constitution.  But  first, 
we  want  a  decision  into  which  this  question  shall  enter. 
We  object  to  the  repeated  quotation  of  the  Dartmouth 
College  case,  and  desire  to  see  this  question  taken  up 
by  itself  and  disposed  of  independently.  If  it  is  then 
decided  that  the  railroad  companies  are  superior  to  the 
people  and  the  State,  that  they  are  sovereign  powers, 
and  that  they  have  the  right,  by  raising  or  reducing 
their  rates  at  will,  to  fix  the  price  we  shall  get  for  our 
produce,  why  then  we  must  resort  to  the  last  remedy. 
I  think  now  that  I  have  explained  to  you  pretty  fully 
our  position  on  the  railroad  question.  Some  enthusias- 
tic men  indulge  in  denunciation  of  the  railroads  as  such 
and  make  unwise  threats,  but  the  great  body  of  farmers 
are  not  unreasonable  in  their  demands. 

*' '  One  other  thing  in  connection  with  this  :  We 
think  that  there  has  been  unjust  discrimination  in  the 
matter  of  taxation.  Mr.  Harris,  General  Superintendent 
of  the  Burlington  road,  testified  before  a  legislative 
committee,  last  winter,  that  the  road  cost  $47,000  a 
mile.  But  they  have  only  been  taxed  on  from  two  to 
five  thousand  dollars  a  mile  for  road,  rolling-stock, 
depots,  side-track,  and  everything,  while  the  farmers 
have  been  taxed  for  nearly  the  cash  value  of  their 
property.  This  we  don't  consider  fair.' 

"  Referring  again  to  the  low  price  of  grain,  I  sug- 
gested that  the  low  price  may  be  partially  due  to  over- 
production. 


372          HISTORY    OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

"  Mr.  Smith  admitted  that  the  amount  of  the  crop 
greatly  affected  the  price  of  grain,  but  said  that  there 
was  another  reason  why  the  farmers  got  so  little  for 
their  crops — they  are  so  constantly  in  need  of  money 
that  they  are  obliged  to  sell  for  what  they  can  get, 
instead  of  fixing  their  own  price.  '  Suppose,'  he  said, 
'that  each  of  our  grocers  in  town  should  load  up  a 
wagon  every  morning  and  send  it  into  the  country  with 
instructions  to  the  driver  to  sell  it  out  for  whatever  it 
would  fetch,  and  bring  back  corn ;  don't  you  suppose 
groceries  would  be  cheap  and  corn  high  ?  Reverse  the 
picture,  and  you  have  the  state  of  affairs  actually  ex- 
isting. The  farmer  must  have  tea  and  coffee  and  sugar. 
He  loads  up  his  wagon  with  corn  and  takes  it  to  town. 
The  grocer  says  :  "  This  tea  cost  me  a  dollar  a  pound ; 
I  will  sell  it  to  you  for  a  dollar  and  fifteen  cents ;  the 
coffee  cost  me  forty  cents ;  I  will  sell  it  to  you  for  fifty." 
The  farmer  is  obliged  to  take  them  at  these  prices  or 
not  at  all.  He  has  no  money  and  must  sell  his  corn  in 
order  to  purchase  them.  But  he  is  not  allowed  to  say 
to  the  grocer  :  "  This  corn  cost  me  twenty-five  cents  a 
bushel ;  I  shall  have  to  ask  you  thirty."  The  grocer, 
on  the  other  hand,  says  to  him :  "  I'll  pay  you  twenty 
cents."  Now,  this  will  continue  just  as  long  as  the 
farmers  are  no  more  prosperous  than  they  are  now.  I 
hold  that  there  never  has  been  an  over-production ;  that 
there  is  a  demand  for  all  that  is  raised,  if  it  could  only 
be  got  cheaply  to  market.  What  is  needed  is  for  the 
farmers  to  be  able  to  hold  on  to  their  grain  when  the 
price  is  low  and  sell  when  the  market  is  favorable.' 

"  Mr.  Smith,  like  many  other  farmers  whom  I  have 
met,  complained  of  the  enormous  profits  made  by  mid- 
dle-men on  almost  every  manufactured  article  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       373 

farmers  buy.  Many  of  the  Granges  have  employed 
purchasing  agents,  who  are  now  buying  farming  and 
domestic  machinery  at  wholesale  prices.  The  whole- 
sale dealers  in  Chicago  at  first  refused  to  sell  except  at 
retail  prices  to  the  agents  of  the  Granges,  saying  that 
by  so  doing  they  would  lose  the  trade  of  agents  and 
retail  dealers.  Most  of  them  have,  however,  recon- 
sidered this  determination,  and  the  saving  made  by  the 
farmers  by  purchasing  through  the  Grange  is  from  ten 
to  fifty  per  cent.  A  farmer  in  Bureau  county  gave  me 
some  figures  that  will  illustrate  the  working  of  this  sys- 
tem. A  good  farm  wagon,  complete,  retails  at  $100; 
the  Grange  purchases  it  for  $70.  A  plow  for  which 
the  farmers  have  been  paying  $22,  a  Granger  gets  for 
$16.  A  $50  sewing  machine  is  purchased  for  $30,  and 
a  $65  one  for  $39.  From  $40  to  $60  is  saved  on  the 
price  of  a  parlor  organ.  A  rapidly  growing  competition 
seems  to  have  sprung  up  among  the  wholesale  dealers 
for  the  custom  of  the  Granges,  and  whatever  other 
result  the  movement  may  have,  the  farmers  will  be 
greatly  benefited  by  the  cooperative  business." 


374          HISTOBY   OP   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XX. 

VIEWS   OF   A   WISCONSIN   FARMER. 

The  Master  of  the  Wisconsin  State  Grange — A  Model  Farmer  and  his  Farm 
— Colonel  Cochrane's  Views  of  the  Situation — Conflict  between  the  Railroads 
and  the  Farms — The  Roads  first  built  with  the  Farmers'  Savings — How  the 
Farmer  was  induced  to  buy  Railroad  Stock — How  they  are  robbed  by  the 
Roads — Position  of  the  Middle-men — The  Cost  of  Western  Farming — 
Through  and  Local  Shipments — How  the  Grange  helps  the  Cheese  Makers — 
Farming  in  Wisconsin ;  what  it  costs  and  what  it  pays — The  Farmers  un- 
able to  fix  their  Prices. 

WE  commend  to  the  reader's  attention  the  following 
account  of  an  interview  between  the  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Tribune  and  Colonel  John  Cochrane,  one 
of  the  most  influential  farmers  of  Wisconsin,  and  the 
Master  of  the  Wisconsin  State  Grange. 

"  Colonel  Cochrane  is  one  of  the  oldest  settlers  of  the 
State,  having  come  here  at  an  early  day,  and  is  a  prac- 
tical farmer,  whose  ability  and  success  are  attested  not 
only  by  his  broad  acres  of  well-cultivated  land,  but  by 
the  reputation  for  good  farming  which  he  has  all  over 
the  State.  He  has  never  been  a  politician,  though  he 
has,  of  course,  always  taken  an  intelligent  interest  in 
political  qu.estions,  and  he  enters  now  into  this  farmers' 
movement  at  a  time  of  life  when  men  of  his  habits  and 
pursuit  generally  find  retirement  more  attractive,  from 
a  strong  conviction  of  duty  and  a  desire  to  raise  the 
farmers  of  Wisconsin  out  of  the  slough  of  despond  into 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       375 


THE  GRANGER'S  HOME. 

which  they  have  fast  been  sinking.  I  have  not  been 
able  to  visit  Colonel  Cochrane  at  his  home,  and  am 
therefore  unable  to  speak  of  his  farm  from  personal 
knowledge,  but  some  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  his 
operations  may  be  obtained  from  the  fact  that  he  has 
under  the  highest  state  of  cultivation  nearly  1000  acres 
of  excellent  land,  and  finished,  this  recently,  the 
threshing  of  his  crop  of  3200  bushels  of  as  good  wheat 
as  was  ever  sent  to  market  from  the  State  of  Wiscon- 
sin. His  crop  in  a  single  year  has  been  6000  bushels. 
"  I  met  Colonel  Cochrane  on  the  cars  between  Wau- 


376          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

pun  and  this  place  and  had  a  good  opportunity  to  con- 
verse with  him  about  the  Grange,  the  work  it  has  ac- 
complished and  that  which  it  proposes,  and,  as  he  ex- 
pressed more  fully  than  any  one  else  I  have  met,  the 
sentiments  of  the  farmers  on  the  transportation  and 
other  questions,  I  shall  repeat  in  part  the  substance 
of  our  conversation.  Very  naturally  our  discussion 
turned  first  to  the  railroads  and  their  relations  to  the 
farmers. 

"  I  had  just  been  examining  the  last  report  of  the 
Wisconsin  Secretary  of  State  in  regard  to  the  operations 
of  the  railroads  of  the  State  for  the  year  1871,  and  re- 
marked that  I  found  no  evidence  that  the  railroad  com- 
panies of  Wisconsin  were  making  any  money.  The 
dividends  declared  were  less  than  three  per  cent,  on  the 
cost  of  construction  and  equipment;  only  two  roads  in 
the  State  paid  anything  to  their  stockholders,  and  the 
net  earnings  of  the  roads  before  either  paying  interest 
on  their  bonds,  laying  aside  ten  per  cent,  to  keep  up 
the  road;  or  paying  any  dividends,  amounted  to  only 
little  more  than  one  per  cent,  on  their  cost.  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  figures,  although  I  did  not  quote  them 
at  length  to  Colonel  Cochrane  : 

"'Total  length  of  road  reported,  2518TVn  miles;  op- 
erated in  Wisconsin,  148oT4o5  miles;  operated  elsewhere, 
1033T5u  miles;  total  cost  of  roads  and  equipments,  $95,- 
190,374.01 ;  capital  stock  subscribed,  $24,712,098 ;  capi- 
tal stock  paid,  $57,879,836.82;  indebtedness  of  roads, 
$45,896,647.54;  total  receipts  and  amount  due  compa- 
nies, $22,260,085.67;  of  which  there  was  earned  in 
Wisconsin,  $7,623,904.60 ;  expenditures  less  interest, 
new  construction  and  dividends,  $10,832,545.98  ;  total 
net  earnings,  $11,427^537.69 ;  cost  of  road  and  equip- 


THE  FARMER'S  TVAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       377 

ment  per  mile,  $37,790.30;  net  earnings  per  mile. 
$453.67;  roads  earned  on  their  cost  and  equipment  H 
per  cent.' 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  while  more  than  half  of  the 
mileage  of  roads  reported  on  is  in  Wisconsin,  only  about; 
one-third  of  the  gross  earnings  were  obtained  in  this 
State,  so  that  the  showing  for  this  State  alone,  were  it 
given  entirely  separate,  might  have  been  still  more  un- 
favorable. 

"  Colonel  Cochrane  replied  that  if  the  companies  were 
not  making  money,  many  of  their  managers  were.  '  Be- 
sides,' he  said,  '  the  men  who  now  control  these  roads 
have,  in  many  instances,  put  into  them  comparatively 
little  money.  Do  you  know  how  these  roads  have, 
most  of  them,  been  built  ?  In  the  first  place,  they  got 
land  grants  that  in  some  counties  are  worth  almost  as 
much  as  the  roads  cost.  Then  they  sent  agents  to  the 
counties  through  which  the  road  was  to  be  built,  who 
induced  them  to  vote  bonds  to  the  companies  and  take 
stock ;  in  some  instances  they  promised  them  a  first 
mortgage  on  the  road  when  it  should  be  completed. 
Then  they  got  bonds  from  cities,  and,  in  some  cases, 
even  from  townships.  Of  course  the  interest  on  these 
all  has  to  be  raised  by  taxing  us  farmers.  But  that  is 
not  all.  Their  agents  went  through  the  country,  and 
wherever  they  found  a  farmer  who  had  a  few  hundred 
dollars  laid  by,  they  persuaded  him  to  buy  the  stock  of 
the  road,  and  pay  cash  for  it.  Their  argument  was  a 
very  plausible  one ;  they  told  us  that  we  were  paying 
from  twenty-five  to  fifty  cents  a  bushel  to  get  our  wheat 
hauled  to  Milwaukee,  and  that  when  the  road  was 
completed  they  would  carry  it  for  from  five  to  ten  cents. 
The  difference  would  be  added  to  the  value  of  every 


378          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

bushel  of  wheat  that  we  raised.  Then  the  road  would 
belong  to  the  farmers,  and,  of  course,  we  were  all  going 
to  get  rich.  I  took  $2000  worth  of  stock  in  this  (Chi- 
cago &  Northwestern)  road,  and  paid  cash  for  it.  But 
a  great  many  of  the  farmers  had  no  money  to  spare, 
and  they  were  induced  to  give  the  railroads  mortgages 
on  their  farms.  They  were  assured  that  before  the 
time  came  to  pay  the  mortgages  the  road  would  be 
built  and  the  value  of  their  crops  would  be  enough  in- 
creased to  enable  them  to  pay  up,  and  at  any  rate  their 
farms  would  be  enough  enhanced  in  value  more  than  to 
make  up  for  the  mortgage.  In  some  cases  the  farmers 
took  stock  for  these  mortgages,  and  in  some  the  promise 
of  a  first  mortgage  on  the  road  as  soon  as  it  should  be 
built. 

" '  Well,  now,  how  do  you  suppose  they  treated  us  ? 
They  didn't  give  the  farmers  the  mortgage  on  the  road 
that  they  promised,  but  when  they  gave  them  anything 
it  was  a  second  mortgage  on  long  time.  The  first  was 
a  short  one  given  to  capitalists.  That  was,  of  course, 
foreclosed,  the  road  sold  out,  and  the  value  of  the  stock 
and  bonds  held  by  counties,  towns,  and  individual  far- 
mers destroyed.  I  could  find  you  stacks  of  certificates 
and  bonds  for  which  our  farmers  paid  cash  or  mortgaged 
their  places,  and  which  are  now  not  worth  as  much  as 
the  blank  paper  on  which  they  are  printed.  Thousands 
of  farmers  were  absolutely  ruined.  So  you  see  that 
these  roads  have  been  built,  in  large  part,  by  our  money, 
and  it  is  the  height  of  impudence  for  these  men  who 
now  manage  them  to  expect  to  realize  a  large  percent- 
age out  of  us  on  the  money  they  have  stolen  from  us/ 

"  '  Do  you  consider  the  charges  for  freight  on  these 
roads  as  exorbitant  ? '  I  asked. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       379 

" '  Of  course  I  do/  was  the  reply.  'They  are  a  great 
deal  higher  than  when  the  roads  were  first  built,  and 
they  had  far  less  business  then  than  they  now  have. 
Their  whole  policy  is  to  take  every  cent  that  we  far- 
mers can  pay.  They  want  us  to  go  on  raising  wheat, 
'  because  if  we  should  stop  they  would  of  course  lose 
business,  but  they  are  not  willing  that  we  should  make 
any  profit.  If  the  crop  is  an  abundant  one  they  put  up 
the  rates  of  freight.  You've  noticed  the  reports  in  the 
papers  this  week  that  it  is  proposed  to  raise  the  rates  on 
all  the  Wisconsin  roads.  At  the  old  rates,  with  the 
amount  of  wheat  to  be  moved,  they  would  make  more 
money  than  during  any  previous  year.  But  they  don't 
propose  to  let  us  farmers  have  any  of  the  benefit  of  the 
good  crop  if  they  can  help  it.' 

" '  How  much  do  they  charge  for  taking  wheat  from 
your  place  to  Milwaukee  ?  ' 

" '  Ten  cents  a  bushel  for  a  distance  of  about  sixty 
miles.  When  the  roads  were  first  built  they  used  to 
carry  it  for  six.  But  we  have  other  grounds  of  com- 
plaint besides  high  charges.  Our  grain  is  handled  too 
much  between  the  producer  and  the  consumer,  and 
everybody  who  touches  it  takes  four  or  five  cents  a 
bushel — he  expects  to  make  a  living  from  it.  It  ought 
to  go  directly  from  the  farmer  to  the  seaboard,  and  then 
we  should  save  ten  or  twelve  cents  a  bushel.  Again,  it 
makes  very  little  difference  how  good  the  quality  of  the 
grain  we  send  to  Milwaukee  or  Chicago  is,  we  never 
get  credit  for  anything  but "  number  two."  A  neighbor 
of  mine  shipped  seven  car  loads  of  wheat  to  Milwaukee 
this  week,  not  a  bushel  of  which  weighed  less  than 
sixty  pounds,  and  much  of  it  went  sixty-one  and  sixty- 
one  and  a  half;  it  was  sound  and  clean,  and  was  "  num- 


380          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

her  one  "  wheat,  if  there  was  ever  any  raised  in  this 
State ;  but  it  was  inspected  as  number  two,  and  that 
man  was  actually  robbed  of  four  or  five  cents  on  every 
bushel  of  that  grain.  Those  Milwaukee  dealers  will 
mix  that  good  wheat  with  a  lot  that  is  dirty  or  light, 
and  sell  the  whole  for  a  better  price.  That  is  one  rea- 
son why  I  say  that  our  grain  ought  to  go  directly  to 
the  consumer  without  so  much  handling  by  those  fellows 
who  steal  a  part  of  the  price  of  our  produce  and  charge 
us  for  the  service. 

"  t  Now  we  don't  ask  anything  unfair  or  unreasonable 
of  the  railroads.  We  say,  let  them  be  economically 
operated ;  let  them  stop  paying  such  enormous  salaries 
to  their  officers  and  give  us  fair  treatment,  and  we  are 
willing  to  pay  them  reasonably  for  their  services.  But 
they  need  not  expect  that  we  are  going  to  allow  them 
to  earn  interest  on  the  money  that  we  ourselves  have 
put  into  the  roads  ;  we  are  determined  on  that  point.' 

"  Colonel  Cochrane  says  that  the  cost  of  farming  in  this 
State  has  been  greatly  increased  by  the  building  of  rail- 
roads, or  at  least  since  their  introduction.  Before  the 
war  he  could  hire  men  who  were  capable  of  conducting 
his  farm,  without  his  supervision,  for  less  money  than 
he  now  has  to  pay  for  hands  who  hardly  know 
enough  to  hitch  up  a  team  and  go  into  the  field  to  work 
unless  somebody  tells  them  how  to  do  it.  The  only 
hands  he  can  now  hire  are  Dutch  (I  suppose  he  meant 
Germans),  and  they  do  only  about  half  as  much  work 
as  the  Americans  he  used  to  get.  The  same  is  true  of 
work  in  the  houses ;  no  matter  how  able  and  willing 
the  farmer  may  be  to  hire  servants,  his  wife  must  be  a 
drudge.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  find,  he  said,  a  girl 
who  knows  enough  to  cook  a  meal,  and  who  will  hire 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       381 

out  to  do  housework.  The  servants  are  of  the  most  in- 
ferior kind,  and  even  they  can't  be  depended  on  to  stay 
at  the  very  time  they  are  most  wanted.  If  you  make 
a  contract  with  them  in  the  Spring  for  the  season,  and 
agree  to  pay  them  $2  a  week  and  board,  when  the  hot 
weather  comes  they  begin  to  grumble,  and  when  the 
harvest  begins  they  '  can't  stand  the  work  any  longer,' 
and  the  next  thing  you  hear  they  are  binding  in  the 
harvest  field  for  a  dollar  a  day  while  the  farmer's  wife 
is  left  alone  with  from  a  dozen  to  twenty-five  harvesters 
to  provide  for.  These  hardships  the  Colonel  attributed 
largely  to  the  railroads — they  paid  unskilled  laborers 
better  wages  than  the  farmers  could  afford  to,  and  they 
opened  up  new  country  for  homesteads  for  the  better 
class  of  men  who  formerly  worked  out  by  the  month. 
Though  these  might  be  calamities  to  the  large  farmers  in 
the  older  parts  of  the  State,  it  seemed  to  me  that  society 
had,  on'the  whole,  been  benefited  by  the  improvement 
in  the  condition  of  these  workingmen,  and  that  if  this 
was  the  only  ground  of  complaint  against  the  railroad 
companies,  the  farmers  would  get  little  sympathy.  But 
I  am  convinced  that  it  is  not. 

"  Colonel  Cochrane's  idea  in  regard  to  the  necessity  of 
making  through  shipments  is  a  very  important  one,  and 
in  almost  every  case  where  I  have  heard  of  its  having 
been  tried,  it  has  resulted  in  great  saving  to  the  far- 
mers. A  striking  instance  came  to  my  knowledge 
recently.  I  met  on  the  train  the  owner  of  the  largest 
cheese  factory  in  the  State.  During  a  part  of  the  Spring 
and  early  Summer  he  used  20,000  pounds  of  milk  a 
day  and  made  2000  pounds  of  cheese.  That  cheese  he 
shipped  to  New  York,  paying  $1  a  hundred  pounds  for 
freight,  so  that  he  received  here  at  his  factory  in  Wis- 


382          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

consin,  within  one  cent  a  pound  of  the  market  value 
of  his  cheese  in  New  York.  The  cheese  he  makes  is  as 
good  as  that  made  in  New  York  State,  sells  for  the  same 
price,  and,  I  believe,  is  sent  East  uribranded.  Poor 
cheeses  made  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  I  am 
told,  are  marked  '  Western,'  while  good  Wisconsin 
cheeses  are  branded  '  New  York.'  I  suppose  four  or 
five  cents  a  pound  would  be  about  the  difference  be- 
tween the  farmer's  selling  price  and  the  New  York 
market  price  of  cheese,  if  it  was  sold  first  at  the  factory, 
then  shipped  to  Chicago  and  sold  again,  and  finally  re- 
shipped  to  New  York  and  sold  a  third  time.  Of  course 
every  farmer  who  sells  his  milk  at  that  factory  is  bene- 
fited by  this  direct  dealing  between  the  producers  and 
the  New  York  merchant,  for  they  get  about  twice  as 
much  for  their  milk.  The  gentleman  to  whom  I  refer 
is  a  Granger,  and  pays  to  patrons  one  dollar  a  hundred 
pounds  for  their  milk,  or  takes  the  milk,  makes  it  into 
cheese,  boxes  it,  ships  and  sells  it,  paying  all  charges 
and  returning  the  money  to  the  formers  for  a  commis- 
sion of  four  and  a  half  cents  a  pound.  The  price  of 
good  butter  in  the  country  in  this  State  is  about  fifteen 
cents  a  pound.  The  rates  above  given  net  the  farmer 
about  four  times  as  much  for  his  milk  as  he  gets  by 
making  butter  at  that  price." 

And  while  upon  Wisconsin  matters,  the  following, 
from  the  same  correspondent,  will  be  found  of  interest : 

"  I  came  to  Oshkosh  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  Mr. 
J.  Brainerd,  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange,  and  Mr. 
Osborn,  its  purchasing  agent,  both  representative  far- 
mers and  actively  engaged  in  the  organization  of  the 
Farmers'  Movement.  Mr.  Brainerd,  in  company  with 
his  brother,  manages  a  nursery,  market,  and  fruit  gar- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       383 

den,  and  Mr.  Osborn  is  also  engaged  in  the  cultivation 
of  trees.  Both  of  them  are  old  settlers  here,  although 
both  are  but  little  past  the  prime  of  life;  both  have 
been  successful  in  their  business,  and  both  have  an  ex- 
tensive acquaintance  among  the  farmers  throughout  the 
State.  Neither  is  or  has  been,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  a 
politician.  In  my  conversations  with  these  men  my  aim 
was  chiefly  to  learn  as  much  as  possible  about  the  con- 
dition of  the  farmers  of  this  State,  socially  and  pecuni- 
arily, the  causes  of  their  want  of  prosperity,  if  they  fail 
to  make  farming  profitable,  and  the  remedy  which  the 
Grange  and  the  farmers  generally  propose.  As  I  have 
already  treated  at  some  length,  in  a  former  letter,  of 
the  relations  of  the  Wisconsin  farmers  to  the  railroads 
of  the  State,  I  shall  now  confine  myself  to  other  topics 
of  discussion. 

"  The  staple  crop  of  Wisconsin  is  wheat,  though,  from 
my  observation  in  travelling  through  the  State,  and 
without  any  statistics  before  me,  I  should  judge  that 
other  crops  constitute  a  considerable  per  centage  of  the 
total  value  of  its  agricultural  products.  The  dairy  in- 
terest is  already  a  large  and  rapidly  growing  one; 
stock-raising  and  feeding  has  been  found  profitable  by 
many  of  the  farmers;  wool-growing  is  engaged  in  by 
some  of  the  best  farmers  of  the  State ;  I  think  that  pork 
enough  is  made  to  supply  the  demand  in  the  lumber 
regions  of  the  State  with  a  surplus  for  export,  and  the 
hop  and  tobacco  crops  will  bring  in  considerable  money. 
Of  corn  and  potatoes  I  think  the  surplus  is  not  large. 
The  wheat  crop  this  year  is  the  largest  since  that  of 
1860,  and  the  grain  is  of  excellent  quality.  The  season 
was  in  every  way  favorable.  After  the  wheat  once  be- 
gan to  grow,  it  came  forward  with  unusual  rapidity,  and 


384          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

just  when  the  farmers  began  to  fear  that  the  straw 
would  be  too  stout  and  their  crops  lodged,  dry  weather 
set  in,  and,  while  it  checked  the  growth  of  the  straw,  it 
ripened  the  grain  finely.  The  weather  during  harvest 
was  never  better,  and  the  result  has  been  that  the  en- 
tire crop  has  been  saved  in  good  order.  The  average 
throughout  the  State  is  thought  by  the  best  informed 
farmers  to  be  about  eighteen  bushels  to  the  acre,  or 
about  four  bushels  greater  than  for  several  years  past. 
On  some  large  farms,  well  cultivated,  the  average  for 
several  hundred  acres  is  nearly  twenty-five  bushels  to 
the  acre,  and  on  single  fields  as  high  as  thirty  bushels. 
Of  course  the  farmers,  who  sowed  a  great  breadth  of 
wheat  in  the  Spring,  are  in  the  best  of  spirits  now. 

"But  the  wheat  is  almost  the  only  crop  that  is  really 
good.  The  corn  has  been  everywhere  light,  and  not 
more  than  one-half  or  two- thirds  of  a  crop  has  been 
gathered  ;  potatoes  have  not  done  well ;  the  dairies  of 
the  State  promised  well  early  in  the  season,  but  the  dry 
weather  of  the  summer  greatly  reduced  the  amount  of 
milk.  The  manager  of  one  cheese  factory  told  me  that 
while  he  received  20,000  pounds  of  milk  a  day  during 
a  part  of  May  and  June,  he  was  only  receiving  13,000 
pounds  now.  The  hops  and  tobacco  that  I  have  seen 
look  well,  but  I  have  no  means  of  comparing  the  crops 
with  those  of  former  years.  It  will  be  seen  therefore 
that  the  farmers  will  need  all  that  they  get  for  their 
wheat  this  year. 

"  At  the  close  of  the  war,  and  for  a  year  or  two  after* 
ward,  the  farmers  of  Wisconsin  were  generally  out  of 
debt  and  a  little  '  forehanded.'  The  high  prices  that 
they  had  received  for  their  produce  of  every  kind  had 
enabled  them  to  pay  off  what  they  were  before  owing. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       385 

to  purchase  farming  machinery  in  abundance,  and  to 
indulge  in  many  little  luxuries  which  before  had  been 
unknown  among  them.  But  for  several  years  past  the 
wheat  crop  has  not  been  very  great,  and  prices  have 
often  been  down ;  at  the  same  time  the  farmers  have 
found  it  difficult  to  go  back  to  that  system  of  the  most 
rigid  economy  which  they  once  practised,  and  they 
have  been  getting  gradually  deeper  and  deeper  in  debt. 
In  the  purchase  of  agricultural  implements  and  machi- 
nery many  of  the  farmers  have  been  extravagant,  and  in 
the  care  of  them  more  have  been  negligent.  '  Go  out  into 
the  country  almost  anywhere/  said  Mr.  Brainerd  to  me, 
*  and  you  will  see  the  plow,  the  harrow,  and  the  culti- 
vator standing  out  in  the  weather  where  they  were  last 
used,  and  in  hundreds  of  instances  the  reaper  and 
mower  will  lie  where  the  last  grain  or  hay  was  cut. 
They  may  have  been  new  this  year,  and  cost  as  much 
as  the  owner  will  get  for  a  great  many  acres  of  wheat. 
Next  year  they  will  be  rusty,  and  the  third  or  fourth 
year  unfit  for  use,  while  good  farmers  who  house  their 
machinery  make  it  last  seven  or  eight  years.  It  is  the 
object  of  the  Grange  to  teach  its  members  to  make  the 
most  of  what  they  have,  as  well  as  to  help  them  to  pur- 
chase cheaply.' 

"A  great  many  Wisconsin  farmers,  like  those  of 
other  States,  fail  because  they  never  know  on  which 
crops  they  are  making  a  profit,  and  on  which \they  are 
losing  money.  I  suppose  I  asked  at  least  a  dozen  far- 
mers in  this  State  how  much  a  bushel  or  an  acre  it  cost 
to  raise  wheat  before  I  found  one  who  could  give  me  an 
intelligent  answer.  Some  thought  that  seventy-five 
cents  a  bushel  would  pay,  while  others  thought  there 
was  no  money  in  wheat  at  less  than  $1  a  bushel.  Mr. 

25 


386          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Stillson,  whose  farm  of  960  acres  adjoins  this  city,  and 
who  has  been  one  of  the  most  successful  farmers  in  the 
State,  keeps  a  careful  account  of  every  cent  that  is  ex- 
pended in  the  production  of  each  of  his  crops,  and  how 
much  he  receives  for  it.  He  told  me  that  to  pay  all 
expenses  and  7  per  cent,  interest  on  the  value  of  the 
land  takes  about  $15  an  acre.  If  the  crop  is  fifteen 
bushels,  at  $1  a  bushel,  the  farmer  makes  nothing. 
This  year,  counting  the  average  crop  at  eighteen  bush- 
els per  acre,  and  the  price  at  the  farm  at  $1,  the  average 
profit  will  be  $3  an  acre.  Ordinary  years,  when  the 
average  crop  is  only  about  fourteen  bushels,  unless  the 
price  is  more  than  $1,  there  is  no  profit,  and  a  part  of 
the  interest  on  the  investment  is  lost  The  majority  of 
the  farmers  know  nothing  about  this,  but  go  on  year 
after  year  raising  crops  that  don't  pay,  while  there  are 
others  that  would  bring  them  a  good  profit. 

"  There  are  large  sections  of  Wisconsin  where  the 
farmers  make  butter  and  sell  it  at  fifteen  cents  a  pound. 
By  erecting  a  cheese  factory,  and  turning  in  their  milk 
at  eighty-five  cents  per  100  pounds,  the  lowest  rate 
paid,  they  would  get  about  forty  cents  for  a  given  quan- 
tity of  milk,  which  now,  after  deducting  the  labor  of 
making  butter,  the  salt,  packing,  etc.,  brings  them  only 
ten  cents.  A  few  farmers  like  Mr.  Stillson,  Colonel 
Cochrane,  and  others  who  might  be  named,  have  always 
managed  their  places  with  the  same  business  tact  that 
a  merchant  displays,  and,  with  no  more  capital  to  start 
with  than  others,  and  no  superior  advantages,  they  have 
become  rich.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  Grange 
will  make  Stillsons  or  Cochranes  of  all  the  farmers,  but 
it  may,  by  bringing  them  together  for  discussion  and 
consultation,  by  encouraging  them  to  read  more  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      387 

best  agricultural  journals,  and  by  assisting  them  to  co- 
operate with  each  other,  teach  them  to  conduct  their 
business  more  intelligently  and,  therefore,  more  profit- 
ably. 

" '  Another  reason,'  said  Mr.  Brainerd,  i  why  our  far- 
mers are  not  prosperous,  is  because  they  have  no  control 
over  the  market  for  their  produce.  As  soon  as  the 
crop  is  harvested,  no  matter  how  the  market  is,  all  the 
farmers  of  this  whole  country  begin  to  rush  forward 
their  grain  to  Milwaukee,  Chicago,  and  the  Eastern 
markets.  A  similar  policy  would  ruin  any  merchant 
in  the  country.  Suppose  a  man  in  the  city  with  a  large 
stock  of  valuable  goods  on  hand  has  paper  becoming 
due  and  has  no  ready  money  with  which  to  pay :  does 
he  put  his  goods  up  at  auction  and  sell  them  for  any- 
thing they  will  bring  without  regard  to  cost  ?  No,  sir ; 
he  goes  and  makes  a  new  loan,  and  before  that  becomes 
due  he  has  probably  sold  a  part  of  his  goods  at  a  good 
profit.  Now,  why  shouldn't  the  farmer  adopt  the  same 
policy?  Why  shouldn't  he  say:  "My  wheat,  to  yield 
me  a  good  profit,  should  fetch  $1.10  a  bushel:  if  any- 
body wants  it  for  that  he  can  take  it,  but  it  isn't  for 
sale  at  a  less  price."  Of  course  it  would  do  no  good  for 
one  farmer  to  adopt  this  course ;  but  suppose  a  majority 
of  the  farmers  of  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota  were  to  do 
it,  and  the  price  set  was  a  fair  one,  don't  you  suppose 
we  would  get  it  ?  Talk  about  the  price  of  wheat  in 
Liverpool  regulating  the  price  here  in  Wisconsin.  It 
may  fix  the  price  in  the  Eastern  States,  and  if  it  was 
inflexible  there  and  we  held  out  too,  why  the  transpor- 
tation companies  would  have  to  move  our  crops  for  the 
difference.  The  fact  is,  the  price  would  either  go  up  in 
New  York  or  freights  would  come  down.  Don't  you 


388          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

suppose  if  I  raise  1200  bushels  of  wheat  that  I  had 
rather  get  $1200  for  1000  bushels  of  it,  and  keep  the 
other  200  bushels  over,  than  to  sell  the  whole  for  $1200  ? 
This  is  a  lesson  we  hope  to  teach  the  farmers  in  the 
Grange.  I  and  my  brothers  raise  vegetables  and  small 
fruits  for  the  market  here  in  Oshkosh,  and  do  a  profit- 
able business,  but  we  don't  go  to  market  in  the  morn- 
ing and  ask  people  how  much  they  will  give  us  for  what 
we  have  to  sell ;  if  we  did  we  should  have  failed  long 
ago.  We  fix  our  price,  and  we  don't  sell  for  less  than 
that  price.' " 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       389 


CHAPTER     XXI. 

HOTT   THE   GOVERNMENT    ROBS   THE   FARMERS. 

Relative  strength  of  the  Farming  and  Manufacturing  Classes — Estimate  of  the 
Number  of  Employers  and  Working  People — The  Farmers  at  the  Mercy  of 
the  Manufacturers — Need  of  a  free  and  cheap  Market — How  the  Tariff 
works — The  Government  protects  the  Manufacturers  in  their  Extortions 
from  the  Farmers — The  Farmer  requires  a  cheap  Market — What  the 
Farmer  pays  for  Staple  Articles  of  Consumption — The  Farmers  making  the 
Fortunes  of  the  Manufacturers — A  Tax  upon  Agriculture — What  a  Dose  of 
Quinine  costs — Necessities  taxed  more  heavily  than  Luxuries — The  Interests 
of  the  Farmer  opposed  to  those  of  the  Manufacturer — The  Government 
hostile  to  the  Farmers — Food  for  wholesome  Reflection — How  the  Fanner 
can  be  benefited  by  a  Free  Market — How  to  bring  it  about 

WE  come  now  to  consider  another  manner  in  which 
the  farmers  and  people  of  the  country  are  robbed. 

According  to  the  Census  of  1870  there  were  2,707,- 
421  persons  engaged  in  manufactures,  mechanical  and 
mining  industries,  and  5,922,471  persons  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits.  There  is  no  means  of  obtaining 
the  exact  number  of  employers  in  the  manufacturing 
class,  but,  making  all  due  allowance  for  the  great  num- 
ber of  small  establishments  in  this  country,  we  may 
safely  assert  that  the  number  of  persons  engaged  in 
manufacturing  operations,  and  employing  the  labor  of 
others,  is  limited  to  a  few  hundred  thousand,  scarcely 
half  a  million  in  number,  if  so  many,  the  remainder  of 
the  number  given  above  being  made  up  by  the  persons 
receiving  wages  and  termed  operatives. 

The  industry  of  the  small  class  of  manufacturers  is 


390         HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

divided  among  numerous  branches  of  trade.  Immense 
sums  are  invested  in  these  pursuits,  and  large  fortunes 
amassed.  We  export  very  little ;  the  bulk  of  our  manu- 
factures being  consumed  at  home,  so  that  the  money 
paid  for  them  comes  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  American 
people.  The  cost  of  manufacturing  is  generally  high  in 
this  country,  and  our  products  of  this  kind  cannot  com- 
pete in  foreign  markets  with  those  of  the  great  manu- 
facturing nations  of  Europe,  which  are  able  to  produce 
at  a  much  lower  cost,  and  consequently  to  undersell  us. 
Our  manufacturers  are  therefore  driven  upon  a  home 
market,  and  must  sell  their  goods  to  the  people  of  this 
country  alone. 

It  is  very  right  and  proper  that  the  manufacturing 
industry  of  this  country  should  be  encouraged,  and  that 
so  powerful  an  element  of  our  prosperity  and  strength 
should  be  fostered  by  all  legitimate  and  reasonable 
means.  It  was  with  difficulty  that  our  manufactures 
were  built  up.  The  cheap  producing  nations  of  Europe 
proved  themselves  powerful  rivals.  They  could  deliver 
their  goods  in  the  American  market  at  prices  below 
those  at  which  our  own  productions  could  be  sold,  and 
in  order  to  enable  American  manufacturers  to  hold  their 
own,  the  General  Government  imposed  a  tariff  of  duties 
upon  imported  goods.  This  was  at  first  limited  to  a 
few  articles,  and  was  intended  to  enable  the  American 
manufacturer  to  meet  his  European  rivals  upon  equal 
terms.  Under  the  protection  of  the  tariff  the  manu- 
facturing interest  of  the  country  improved  rapidly.  But 
with  its  growth,  its  demands  increased.  Protection  was 
extended  to  article  after  article,  until  at  the  present  day 
the  list  of  protected  articles  makes  up  a  good-sized 
volume.  Not  only  was  the  extent  of  protection*  en- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      391 

larged,  but  the  degree  was  also  increased,  until  at 
length  the  tariff,  which  was  meant  to  be  merely  protec- 
tive and  fostering  as  regards  our  own  productions,  has 
become  prohibitory  as  regards  importations  from  foreign 
countries. 

We  do  not  propose  to  discuss  here  the  history  of  the 
tariff,  or  the  merits  of  that  measure ;  but  simply  to  show 
its  workings,  and  to  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to 
its  effect  upon  the  community. 

The  principal  effect  of  the  tariff,  as  it  is  arranged  at 
present,  is  to  close  the  foreign  market  to  the  average 
American  buyer,  and  to  compel  him  to  purchase  of  the 
native  manufacturer.  He  has  no  choice  in  the  matter. 
He  has  no  opportunity  of  comparing  foreign  with  native 
goods.  He  is  compelled  to  purchase  the  wares  of  the 
American  manufacturer,  the  law  operating  so  as  to  ex- 
clude the  foreign  dealer. 

Under  the  operations  of  the  tariff,  the  manufacturers 
of  the  United  States  enjoy  a  certain  and  uncontested 
market  for  their  wares.  They  are  not  subjected  to  the 
competition  that  is  necessary  to  the~  protection  of  the 
buyer,  and  they  can  put  on  the  market  whatever  pleases 
them. 

In  a  free  market,  the  purchaser,  enjoys  the  liberty  of 
buying  just  what  he  wants,  and  is  not  compelled  to 
purchase  either  an  inferior  article,  or  one  that  does  not 
suit  him.  More  than  this,  he  pays  only  the  value  of 
the  article  purchased,  and  the  manufacturer  is  forced  to 
rely  upon  his  legitimate  profit.  Matters  are  very  dif- 
ferent under  the  system  at  present  existing  in  this 
country,  and  this  state  of  affairs  constitutes  one  01  the 
most  serious  evils  from  which  the  farmers  of  the  United 
States  are  suffering. 


HISTORY   OF     THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Let  us  suppose  that  English  spool  cotton  can  be  sold 
in  the  American  market  for  four  cents  a  spool,  and  that 
American  spool  cotton  can  be  sold  for  the  same  price. 
The  purchaser,  with  the  prices  of  the  two  articles  equal, 
will  be  guided  in  his  selection  by  the  quality  of  the 
goods,  and  will  buy  the  best.  But  the  American  manu- 
facturer is  not  willing  to  compete  with  the  English 
manufacturer  upon  equal  terms.  Congress  is  petitioned, 
and  a  duty  is  levied  upon  English  spool  cotton,  which 
duty  at  present  amounts  to  85  per  cent.  By  the  opera- 
tion of  this  law  the  English  manufacturer  is  compelled 
to  add  the  duty  to  his  price,  and  English  spool  cotton 
is  advanced  to  seven  and  four-tenths  cents  a  spool. 
The  American  manufacturer  at  once  advances  his  price 
to,  let  us  say,  six  cents  a  spool,  and  at  this  price  sells  an 
article  which  is  worth  only  four  cents,  and  which  he 
could  afford  to  sell  at  that  figure.  But  Congress  puts  it 
in  his  power  to  exact  50  per  cent,  additional  from  the 
people  of  the  country,  and  they  must  either  purchase 
at  this  figure  or  buy  English  cotton  at  seven  and  four- 
tenths  cents  a  spool.  But  for  the  tariff  he  would  be 
compelled  to  sell  his  cotton  at  four  cents,  its  actual 
value,  but  by  the  aid  of  that  measure  he  is  enabled  to 
wring  50  per  cent,  additional  from  the  people.  The 
entire  nation  is  thus  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  a  few 
manufacturers  of  spool  cotton.  The  interest  of  the 
nation  is  directly  opposed  to  that  of  the  manufacturers. 
Free  trade,  or  a  low  tariff  for  revenue  only,  would  result 
in  a  saving  to  the  people,  and  would  deprive  the  manu- 
facturers of  their  power  to  plunder  them. 

It  is  the  same  way  with  almost  every  article  of  con- 
sumption that  can  be  named.  Woollen  goods  pay  a 
duty  of  70  per  cent. ;  cotton  goods  from  35  to  52  per 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       393 

cent. ;  silks,  60  per  cent. ;  wool  hats,  72  per  cent. ;  and 
blankets  90  per  cent.  This  list  could  be  extended 
almost  indefinitely,  but  these  instances  are  enough  for 
our  purpose.  By  these  infamous  duties  the  American 
manufacturer  is  enabled  to  keep  his  prices  at  an  enor- 
mous figure,  and  to  pocket  extortionate  profits  at  the 
expense  of  the  entire  people. 

Let  us  suppose  that,  without  the  duty,  English  blan- 
kets could  be  sold  in  the  United  States  for  $5  a  pair, 
and  that  American  blankets  could  be  sold  at  the  same 
figure,  with  a  fair  profit  to  the  manufacturer.  The 
tariff  adds  a  duty  of  90  per  cent.,  or  $4.50  to  the 
English  article,  and  raises  the  price  to  $9.50  a  pair. 
The  American  manufacturer  is  thus  enabled  to  advance 
his  price  to  $8.50,  and  still  to  undersell  the  English 
manufacturer.  The  people  are  thus  compelled  to  pay 
$3.50  additional  for  every  pair  of  American  blankets 
they  purchase.  No  wonder  our  woollen  and  cotton 
factors  amass  such  immense  fortunes. 

There  are  but  two  or  three  manufacturers  of  quinine 
in  the  United  States,  but,  as  this  medicine  is  the  special 
antidote  to  the  most  common  disease  of  this  country, 
large  quantities  of  quinine  are  used  annually.  The 
bark  from  which  the  powder  is  made,  is  admitted  free 
of  duty,  but  the  powder  itself  must  pay  a  duty  of  50 
per  cent.  The  American  manufacturer  is  thus  "  pro- 
tected "  to  an  ex'tent  which  enables  him  to  demand  50 
per  cent,  more  for  his  quinine  than  he  could  obtain  in  a 
free  market,  and  the  excess  is  a  burdensome  tax  exacted 
from  the  entire  nation.  The  reader  can  easily  form 
an  idea  of  the  amount  of  the  annual  tribute  paid 
by  the  nation  to  the  two  or  three  manufacturers  of 
quinine. 


394          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Castor  oil  is  about  doubled  in  price  by  this  system. 

The  heaviest  duties  are  levied  upon  articles  of  neces- 
sity, upon  the  clothing,  medicines  and  other  necessities 
of  the  poor.  Upon  articles  of  luxury  the  duties  are 
proportionately  light.  It  is  90  per  cent,  on  blankets, 
and  but  60  per  cent,  on  silks.  On  flannels  of  the 
quality  used  by  working  men  for  their  underclothing, 
the  duty  is  almost  prohibitory,  while  on  the  finer  grades 
it  is  comparatively  light.  On  salt  it  has  been  within  a 
very  recent  period,  107  per  cent. ;  while  on  diamonds  it 
is  only  10  per  cent. 

Thus  the  burden  falls  upon  the  middle  and  poorer 
classes,  upon  those  who  cannot  afford  to  use  luxuries. 
The  rich  pay  comparatively  little ;  it  is  the  great  mass 
of  toiling,  struggling  people  that  pay  the  enormous 
tribute  to  the  manufacturers. 

The  burden  falls  upon  the  farmer  with  very  great 
force.  Almost  every  article  needed  in  the  exercise  of 
his  calling,  besides  those  required  for  domestic  con- 
sumption, is  taxed  enormously.  It  is  useless  to  go  over 
the  whole  list.  A  few  instances  are  as  follows  : 

Subject  to  a  duty 

or  tax  ad  valorem 

in  average. 

Per  cent. 

Bar  iron  for  a  wagon 40 

Trace  chains 60 

Iron  for  plows 42 

Steel  for  plows ' 30 

Iron  for  threshing  machines  and  any  other  machines 42 

Steel  for  the  same 32 

Horse-shoes  and  nails 35 

Horse-nigs  or  blankets • 140 

Hope 

Harness 35 

Curry-combs 35 

Horse  brushes 40 

Nails  for  his  barn,  duty  on  iron 42 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      395 

Subject  to  a  duty 

or  tax  ad  valorem 

in  average. 

Per  cent. 

Wood  screws 67  to  120 

Iron  tacks 45 

Scythes 46 

Spades 45 

Shovels 45 

Pitchforks 45 

Buts  and  hinges  for  the  barn  and  stable  doors 53 

Paint  for  the  barn  and  stables 51 

Hand-saws,  twenty-four  inches 39 

Cross-cut  saws 26 

Files  and  rasps 50 

Hammers 38 

Hoes 45 

Whips 35 

Saddles 35 

Saddle  blankets t 140 

Kochelle  and  Epsom  salts  to  doctor  his  horses 73 


It  is  asserted  by  the  friends  of  the  tariff  that  the  high 
duties  serve  only  to  afford  a  revenue  to  the  General 
Government,  and  thus  supply  it  with  the  means  of 
meeting  its  enormous  expenses.  But  the  burden  upon 
the  people  consists  not  so  much  in  the  taxes  they  pay 
upon  the  foreign  goods  they  purchase,  as  in  the  enor- 
mous tribute  they  pay  to  the  American  manufacturer. 
The  bulk  of  the  manufactured  goods  sold  in  the  country 
are  made  here,  and  the  high  prices  kept  up  by  the 
operations  of  the  tariff  compel  the  people  to  pay  to  the 
American  manufacturer  an  undue  share  of  their  earn- 
ings for  his  wares.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  duty  on 
blankets  was  25  per  cent,  instead  of  90  per  cent. 
Sixty-five  per  cent,  on  every  pair  of  blankets  would  be 
saved  to  the  purchaser.  Instead  of  being  forced  to  pay 
$8.50  for  American  blankets,  and  $9.50  for  English 
blankets,  we  should  pay  for  English  blankets  $6.25, 


396          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

and  if  the  American  manufacturer  wished  to  undersell 
his  English  rival,  he  would  be  able  to  charge  but  from 
$5  to  $6  for  his  blankets.  The  General  Government 
would  receive  a  duty  of  25  per  cent,  on  all  foreign 
blankets,  and  the  people  would  be  freed  from  their 
tribute  to  the  American  manufacturer. 

It  is  useless  to  talk  of  the  injury  to  the  revenue 
which  would  result  from  a  lower  tariff.  The  tariff  as 
at  present  arranged,  is  not  designed  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Government.  It  is  arranged  for  the  benefit  of  a 
small  class  of  capitalists,  who  are  allowed  by  Congress 
to  plunder  the  nation  for  their  individual  profit.  The 
Government  receives  comparatively  little  benefit  from 
the  heavy  burdens  placed  upon  the  nation.  The  vast 
sums  thus  exacted  flow  into  the  pockets  of  the  manu- 
facturers. 

It  is  to  the  interest,  not  only  of  the  farmer,  but  of 
the  entire  nation,  that  the  market  be  thrown  open  to  a 
fair  and  full  competition,  which  will  of  necessity  result 
in  a  decline  of  prices.  The  saving  to  the  purchasing 
class  of  the  country  will  be  counted  by  millions.  The 
vast  majority  of  the  American  people  will  be  immensely 
benefited,  and  people  of  moderate  means,  and  especially 
the  poor,  will  be  relieved  of  one  of  their  heaviest  bur- 
dens. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  the  manufacturers,  who  have 
fattened  upon  the  plunder  they  have  so  long  enjoyed, 
will  resist  any  effort  to  deprive  them  of  their  immense 
profits.  Money  will  be  freely  spent  to  defeat  the  effort 
of  the  people  to  secure  their  independence,  and  it  will 
require  a  decided  and  persistent  stand  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  accomplish  a  change.  But  a  change  is  needed. 

There  is  no  good  reason  why  the  entire  nation  should 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       397 

be  compelled  to  pay  prices  out  of  all  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  articles  purchased,  in  order  that  a  few 
manufacturers  may  amass  large  fortunes  in  an  unnatu- 
rally short  period.  The  people  have  the  right  to 
arrange  their  industrial  system  so  that  they  shall  pay 
a  fair  price  for  their  purchases,  and  no  more.  They 
have  a  right  to  protect  themselves  from  robbers  and 
plunderers,  under  whatever  guise  these  enemies  may 
assail  them. 

Theoretically,  the  people  are  the  source  of  power 
under  our  system  of  government,  and  Presidents  and 
Congressmen  are  but  their  servants,  charged  with  the 
execution  of  their  wishes.  But  is  this  so  in  practice  ? 
Is  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  the  true  exponent 
of  the  popular  will  ?  Do  the  people  really  sanction  the 
"land  grab,"  the  "salary  steal,"  the  Credit  Mobilier 
swindle,  the  numerous  jobs  and  schemes  which  plunder 
the  people,  and  enrich  a  few  unscrupulous  individuals, 
and  which  bear  the  stamp  of  Congressional  approval? 
Are  the  people  really  engaged  in  robbing  themselves  ? 
It  is  absurd  to  ask  the  question. 

The  people,  thank  God,  are  the  source  of  power,  and, 
under  our  wise  and  beneficent  system,  they  hold  in  their 
own  hands  the  remedy  for  the  betrayal  of  their  trust. 
Their  first  duty  is  to  exercise  this  remedy;  to  remove 
from  power  and  consign  to  official  perdition  the  un- 
faithful servants  who  have  so  wronged  and  misrepre- 
sented them.  This  should  be  no  party  work.  Repub- 
licans and  Democrats  should  join  hands  in  it.  It  is  not 
a  party  question.  It  passes  the  limits  of  ordinary  poli- 
tics, and  comes  home  to  each  individual  voter.  If  he 
values  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  if  he  wishes  to  save  him- 
self and  his  countrymen  from  being  plundered,  if  he 


398          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

would  put  an  end  to  the  evils  which  we  have  pointed 
out  to  him,  let  him  see  that  no  one  is  placed  in  power 
who  is  not  pledged  to  respect  the  popular  will,  which  is 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  Let  him  vote  for  honest 
men  only.  Let  him  combine  with  his  fellow-citizens  in 
demanding  the  necessary  reforms,  and  refuse  to  support 
any  candidate  for  office  who  will  not  pledge  himself  to 
carry  out  the  wishes  of  the  people. 

Members  of  Congress  are  very  powerful  individuals, 
no  doubt ;  but  a  popular  breath  can  unmake  as  well  as 
make  them ;  and  he  who  values  his  official  life  should 
take  warning  in  time.  Whatever  the  remainder  of  the 
people  may  do,  or  intend,  the  farmers  of  this  country 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  they  have  suffered 
long  enough  at  the  hands  of  the  honorable  gentlemen 
who  make  our  laws.  They  are  conscious  of  the  fact 
that  they  are  a  very  numerous  and  powerful  body,  con- 
stituting a  very  large  portion  of  the  voting  class  of  the 
country,  arid  that  they  are  able  to  enforce  their  wishes 
by  their  ballots.  They  are  resolved  that  their  rights 
shall  be  respected,  and  they  are  fully  aware  that  the 
Honorable  Members  have  never  recognized  those  rights. 
They  are  aware  that  they  have  been  sacrificed  to  en- 
rich railroad  directors ;  and  that  they  are  plundered  in 
order  that  a  small  class  of  manufacturers  may  grow 
rich  at  their  expense.  They  are  fully  conscious  of 
their  wrongs,  and  of  the  responsibility  of  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  for  their  sufferings.  They  are 
resolved  that  there  shall  be  a  change,  and  that  they 
shall  obtain  their  just  share  of  the  benefits  intended  by 
the  founders  of  our  Government.  If  Honorable  Mem-, 
bers,  either  as  individuals  or  as  a  body,  stand  in  the 
way  of  their  efforts  to  obtain  redress  for  their  wrongs, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       399 

or  fail  to  respond,  and  that  promptly,  to  their  demands 
upon  them,  they  must  be  content  to  abide  the  con- 
sequences. When  the  issue  is  fairly  joined,  as  it  will 
be  very  soon,  the  people  at  large  will  not  fail  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  farmers  against  the  monopo- 
lists, and  it  will  be  an  evil  day  for  Congress  should  it 
continue  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  monopolist 
against  the  sovereign  people,  whose  power  is  irresistible. 


400          HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THE   REMEDY. 

Review  of  the  Wrongs  suffered  by  the  Agricultural  Classes — A  Minor  Evil—- 
The Remedy — The  Farmer  to  receive  a  fair  Return  for  his  Industry — The 
Farmer's  Interest  that  of  the  Nation — The  Duty  of  the  Country  to  protect 
the  Fanner — The  Kind  of  Laws  needed — The  Monopolists  the  Enemies  of 
the  Whole  People — A  Free  and  Cheap  Market  demanded — Power  of  the 
Farmers  of  the  United  States — The  Extent  to  which  they  control  the  Popular 
Vote — Number  of  voting  Farmers — The  People  in  Sympathy  with  the 
Agricultural  Class — What  the  Farmers  can  accomplish — Necessity  of  Union 
— A  great  and  glorious  Revolution  at  Hand. 

AT  the  risk  of  being  tedious  to  the  reader,  we  have 
enumerated  some  of  the  principal  evils  from  which  the 
farming  class  of  this  country  is  at  present  suffering. 
We  did  not  hope  at  the  outset  to  recount  all  the  griev- 
ances of  this,  the  most  useful,  industrial  class.  We  have 
aimed  only  at  pointing  out  merely  the  leading  troubles 
against  which  the  farmer  is  struggling.  We  trust  we 
have  done  so. 

We  have  seen  how  he  is  robbed  by  the  Railroad 
Monopoly  ;  how  in  order  to  swell  the  dividends  of  the 
roads  upon  which  he  is  forced  to  depend  to  reach  his 
market,  he  is  compelled  to  submit  to  an  iniquitously 
high  rate  of  transportation,  which  renders  it  impossible 
for  him  to  receive  his  fair  share  of  the  proceeds  of  his 
crop.  We  have  seen  how  utterly  regardless  of  his 
rights  and  interests  are  these  corporations,  whose  only 
care  is  to  earn  the  largest  dividend  upon  their  stocks 
that  can  possibly  be  wrung  from  the  community. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      401 

We  have  seen  how  the  citizens  of  the  Eastern  States 
are  plundered  by  the  Coal  Ring,  and  how  this  is  but 
another  phase  of  Railroad  Extortion  and  Tyranny.  In 
this  unhappy  state  of  affairs,  the  farmer  suffers  in  com- 
mon with  the  rest  of  the  community. 

We  have  seen  also  how  the  middle-men  grow  rich  at 
the  farmer's  expense,  and  how  he  is  compelled  to  pay 
an  exorbitant  price  for  almost  everything  he  uses.  The 
fact  is,  the  farmer  is  charged  too  high  for  nearly  every 
article  he  purchases.  "  In  this  State,"  says  a  recent 
letter  from  Iowa,  "  the  farmers  are  also  overcharged  for 
the  groceries  and  dry  goods  that  they  buy  at  the  village 
store.  I  don't  mean  to  say  that  the  traders  make  too 
much  money ;  it  is  the  system  that  is  at  fault  rather 
than  the  men,  and  those  of  the  farmers  who  think  most 
are  beginning  to  see  that  they  are  in  a  great  measure 
responsible  for  the  system.  The  majority  of  the  farmers 
of  this  State  buy  their  goods  of  the  local  traders  on 
credit,  paying  when  they  sell  their  crops.  These  tra- 
ders have,  therefore,  in  fixing  their  prices,  to  make 
allowance  for  bad  debts  and  for  interest.  But  as  they 
don't  receive  cash,  they  of  course  cannot  buy  for  cash, 
and  the  New  York  arid  Philadelphia  merchants  who 
'carry'  the  local  traders  have  to  be  paid  for  their 
risks  and  loss  of  interest.  And  besides  all  this,  there  is 
hardly  a  town  in  Iowa  in  which  there  are  not  about 
twice  as  many  stores  as  there  ought  to  be.  It  is  a  mis- 
take to  suppose  that  by  the  over-crowding  of  the  busi- 
ness in  the  small  Western  towns  the  people  get  the 
benefit  of  competition.  Where  there  are  two  stores  and 
only  trade  enough  for  one,  their  owners  combine  and 
arrange  the  prices  between  them,  being  sure  to  put  them 
high  enough  so  that  both  can  live." 


402          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Did  the  farmer  receive  a  fair  price  for  his  crop,  there 
would  be  less  need  of  his  making  his  purchases  on 
credit,  and  he  would  be  relieved  of  many  of  the  debtor's 
burdens ;  but  as  long  as  he  is  compelled  to  accept  an 
unfair  and  inadequate  return  for  his  labors,  so  long  will 
he  be  compelled  to  bear  these  burdens  without  hope  of 
relief. 

Let  him  receive  a  fair  price  for  his  products ;  let  him 
be  freed  from  the  exactions  of  those  who  control  his 
means  of  reaching  a  market,  and  a  very  different  state 
of  affairs  will  ensue.  These  exactions  swallow  up  so 
large  a  portion  of  his  earnings,  that  he  is  compelled  to 
enter  the  market  upon  the  most  disadvantageous  terms. 
He  is  not  master  of  his  own  actions,  but  is  compelled 
to  submit  to  whatever  conditions  the  railroad  and  the 
middle-man  may  choose  to  impose  upon  him. 

It  is  certainly  a  very  unfortunate  and  unnatural  con- 
dition of  society  that  dooms  the  principal  and  the  most 
useful  portion  of  the  producing  class  to  the  greatest 
amount  of  oppression  ;  but  such  is  the  evil  that  is  upon 
us.  A  remedy  is  needed,  and  one  which  can  be  applied 
without  unnecessary  delay.  To  continue  in  the  path 
along  which  we  are  now  moving,  is  to  commit  a  most 
serious  error.  We  cannot  afford  to  oppress  the  farming 
class  of  this  country.  Both  the  Government  and  the 
people  should  foster  and  encourage  it  by  every  means 
in  their  power.  It  is  our  chief  element  of  strength  and 
stability,  and  a  wrong  inflicted  upon  it  must  react  upon 
the  whole  nation.  If  the  farmer  suffers,  the  country  at 
large  must  suffer  with  him,  so  that  our  own  interest 
should  lead  us  to  shield  him  from  injury,  and  sustain 
him  in  his  efforts  to  redress  his  grievances. 

The  remedy  for  the  evils  from  which  the  agricultural 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      403 

classes  are  suffering  lies  in  their  own  hands,  and  it  con- 
sists in  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  a  series  of 
just  and  liberal  laws  by  the  General  and  State  Govern- 
ments, which  shall  assign  to  each  class  of  the  commu- 
nity the  rights  to  which  it  is  fairly  entitled,  protect  the 
farmer  in  the  enjoyments  of  the  privileges  and  rights 
which  are  his  due,  and  punish  any  attempt  of  one  class 
to  prey  upon  another ;  laws  which  shall  put  an  end  to 
the  practice  of  building  useless  and  unnecessary  rail- 
roads; which  shall  check  the  enormous  power  now 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  railroad  officials  of  the  Union, 
and  compel  them  to  manage  their  roads  so  that  they 
shall  be  a  benefit  and  not  a  curse  to  the  community ; 
which  shall  inaugurate  a  system  of  fair  charges  for 
transportation,  and  render  it  possible  for  the  produce  of 
the  farm  to  reach  the  markets  of  the  country  at  rates 
which  do  not  involve  the  ruin  of  the  producer;  which 
shall  give  us  cheap  coal  in  this  land  of  plenty ;  which 
shall  no  longer  make  the  manufacturer  richer  and  the 
consumer  poorer ;  which  shall  have  for  their  object  the 
protection  and  encouragement  of  all  classes  of  our  in- 
dustry. 

The  war  of  the  monopolists  upon  the  community 
has  been  going  on  long  enough,  and  it  must  cease,  and 
the  General  Government  must  cease  to  aid  the  capitalist, 
and  to  oppress  the  community.  The  interests  of  the 
entire  people  of  the  United  States  are  opposed  to  those 
of  the  monopolies  we  have  been  considering.  We  want 
cheap  coal,  cheap  bread,  cheap  transportation,  cheap 
clothing.  We  want  the  price  of  every  necessary  article 
of  consumption  or  daily  use  lowered,  and  whatever 
man,  or  combination  of  men,  who  seek  to  prevent  the 
realization  of  this  demand,  is  the  enemy  of  the  public. 


404          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  people,  and  especially  the  farmers,  demand  a  free 
market,  into  which  they  can  go  and  obtain  what  they 
need  for  a  fair  price  without  paying  a  tax  to  any  one. 

This  demand  they  have  the  power  to  enforce,  for  are 
they  not  the  source  of  power,  and  can  they  not  enforce 
their  demand,  and  assert  their  power  by  their  ballots  at 
the  polls  ? 

The  farmers  of  the  United  States  hold  in  their  grasp 
a  vast  power,  and  they  are  beginning  to  see  that  they 
must  use  it  for  their  own  protection.  We  have  seen 
that  out  of  a  total  population  of  38,558,371  in  the 
United  States  in  1870,  5,922,471  persons,  or  more  than 
one-seventh  of  the  entire  population  of  the  Union,  were 
engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  In  the  same  year,  the 
total  male  population  of  the  Republic  was  19,493,565. 
Of  the  number  of  persons  given  as  engaged  in  agricul- 
tural pursuits,  5,525,503  were  males,  so  that  the  males 
of  the  farming  classes  number  more  than  one-fourth  of 
the  entire  male  population  of  the  country.  Of  the  19,- 
493,565  males  given  above,  8,425,941  were  twenty-one 
years  of  age  and  over ;  or  almost  one-half  of  the  male 
population  constitute  the  voting  class.  Assuming  the 
same  proportion  for  the  agricultural  class,  we  shall 
find  that  about  2,000,000  of  this  class  are  voters.  The 
truth  is,  however,  that  the  proportion  is  greater.  Of 
the  5,525,503  agriculturalists,  426,381  were  between 
the  ages  often  and  sixteen  years ;  4,650,191  were  from 
sixteen  to  fifty-nine;  and  448,931  were  sixty  and  over. 
By  the  census  from  which  these  figures  are  taken,  the 
number  of  farmers  and  planters  is  placed  at  2,955,030 
males,  none  of  whom  are  under  sixteen  years  of  age, 
very  few  can  be  minors,  and  it  seems  clear  that  the 
great  majority  of  them  must  be  voters.  We  think,  then, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      405 

that  we  are  warranted  in  asserting  that  the  number  of 
persons  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits  and  possessing 
the  right  of  suffrage,  is  over  4,000,000,  or  fully  one-half 
of  the  entire  voting  population  of  the  Republic.  We 
see  no  reason  to  distrust  this  estimate.  It  appears  fair, 
and  though  we  have  no  definite  returns  to  offer  upon 
this  head,  we  are  sure  that  we  are  very  near  the  actual 
truth  in  placing  the  voting  strength  of  the  farming 
classes  at  one-half  of  that  of  the  entire  country. 

Now  if  this  be  true,  it  needs  no  argument  to  prove  to 
the  farmers  of  this  country  that  they  possess  the  power 
as  well  as  the  right  to  remedy  the  grievances  of  which 
they  complain.  Four  millions  of  voters  united  in  a 
common  cause,  and  seeking  the  triumph  of  a  common 
principle,  are  capable  of  accomplishing  anything.  But 
they  must  be  united.  There  must  be  no  divisions 
among  them ;  no  quarrelling  over  petty  issues.  The 
great  objects  for  which  they  strive  must  be  first  achieved, 
and  minor  differences  settled  afterwards. 

What  can  be  more  important  to  the  farmer  than  the 
cause  of  his  own  independence,  his  redemption  from  his 
slavery  to  the  monopolies  that  have  wronged  him  so 
deeply,  and  robbed  him  so  thoroughly?  State  and 
Federal  legislation  can  be  so  thoroughly  controlled  by 
this  powerful  army  of  voters,  that  no  unjust  or  burden- 
some law  can  be  enacted  to  their  disadvantage,  the 
repeal  of  those  of  which  they  complain  can  be  effected, 
and  the  passage  of  such  as  are  necessary  to  the  inaugu- 
ration of  an  era  of  justice  and  equality  secured. 

It  will  be  a  great  and  a  glorious  revolution,  and  it  will 
be  peaceful.  There  will  be  no  strife,  no  bloodshed,  no 
ruined  homes,  no  starving  widows  and  orphans  to  cast 
their  reproaches  upon  the  men  who  undertake  the 


406  HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT. 

change.  On  the  contrary,  the  enemies  of  the  people 
will  be  thoroughly  defeated  in  a  quiet  and  almost  in- 
visible manner,  and  the  power  of  the  monopolists  will 
be  so  thoroughly  broken  that  they  will  no  longer  be 
able  to  oppress  and  grind  the  poor,'  or  those  less  fortu- 
nate than  themselves. 

The  power  of  bringing  about  a  different  condition  of 
affairs  being  thus  secured  to  the  farmers,  it  becomes  a 
solemn  duty  upon  their  part  to  use  it.  In  doing  so, 
they  can  benefit  not  only  themselves,  but  the  entire 
nation.  The  power  of  the  monopolists  to  oppress  must 
be  broken,  and  they  can  break  it.  They  can  rid  the 
country  of  the  great  curse  that  has  been  vexing  it  for 
so  long.  But,  in  order  to  accomplish  anything,  the 
farmers'  vote  must  be  cast  as  a  unit  in  favor  of  the 
measures  desired,  and  of  the  men  chosen  to  carry  into 
execution  these  measures.  Hitherto  this  vote  has  been 
divided,  and  the  monopolists  have  taken  advantage  of 
this  division  to  fasten  their  yoke  upon  the  nation.  Let 
the  farmers  now  combine  for  the  accomplishment  of  the 
ends  they  have  in  view,  and  there  will  be  thousands  of 
votes  thrown  with  them  by  the  outside  public,  who 
have  a  common  interest  with  them,  and  success  is  cer- 
tain. By  presenting  a  solid  front  all  over  the  Union 
upon  questions  vital  to  them,  and  by  acting  as  one  man 
in  the  hour  of  conflict  with  the  enemy,  the  success  of 
the  farmers'  movement  will  be  as  certain  as  the  rising 
of  the  sun. 

The  best  opportunity  ever  presented  to  the  American 
farmers,  of  combined  and  energetic  action  in  behalf  of 
their  rights,  is  held  out  to  them  at  present  by  the  "  Or- 
der of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  an  organization 
which  we  shall  now  proceed  to  investigate. 


PART    IV. 
THE  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

ORGANIZATION   OF   THE   ORDER. 

Mission  of  Mr.  O.  H.  Kelley  to  the  Southern  States — He  discovers  a  Remedy 
for  the  Farmers'  Grievances — Conferences  at  Washington — Formation  of  the 
Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry — Organization  of  the  National  Grange — 
Subsequent  History  of  the  Order — Increase  of  the  Granges — The  Grange 
in  Iowa — Strength  of  the  Order — The  Weekly  Bulletin — A  Wonderful 
History — Unprecedentedly  Rapid  Growth  of  the  Order — Comments  of  the 
"  Tribune  "  on  the  Increase  of  the  Granges — The  Order  in  Canada — List  of 
Canadian  Granges. 

IN  the  month  of  January,  1866,  Andrew  Johnson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  directed  Mr.  0.  H. 
Kelley,  of  the  Bureau  of  Agriculture  at  "Washington, 
to  make  a  tour  of  the  Southern  States,  and  report  upon 
their  agricultural  and  mineral  resources.  Mr.  Kelley 
was  well  qualified  for  the  task  assigned  him,  and  exe- 
cuted it  in  a  manner  which  won  the  high  commenda- 
tion of  the  Department.  He  visited  all  the  Southern 
States,  and  inquired  minutely  into  their  condition,  con- 
versing freely  with  the  farmers  and  planters,  and 
acquainting  himself  with  their  wants,  plans,  actual 
condition,  and  hopes  for  the  future. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  tour  was  the  awakening 
of  Mr.  Kelley  to  the  utterly  helpless  condition  of  the 

4C7 


408         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

farming  interest,  not  only  of  the  South,  but  of  the 
whole  country.  There  were  evils  from  which  this 
class  was  suffering,  and  which  all  acknowledged,  but 
there  was  no  remedy  to  be  found  for  them.  The  far- 
mers were  scattered,  divided  in  opinions,  almost  indif- 
ferent to  their  condition,  and  without  any  means  of 
expressing  or  enforcing  their  views  as  a  body. 

It  seemed  clear  to  Mr.  Kelley  that  if  a  remedy  was 
to  be  found  for  the  evils  that  he  encountered,  it  must 
be  in  the  associated  and  harmonious  action  of  the 
farming  class.  In  order,  however,  to  bring  about  such 
action,  the  farmers  must  be  given  an  opportunity  for 
association,  and  he  conceived  the  plan  of  bringing 
them  together  through  the  medium  of  an  order  devoted 
to  their  interests,  and  affording  them  the  means  of 
taking  the  best  measures  for  furthering  those  interests. 
He  did  not  propose  to  limit  the  new  order  to  the 
Southern  States,  but  his  plan  embraced  the  union  of 
the  farmers  of  the  entire  country  for  social  and  educa- 
tional purposes,  as  well  as  for  the  protection  of  their 
interests. 

Mr.  Kelley  returned  to  "Washington  in  November, 
1866,  and  mentioned  his  scheme  to  several  friends, 
prominent  among  whom  was  Mr.  William  Saunders, 
then  and  now,  the  Superintendent  of  the  Gardens  and 
Grounds  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture.  He  also 
communicated  it  to  Mr.  William  M.  Ireland,  Chief 
Clerk  of  the  Finance  Office  of  the  Post  Office  Depart- 
ment; Mr.  John  R.  Thompson,  of  the  Treasury  De- 
partment ;  Rev.  Dr.  John  Trimble,  also  of  the  Treasury 
Department ;  and  the  Rev.  A.  B.  Grosh,  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture. 

The  matter  was  discussed  by  these  gentlemen,  and 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      409 

various  suggestions  were  offered  by  them  respecting 
the  proposed  organization.  At  length,  Messrs.  Kelley 
and  Ireland  set  to  work  to  embody  the  results  of  these 
deliberations,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  August, 
1867,  compiled  the  first  degree  of  the  Order  of  Patrons 
of  Husbandry. 

On  the  12th  of  August,  Mr.  Saunders  left  Washing- 
ton for  the  West,  on  business  for  the  Department  of 
Agriculture.  He  took  with  him  the  first  degree  of  the 
Order,  and  upon  reaching  St.  Louis  began  his  efforts  to 
establish  it  in  the  West.  He  was  entirely  successful, 
and  on  the  evening  of  December  4th,  1867,  the  National 
Grange  was  established  at  Washington,  at  the  residence 
of  Mr.  Saunders.  The  following  officers  were  elected  : 

Master.— WILLIAM  SATJNDERS,  of  District  of  Columbia. 
Lecturer. — J.  R.  THOMPSON,  of  Vermont. 
Overseer.— ANSON  BARTLETT,  of  Ohio. 
Steward. — WILLIAM  MURI,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Assistant  Steward. — A.  S.  Moss,  of  New  York. 
Chaplain. — REV.  A.  B.  GROSH,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Treasurer. — WILLIAM  M.  IRELAND,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Secretary. — O.  H.  KELLEY,  of  Minnesota. 
Gate  Keeper. — EDWARD  P.  F ARRIS,  of  Illinois. 

Soon  after  this,  a  subordinate  Grange  was  established 
in  Washington,  together  with  a  school  of  instruction 
to  test  the  efficiency  of  the  ritual.  This  Grange  num- 
bered about  sixty  members. 

The  first  dispensation  granted  by  the  National 
Grange  was  issued  to  a  subordinate  lodge  at  Harris- 
burg,  Pennsylvania ;  the  second  was  to  a  Grange  at 
Fredonia,  New  York ;  the  third  to  a  Grange  at  Colum- 
bus, Ohio ;  and  the  fourth  to  a  Grange  at  Chicago. 

In  April,  1868,  Mr.  Kelley  left  Washington  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  subordinate  Granges  throughout 


410         HISTORY  OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  country.  His  efforts  were  directed  mainly  to  the 
Western  States,  and  were  very  successful.  During  the 
first  month  after  leaving  Washington,  he  organized  six 
Granges  in  Minnesota.  From  this  the  order  spread 
rapidly.  The  farmers  were  a  little  shy  of  the  Order  at 
first,  and  the  fact  that  it  was  a  secret  society  rather 
inclined  them  to  distrust  it ;  but  when  it  was  fairly 
presented  to  them,  and  its  objects  stated  and  explained, 
it  became  apparent  to  them  at  once  that  it  was  a  neces- 
sity, and  its  success  was  assured  from  the  moment  that 
this  conviction  entered  the  minds  of  the  agricultural 
community.  The  most  remarkable  growth  was  mani- 
fested in  the  State  of  Iowa,  in  which  as  many  as  eighty 
Granges  per  week  were  organized  at  one  period  of  the 
present  year.  Says  a  letter  from  Iowa  : 

"  The  Grange  is  stronger  in  Iowa  than  in  any  other 
State.  The  number  of  subordinate  Granges  is  about 
1800,  and  the  number  of  members  or  t patrons'  nearly 
100,000.  The  Order  was  planted  here  soon  after  its 
formation  in  Washington,  nearly  four  years  ago,  but  for 
various  reasons  was  not  widely  extended  until  within 
the  past  twelve  months.  During  the  Spring  of  this 
year  it  grew  with  astonishing  rapidity,  increasing  until 
the  beginning  of  the  harvest  at  the  rate  of  from  sixty 
to  eighty  Granges  a  week.  Its  great  strength  is  in  the 
country.  When  the  Order  was  first  introduced  it  was 
proposed  to  plant  it  first  in  the  towns,  with  the  expec- 
tation that  it  would  naturally  spread  from  them  into 
the  country.  But  this  was  found  to  be  impossible,  for 
the  town  Granges  seemed  to  have  very  little  cohesive 
power.  There  was  not  life  enough  in  them  to  preserve 
their  own  existence,  to  say  nothing  of  their  inability 
to  propagate  their  kind.  It  was  not  until  the  mission- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      411 

aries  went  out  into  the  prairies  and  began  to  work 
among  those  who  gave  their  whole  time  and  attention 
to  the  farm  that  the  Order  took  root. 

"  Of  many  attempts  to  organize  the  farmers  of  Iowa 
for  any  purpose,  the  Grange  is  the  first  that  has  been 
successful.  Farmers'  clubs,  established  under  the  most 
favorable  circumstances  and  fostered  by  the  State  Board 
of  Agriculture,  have  always  proved  short-lived.  Not 
more  than  eighteen  or  twenty  could  ever  be  kept  in 
active  operation  at  once,  and  even  that  small  number 
would  soon  dwindle  away  unless  the  promise  of  rare 
seeds  or  agricultural  documents  was  constantly  held 
out  as  an  inducement  to  the  farmers  to  continue  their 
meetings,  and  new  clubs  were  frequently  organized  to 
fill  the  places  of  those  that  died.  But  the  Grange 
seems  to  have  exactly  supplied  a  want  of  the  people. 
Perhaps  the  '  hard  times '  experienced  during  the  past 
two  or  three  years  by  the  farmers  of  Iowa,  in  common 
with  those  of  other  Western  States,  aroused  them  to 
the  necessity  of  united,  intelligent  cooperation,  and 
prepared  them  to  welcome  the  Grange  as  the  first 
channel  opened  through  which  they  might  hope  for 
relief.  At  all  events,  the  Order  has  taken  kindly  to 
the  soil  of  Iowa,  and  has  accomplished  more  here  than 
elsewhere,  while  the  farmers'  clubs  have  long  since 
disappeared." 

The  number  of  Granges  in  the  United  States  is  in- 
creasing so  rapidly  that  it  is  hard  to  give  an  accurate 
statement  concerning  them.  The  Secretary  of  the  Na- 
tional Grange  formerly  issued  from  his  office  at  Washing- 
ton a  monthly  bulletin  giving  the  strength  of  the  Order 
in  each  State.  The  bulletin  of  January  1st,  1874,  places 
the  total  number  of  subordinate  Granges  at  10,015, 


412          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

being  an  increase  of  1225  in  a  single  month.  As  these 
bulletins  are  of  interest  to  all  concerned  in  the  move- 
ment, we  give  that  of  the  1st  of  January  as  a  specimen. 
It  is  as  follows  : 


PATRONS  OF  HUSBANDRY. 

NATIONAL  GRANGE, 

SECRETARY'S  OFFICE,  612  LOUISIANA  AVENUE, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  1,  1874. 

Alabama  .........  (Master—  W.  H.  CHAMBERS  ................  Oswichee. 

SUB.  GR'S,  354 
Deputies,         9 


.     .  . 

SUB.  GR'S,  354^        ,        _,,,,. 

(.  Sec'y      E.  M.  LAW  .........................  Tuskegee. 


•Arkansas  ........  f  Master—  JOHN  T.  JONES  ...................  Helena. 

SUB.GR'S,  134- 


(Mas 

l\Sec\ 


Deputies,       40  [Sec'y      JOHN  S.  WILLIAMS Duvall's  Bluff. 

California (  Master— J.  M.  HAMILTON Guenoc. 

SUB.  GR'S,  129 1  _, 

Deputies,       25  [  Secy      w-  H.  BAXTER Napa  City. 

(  Master — State  Grange  not  organized. 

Delaware 1  „  , 

( Sec'y       


Florida.  •»•—•»  (  Master—  B.  T.  WARDLOW  ..................  Madison. 

SUB.  GR'S,    2O  ^  _ 

Deputies,         Q(Secy      W.  A.  BRINSON  ...................  Live  Oak. 

Georgia  .........  (  Master—  T.  J.  SMITH  ........................  Oconee,  C.  R.  B. 

SUB.  GR'S,  437  •{  _ 

[Sec'y      E.  TAYLOR  .........................  Colaparchee. 

Illinois...........  C  Master—  ALONZO  GOLDER  .................  Rock  Falls. 

SUB.  GR'S,  821  4 

Deputies,     117  [  Sec'y      O.  E.  FANNING  ....................  Gait. 

Indiana..........  f  faster—  HENLEY  JAMES  ..................  Marion. 

SUB.  GR'S,  862  •{ 

Deputies,       88  (  "ec'y      MARTIN  M.  MOODY  ..............  Muncie. 


Iowa...............  f  Master—  A.  B.  SMEDLEY  ...................  Cresco. 

SuB.GR'8,1845  1  „ 

Deputies,     Ul[Sec'y      N.  W.  GARRETSON  ...............  Winterset. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      413 

Kansas  ...........  f  Master—  M.  E.  HUDSON  .....................  Mapleton. 

SUB  GB'S  779  -I 

Deputies'     4A\Sec'y      GEO.  W.  SPURGEON  ..............  Jacksonville. 

Kentucky  ......  (  Master—  M.  D.  DAVIE  .......................  Beverly. 

SUB.  GB'S,  172  ^ 

Deputies,      28  [Stcy      J.  EUGENE  BARNES  ..............  Georgetown. 


Louisiana  ......  (  Master—  H.  W.  L.  LEWIS  ..................  Osyka,  Miss. 

SUB.  GR'S,    50^  . 

Deputies,         3(.£fiC#      N.  D.  WETMORE  ..................  Ponchatoula. 

Maine  ............  (  Master  —  State  Grange  not  organized. 

SUB.  GR'S,       1 
Deputies,         l 


Maryland f  Master— State  Grange  not  organized. 

SUB.  GR'S,    14-!  r 

Deputies,         l(aecy       


Mass f  Master— T.  L.  ALLIS...' Conway. 

SUB.  GR'S,    19  ^  p 

Deputies         Q^Sec'y      BENJ.  DAVIS Ware. 

Michigan (Master— S.  F.  BROWN Schoolcraft. 

SUB.  GR'S,  169  \  a   ,        _  _  _  - 

Deputies         2[Secy      J .  T.  COBB Schoolcraft. 


Minnesota f  Master— GEO.  J.  PARSONS Winona. 

SUB.  GR'S,  406 
Deputies,       37 

Mississippi (Master— A.  J.  VAUGHAN Early  Grove. 

SUB.  GR'S,  516  ' 
Deputies,       57 


SUB.  GR'S,  406  -{  _           _  "_  a*  T>    i 

—i  [Sec'y      WM.  PAIST St.  Paul. 


SUB.  GR'S,  516     c  _.      . 

(.  °*  f      W.  L.  WILLIAMS  .................  Kienzi. 


Missouri  .........  fj/os<er—  T.  K.ALLEN  .......................  AUenton. 

SuB.GR's,1302  ^  r 

Deputies        94  (.  ^ec'y      A.  M.  COFFEY  .....................  Knob  Noster. 


Nebraska  .......  f  Master—  WM.  B.  PORTER  ..................  Platsmouth. 

SUB.  GR'S,  370-^  c 

Deputies        33  (.  5ec'y       WM.  McCAiG  ......................  Elmwood. 

New  Hamp....  (  J/os^r—  DUDLET  T.  CHASE.-  ............  Claremont. 

Deputiosj'       l\Sec'y       C.C.SHAW  ........................  Milford. 

New  Jersey  •-•  (Master  —  EDWARD  ROWLAND  ............  Hammonton. 

Deputies,8 


8'     14\Sec'y      B.  W.  PRATT  ......................  Newfield. 


New  York  ......  (  Master—  GEO.  D.  HINCKLET  ..............  Fredonia. 

SUB.  GR'S,    29^  .  _.    . 

Deputies       2*l«iCf      W.  A.  ARMSTRONG  ...............  Elmira. 


414          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

N.  Carqlina--.-  (Master  —  COLUMBUS  MILLS  ................  Concord. 

SUB.  GB'S,  139  -{  0    , 

Deputies,       10  (  Sec  #      G-  W-  LAWRENCE  ................  Fayetteville. 

Ohio  ...............  (  Master—  S.  H.  ELLIS  ........................  Springboro'. 

SUB.  GB'S,  293  \   _    ,  „     . 

Deputies,       48('S»^       D.M.STEWART  ..................  Xema. 

Oregon  ...........  (Master  —  DANIEL  CLABK  ..................  Salem. 

SUB.  GR'S,    58  \  -,   ,  rr     •  i, 

Deputies,       12  (  Sec  V       J-  H-  SMITH  ........................  Harrisburg. 

Penna  ............  f  Master—  D.  B.  MAUGEB  ....................  Douglassville. 

SUB.  GR'S,    56^        ,  . 

Deputies        34  [  8*09      R-  H.  THOMAS  .....................  Mechamcsburg. 

S.  Carolina  .....  f  Master—  THOMAS  TAYLOR  .................  Columbia. 

SUB.  GR'S,  206  \   _, 

Deputies         1  (  Sec'y      D.  WYATT  AIKEN  ...............  Cokesbury. 

• 
Tennessee  ......  f  Master—  WILLIAM  MAXWELL  ............  Maxville. 

SUB.  GR'S,  302  \  r 

Deputies        34  (  "ec  'y      *  •  *  •  McMuRRAY  ................  Trenton. 

Texas  .............  f  Master—  J.  B.  JOHNSON  .....................  Fairfield. 

SUB.  GR'S,    61-J  . 

Deputies,       11  (.  Sec'y      H.  H.  PARKER  ....................  Salado. 


Vermont  ........  f  Master—  E.  P.  COLTON  ......................  Irasburg. 

SUB.  GR'S,    42 
Deputies        16 


. 
SUB.  GR'S,    42]  „   , 

(.  ^ec  U       E.  L.  HOVEY  .......................  St.  Johnsbury. 


Virginia  .........  f  Master—  J.  W.  WHITE  ......................  Charlotte. 

SUB.  GR'S,     18  -{   .,   , 

Deputies          1  (.'"^f       M.  W.  HAZELWOOD  ..............  Richmond. 

W.  Virginia...  f  Master—  B.  M.  KITCHEN  ...................  Shanghai. 

SUB.  GR'S,    27  i  _   ,        _  __    _ 

Deputies          9r***^l'       *•  **•  Curtis  ........................  Martmsburg. 


Wisconsin (  Master— JOHN  COCHRANE Waupun. 

SUB.  GR'S,  289  \  „   , 

Deputies,      47  (Secy      H.  E.  HUXLEY Neenah. 

Colorado ("  Master— State  Grange  not  organized. 

SUB.  GR'S       ^  ' 
Deputies, 


SUB.  GR'S,      4-{ 
1  ( 


Dakota (Master— E.  B.  CREW Lodi. 

SUB.  GR'S,    39-^ 

Deputies,         6  (  See'y      O.  F.  STEVENS Jefferson. 

Washington-.  (  Master— United  with  Oregon. 
SUB.  GR'S,      6-! 
Deputies,         3  (.  Sec'y       


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       415 

Canada (  Afatter — State  Grange  not  organized. 

SUB.  GB'S,      8 


Monthly  Statement  of  Subordinate  Granges  organized 
during  1872  and  1873  : 

January.         Feburary.         March.  April.  May.  June. 

1872 54  61  96  08  65  86 

1873 158  347  666  571  696  625 


July.  August.       September.        October.       November.      December. 

1872 115  79  79  91  1O9  120 

1873 612  829  919          1050  974         1225 


Total  number  of  Subordinate  Granges,  10,015 ;  re- 
ported membership,  751,125. 

Such  has  been  the  rapid  and  unprecedented  growth 
of  the  Order.  During  the  year  1873,  its  increase  was 
most  marked,  and  it  is  now  spreading  at  a  rate  which 
will  soon  carry  it  to  every  county  in  the  United 
States.  Hitherto  its  chief  growth  has  been  in  the 
Western  States,  but  it  is  now  increasing  rapidly  in 
the  Middle,  Eastern,  and  Southern  States.  It  has  be- 
come in  all  respects  a  national  movement,  and  is  already 
a  power  which  by  its  immense  strength  and  great  im- 
portance is  exerting  a  tremendous  influence  in  every 
part  of  the  Union. 

"It  has  grown  by  the  process  of  nature,"  says  the 
New  York  Tribune,  commenting  upon  its  wonderful 
history,  "  out  of  the  pressing  wants  of  the  time ;  and  it 
has  spread  and  waxed  strong  steadily  and  rapidly  ever 
since  it  came  into  existence.  Within  a  few  weeks  it 
has  menaced  the  political  equilibrium  of  the  most  stead- 
fast States.  It  has  upset  the  calculations  of  veteran 


416          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

campaigners,  and  put  professional  office-seekers  to  more 
embarrassment  than  even  the  Back  Pay.  The  Grange 
was  not  the  origin  of  the  Farmers'  Movement ;  it  was 
only  its  outgrowth.  Yet  in  calculating  the  moral  and 
physical  forces  of  the  movement,  the  Grange  must  be 
the  principal  factor.  It  took  its  origin  a  few  years  ago 
in  a  Washington  office.  Its  founders  were  not  farmers, 
but  Government  clerks.  They  understood,  however, 
the  temper  and  the  wants  of  the  agricultural  class,  and 
they  devised,  with  aid,  perhaps,  from  the  prairies,  one 
of  the  most  ingenious  and  effective  organizations  ever 
invented  in  so  short  a  time.  From  Washington  the 
Grange  spread  all  over  the  great  grain  region,  and  back 
again  to  the  far  East,  and  Southward  into  the  country 
of  cotton  and  tobacco.  Everywhere  it  found  enthusi- 
astic adherents.  Everywhere  it  found  farmers  who 
needed  its  help,  farmers'  wives  and  daughters,  who 
picked  up  a  new  life  and  a  fresh  spirit  under  its  social 
and  intellectual  influence,  and  gave  it  in  return  the  at- 
traction of  a  refined  and  cheerful  membership.  Business 
and  pleasure  surely  were  never  so  profitably  combined 
before.  It  was  the  old  principle  of  the  husking-frolic 
and  the  quilting-bee,  applied  to  loftier  objects  and  prac- 
tised with  a  sterner  eye  to  the  main  chance.  The 
women  and  the  young  people,  who  met  at  evening  to 
go  through  the  little  ceremonies  of  the  Grangers'  ritual, 
and  pass  an  hour  or  so  in  decorous  amusements  and 
conversation,  and  song,  and  reading,  may  have  fancied 
that  they  were  only  breaking  the  monotony  of  toil  by  a 
bit  of  harmless  entertainment;  but  the  Grange  knew 
better.  They  were  learning,  and  teaching  others,  to  be 
better  farmers,  to  be  thrifty,  to  buy  cheaper,  to  sell 
better,  to  rid  themselves  of  creditors,  to  keep  out  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      417 

debt,  and  finally  to  check  the  enormous  power  of  the 
railroads  which  have  so  long  been  driving  the  farmers 
to  the  wall.  In  fact,  the  Grange  succeeded  so  well 
because  it  had  the  art  to  take  the  average  men  and 
women  of  the  .West  and  make  them  work  without 
knowing  it,  and  accomplish  what  they  hardly  dreamed 
of.  That  it  did  succeed  is  a  sufficient  evidence  that  it 
was  founded  upon  a  genuine  and  general  popular  need, 
and  directed  toward  a  really  important  object.  Even 
if  it  should  be  worsted  at  last  in  the  struggle  against 
monopoly,  it  will  still  have  done  ample  good  to  justify 
its  existence. 

"  What  the  end  of  the  railroad  question  is  to  be  no 
one  can  yet  predict.  The  difficulties  of  the  case  are 
perplexing,  and  they  vary  in  different  States,  nay,  in 
different  towns.  Thus  far  we  cannot  see  that  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry  have  made  any  distinct  impres- 
sion upon  the  defences  of  their  chief  adversary.  Rates 
have  been  raised  rather  than  lowered  on  the  transpor- 
tation lines  since  this  agitation  began.  Legislation 
where  it  has  been  attempted  has  done  little  good.  The 
decisions  of  the  courts  have  settled  no  great  principles, 
and  it  is  not  clear  that  the  courts  themselves  are  not  in 
danger  of  being  unsettled  by  the  popular  passion.  But 
it  is  a  great  thing  to  have  brought  the  farmers'  cause 
so  prominently  before  the  public  that  their  complaints 
are  now  familiar  to  every  intelligent  man  in  the  United 
States.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  have  created  almost  uni- 
versal sympathy  for  them.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  have 
made  the  farmers  formidable  in  the  eyes  of  the  poli- 
ticians, started  Committees  of  Congress  and  the  Legis- 
latures travelling  about  the  country  to  find  out  what 
can  be  done  for  them,  and  terrified  caucuses  into  crav- 
27 


418          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ing  their  friendship.  Above  all,  perhaps,  it  is  a  great 
thing  to  have  brought  the  honest  agricultural  element 
prominently  into  politics ;  it  looked  a  year  ago  as  if  the 
art  of  government  was  gradually  falling  into  the  hands 
of  an  exclusive  profession, — the  hands  being  the  dirtiest 
and  the  profession  the  meanest  in  all  the  United  States." 

No  official  estimate  is  given  of  the  number  of  mem- 
bers of  the  various  Granges,  but  with  the  number  of 
lodges  at  seven  thousand,  or  over,  the  number  of  mem- 
bers may  be  safely  estimated  at  about  half  a  million. 
A  year  hence,  if  the  present  rate  of  growth  continues, 
as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  it  will,  the  member- 
ship of  the  Order  will  be  nearly  three  millions. 

Such  an  Order  must  necesarily  exert  a  powerful  in- 
fluence upon  the  community.  If  it  be  for  good,  the 
Order  must  be  regarded  as  a  blessing  to  the  entire 
country ;  and  that  it  is  for  good  we  hope  to  show  in  the 
remaining  chapters  of  this  work. 

The  Order  has  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  and  has  spread  into  Canada,  where  there  are 
now  seven  subordinate  Granges.  They  are  as  follows  : 

No.  1.  INTERNATIONAL— Master,  Albert  P.  Ball,  Stanstead,  Prov. 

Quebec ;  Secretary,  J.  G;  Field,  Derby  Line,  Vermont. 
No.  2.  BARXSTON— Master,  Geo.  C.  Hanson,  Barnston,  Prov.  Que- 
bec ;  Secretary,  Ed'd  A.  Gushing,  Barnston,  Prov.  Quebec. 
No.  3.  GOLDEN— Master,  Albert  E.  Damon ;  Secretary,  Wm.  Major, 

Drew's  Mills,  Prov.  Quebec. 
No.  4.  SHIPTON— Master,  Timothy  Leet ;  Secretary,  R.  M.  J.  Bernard, 

Danville,  Prov.  Quebec. 
No.  5.  AYLMEK— Master,  Lord  Aylmer,  Melbourne,  Prov.  Quebec ; 

Secretary,  John  Main,  Melbourne,  Prov.  Quebec. 
No.  6.  FRELIGHSBURG— Master,  S.  R.  Whitman,  Freliglisburg,  Prov. 

Quebec;    Secretary,    E.  E.  Spencer,     Frelighsburg,   Prov. 

Quebec. 
No.  7.  DUNHAM — Master,   R.  L.  Galer,  Dunham,    Prov.  Quebec ; 

Secretary,  C.  E.  C.  Brown?  Dunham,  Prov.  Quebec. 


THE.  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      419 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

COMPOSITION   OF   THE   GRANGES/ 

Objects  of  the  Order — Male  and  Female  Members — Division  into  National, 
State,  and  Local  Granges — Officers  of  the  National  Grange — Membership 
limited  to  Agriculturalists — Organization  of  the  Grange — Qualifications  of 
Members — Secrecy  required — The  Degrees  of  the  Order — The  Ritual  De- 
grees of  the  Subordinate  Grange — Degrees  of  the  State  Grange — Degrees  of 
the  National  Grange — Financial  Matters — How  the  Grange  is  organized — 
Description  of  the  Working  System  of  the  Order — How  the  Expenses  of  the 
Grange  are  paid — The  Secret  Feature  considered — Necessity  for  and  Ad- 
vantage of  Secrecy — Advantages  of  Female  Members — Woman's  Work  in 
the  Grange — Objects  of  the  Order  discussed. 

THE  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  is  a  secret  society 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  agricultural  classes.  Its 
objects  are  stated  in  a  general  way  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  National  Grange,  as  follows : 

"NATIONAL  GRANGE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

"  It  is  evident  to  all  intelligent  minds  that  the  time 
has  come  when  those  engaged  in  rural  pursuits  should 
have  an  organization  devoted  entirely  to  their  interests. 
Such  it  is  intended  to  make  the  Order  of  Patrons.  It 
was  instituted  in  1867 ;  its  growth  is  unprecedented  in 
the  history  of  secret  associations,  and  it  is  acknowledged 
one  of  the  most  useful  and  powerful  organizations  in 
the  United  States.  Its  grand  objects  are  not  only 
general  improvement  in  husbandry,  but  to  increase  the 
general  happiness,  wealth,  and  prosperity  of  the  coun- 


420          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

try.  It  is  founded  upon  the  axioms  that  the  products 
of  the  soil  comprise  the  basis  of  all  wealth ;  that  indi- 
vidual happiness  depends  upon  general  prosperity,  and 
that  the  wealth  of  a  country  depends  upon  the  general 
intelligence  and  mental  culture  of  the  producing 
classes. 

"  In  the  meetings  .of  this  Order  all  but  members  are 
excluded,  and  there  is  in  its  proceedings  a  symbolized 
ritual,  pleasing,  beautiful,  and  appropriate,  which  is 
designed  not  only  to  charm  the  fancy,  but  to  culti- 
vate and  enlarge  the  mind  and  purify  the  heart,  hav- 
ing at  the  same  time  strict  adaptation  to  rural  pur- 
suits. 

"  The  secrecy  of  the  ritual  and  proceedings  of  the 
Order  have  been  adopted  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of 
accomplishing  desired  efficiency,  extension,  and  unity, 
and  to  secure  among  its  members,  in  the  inter- 
nal working  of  the  Order,  confidence,  harmony,  and 
security. 

"  Women  are  admitted  to  full  membership,  and  we 
solicit  the  co-operation  of  women  because  of  a  conviction 
that  without  her  aid  success  will  be  less  certain  and 
decided.  Much  might  be  said  in  this  connection,  but 
every  husband  and  brother  knows  that  where  he  can  be 
accompanied  by  his  wife  or  sister  no  lessons  will  be 
learned  but  those  of  purity  and  truth. 

"  The  Order  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  will  accom- 
plish a  thorough  and  systematic  organization  among 
farmers  and  horticulturists  throughout  the  United 
States,  and  will  secure  among  them  intimate  social  re- 
lations and  acquaintance  with  each  other,  for  the  ad- 
vancement and  elevation  of  their  pursuits,  with  an  ap- 
preciation and  protection  of  their  true  interests.  By  such 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      421 

means  may  be  accomplished  that  which  exists  through- 
out the  country  in  all  other  avocations  and  among  all 
other  classes — combined  co-operative  association  for  indi- 
vidual improvement  and  common  benefit. 

"  Among  the  advantages  which  may  be  derived  from 
the  Order  are  systematic  arrangements  for  procuring 
and  disseminating,  in  the  most  expeditious  manner,  in- 
formation relative  to  crops,  demand  and  supply,  prices, 
markets,  and  transportation  throughout  the  country ; 
also  for  the  purchase  and  exchange  of  stock,  seeds,  and 
desired  varieties  of  plants  and  trees,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  procuring  help  at  home  or  from  abroad,  and  situations 
for  persons  seeking  employment ;  also,  for  ascertaining 
and  testing  the  merits  of  newly-discovered  farming  im- 
plements and  those  not  in  general  use,  and  for  detecting 
and  exposing  those  that  are  unworthy,  and  for  protect- 
ing, by  all  available  means,  the  farming  interests  from 
fraud  and  deception,  and  combinations  of  every  kind. 

"  We  ignore  all  political  or  religious  discussions  in  the 
Order;  we  do  not  solicit  the  patronage  of  any  sect, 
association,  or  individual,  upon  any  grounds  whatever, 
except  upon  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the  Order. 

"  The  better  to  secure  greater  benefits  to  our  mem- 
bers, we  desire  to  establish  Granges  in  every  city,  town, 
and  village  in  the  United  States." 


i-v 


The  Order  consists  of  a  National  Grange  with  its 
headquarters  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  as  many  State 
Granges  as  there  are  States  in  the  Union,  and  an  inde- 
finite number  of  Subordinate  Granges.  The  names 
and  addresses  of  the  officers  of  the  various  State 
Granges  have  been  given.  The  officers  of  the  Na- 
tional Grange  are  as  follows : 


422          HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

OFFICERS   OF    NATIONAL    GRANGE. 

Elected  at  Sixth  Annual  Session. 

Master — DUDLEY  W.  ADAMS,  Waukon,  Iowa. 
Overseer — THOMAS  TAYLOR,  Columbia,  South  Carolina. 
Lecturer — T.  A.  THOMPSON,  Plain vew,  Wabasha  Co.,  Minn. 
Steward — A.  J.  VAUGHAN,  Early  Grove,  Marshall  Co.,  Miss. 
Assistant  Steivard — G.  W.  THOMPSON,  New  Brunswick,  N.  J. 
Chaplain — REV.  A.  B.  GROSH,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Treasurer — F.  M.  McDowELL,  Corning,  N.  Y. 
Secretary—  O.  H.  KELLEY,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Gate-keeper — O.  DINWIDDIE,  Orchard  Grove,  Lake  Co.,  Ind. 
Ceres— MRS.  D.  W.  ADAMS,  Waukon,  Iowa. 
Pomona — MRS.  O.  H.  KELLEY,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Flora — MRS.  J.  C.  ABBOTT,  Clarkesville,  Butler  Co.,  Iowa. 
Lady  Assistant  Steward — Miss  C.  A.  HALL,  Washington,  D.  C. 

EXECUTIVE     COMMITTEE. 

WILLIAM  SAUNDERS,  Washington,  D.  C. 

D.  WYATT  AIKEN,  Cokesbnry,  Abbeville  Co.,  S.  C. 

E.  R.  SIIANKLAND,  Dubuque,  Iowa. 

The  membership  of  the  Order  is  confined  to  persons 
engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  This  limitation  is 
necessary  as  the  success  of  the  Order  depends  upon  the 
unity  of  interests  existing  among  its  members.  There 
must  be  a  common  object,  and  a  common  incentive  to 
attain  the  fulfilment  of  that  object. 

The  term  Grange,  which  is  applied  to  the  various  so- 
cieties composing  the  Order,  is  particularly  appropriate. 
It  is  derived  from  the  Latin  granium,  and  means  sim- 
ply a  farm. 

The  membership  of  the  Order  includes  both  males 
and  females.  The  former  must  be  over  eighteen  years 
of  age,  and  the  latter  over  sixteen.  These  constitute  a 
secret  society,  which  is  divided  into  local  or  subordi- 
nate Granges,  State  Granges,  and  a  National  Grange. 

According  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Order,  the  officers 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      423 

of  a  local  Grange  are  thirteen  in  number,  and  are  elected 
annually.  Nine  are  men,  and  four  women.  The 
male  officers  are  a  Master,  Overseer,  Lecturer,  Steward, 
Assistant  Steward,  Chaplain,  Treasurer,  Secretary,  and 
Gate-keeper.  The  female  officers  are  Ceres,  Pomona, 
Flora,  and  Lady  Assistant  Steward.  The  officers  of 
the  State  and  National  Grange  are  the  same  in  number 
and  title. 

The  State  Grange  consists  of  the  Masters  and  Past 
Masters  (or  Masters  who  have  passed  out  of  office)  of  the 
local  Granges.  As  there  must  be  twelve  officers  in  the 
State  Grange,  the  Constitution  requires  that  there  shall 
be  fifteen  local  Granges  in  each  State  before  a  State 
Grange  can  be  organized. 

The  National  Grange  is  composed  of  the  Masters  and 
Past  Masters  of  the  State  Granges. 

The  local  Granges  are  required  to  meet  once  a  month, 
but  are  permitted  to  hold  as  many  intermediate  meet- 
ings as  they  may  deem  necessary.  The  State  Granges 
and  the  National  Grange  meet  annually,  at  such  times 
and  places  as  they  may  appoint. 

No  one  but  a  person  of  good  moral  character  can  be- 
come a  member  of  the  Order.  Idlers  and  disreputable 
persons  have  no  place  in  it.  No  religious  or  political 
test  is  demanded.  Individual  opinions  are  respected 
and  tolerated  to  the  fullest  degree ;  and  no  discussions 
upon  religious  or  political  questions  are  allowed  at  the 
meetings  of  the  Granges. 

The  Order  is  a  secret  society,  as  has  been  stated.  Its 
proceedings  are  secret,  and  none  but  members  are  ad- 
mitted to  its  meetings.  Several  degrees  are  included  in 
the  organization,  for  each  of  which  there  is  a  beautiful 
and  appropriate  ritual. 


124  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;   OR 

The  subordinate  or  local  Grange  is  empowered  to 
confer  four  degrees.  The  first  degree  is  that  of  Laborer. 
When  conferred  upon  women  it  is  the  degree  of  Maid. 
The  second  is  that  of  Cultivator,  for  men ;  and  Shep- 
herdess for  women.  The  third,  that  of  Harvester,  for 
men ;  and  Gleaner,  for  women.  The  fourth,  that  of 
Husbandman,  for  men ;  and  Matron  for  women. 

The  State  Grange  alone  confers  the  fifth  degree,  that 
of  Pomona  (Hope).  The  wives  of  Masters  of  the  local 
Granges  are  also  members  of  the  State  Grange. 

The  last  two  degrees  are  conferred  by  the  National 
Grange  only.  They  are  the  sixth  degree,  or  that  of 
Flora  (Charity) ;  conferred  upon  Masters  of  the  State 
Granges  and  their  wives  who  have  taken  the  degree  of 
Pomona;  and  the  seventh  degree,  or  that  of  Ceres 
(Faith),  which  is  conferred  upon  any  members  of  the 
National  Grange  who  have  served  one  year  therein.  It 
has  charge  of  the  secret  work  of  the  Order,  and  tries  all 
cases  of  impeachment  of  officers  of  the  National  Grange. 

Each  person  becoming  a  member  of  the  Order  is  re- 
quired to  pay  an  initiation  fee,  which  is  fixed  at  $5  for 
men,  and  $2  for  women.  This  covers  the  four  degrees  of 
the  subordinate  Grange  The  monthly  dues  are  regu- 
lated by  each  Grange,  but  they  cannot  be  less  than  ten 
cents  for  each  member. 

The  Treasurer  of  the  subordinate  Grange  is  required 
to  pay  to  the  State  Grange  the  sum  of  $1  for  each  man, 
and  fifty  cents  for  each  woman  initiated  into  the  Grange, 
such  payments  being  made  quarterly.  He  is  also  re- 
quired to  pay  a  quarterly  due  of  six  cents  for  each 
member. 

Each  State  Grange  is  required  to  pay  to  the  National 
Grange  in  quarterly  instalments,  the  annual  due  of  ten 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      425 

cents  for  each  member  of  the  Order  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion. The  funds  of  the  Order  are  guarded  by  a  series 
of  judicious  regulations,  and  their  proper  administration 
is  thus  guaranteed. 

The  necessity  for  these  payments,  as  well  as  some  of 
the  leading  objects  of  the  Order,  is  set  forth  in  the  fol- 
lowing communication  from  a  leading  Southern  Patron 
(Mr.  Wm.  E.  Simmons,  of  Charleston,  S.  C.)  : 

"  Not  quite  a  year  ago,  I  called  one  day  to  see  a 
friend  on  some  business ;  this  was  soon  arranged  to  our 
mutual  satisfaction,  and,  after  chatting  a  while,  I  got 
up  to  leave.  As  we  shook  hands  my  friend  handed 
me  a  small  pamphlet,  at  the  same  time  requesting  me 
to  read  it.  '  What  is  this?'  I  asked.  'Read  it  and 
judge  for  yourself,'  he  replied.  By  reference  to  the 
title  page  1  was  informed  that  this  mysterious  little 
book  was  the  '  Constitution  of  the  Patrons  of  Husband- 
ry! '  Who  are  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  ?  I  never 
heard  of  them,'  I  soliloquized.  Upon  reading  a  little 
further  I  found  that  this  was  a  name  applied  to  a 
secret  organization  for  the  promotion  and  protection  of 
agricultural  interests,  which  existed  throughout  various 
portions  of  the  United  States,  in  the  form  of  clubs,  or, 
according  to  the  Patrons'  nomenclature,  '  Granges.'  I 
also  discovered  that  there  was  a  head  centre  or 
1  National  Grange,'  located  at  Washington,  to  which  all 
other  Granges  were  subservient,  and  from  which  ema- 
nated all  authority,  information,  and  plans  of  work  of 
any  importance.  Now,  the  idea  of  applying  for 
authority  to  organize  a  club  of  farmers  in  South  Caro- 
lina, to  a  body  of  men  nearly  five  hundred  miles  away, 
and  of  submitting  to  them,  for  their  sanction,  every  plan 
of  work  that  we  devise  down  here,  for  the  benefit  of 


426          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

our  immediate  neighborhood,  seemed  to  me  to  imply  a 
degree  of  subjection  to  the  will  of  others  altogether  at 
variance  with  my  conception  of  republican  free  princi- 
ples. This,  however,  was  only  my  side  of  the  question, 
and  being  unwilling  to  incur  the  odium  attached  to 
the  two  knights  of  olden  time,  who,  having  regarded 
a  shield  from  different  stand-points,  and  seen  different 
colors,  contended,  each,  that  the  color  he  had  seen  was 
that  of  the  whole  shield,  and  neither  having  the  candor 
to  go  over  to  the  other  side  and  *see  for  himself,  both 
preferred  to  settle  the  question  at  the  point  of  the  sword. 
I,  therefore,  determined  just  to  step  over  and  see  how 
things  looked  from  the  opposite  stand-point.  And  I 
must  say  that  a  good  deal  of  the  one-sided  coloring  I 
had  at  first  seen  was  lost  by  this  little  manoeuvre.  For 
instance,  being  subject  to  the  will  of  the  National 
Grange,  which  had,  at  first,  seemed  to  be  so  great  an  objec- 
tion, began  now  to  look  somewhat  like  an  advantage, 
certainly  like  a  necessity.  For  any  body  of  men  to  be 
effective  must  be  organized,  and  every  organization  to 
be  perfect  must  have  a  head,  with  an  able  corps  of  sub- 
altern officers.  Just  in  proportion  as  an  organization 
is  deficient  in  these  respects  will  it  be  deficient  in 
strength,  Vind  vice  versa,  the  same  is  equally  true.  The 
Patrons  of  Husbandry  is  simply  a  grand  combination 
of  societies,  of  which  the  subordinate  Granges  are  the 
individual  members,  the  State  Granges  the  corps  of 
subaltern  officers,  and  the  National  Grange,  composed 
of  none  but  those  who  are  distinguished  for  pre-eminent 
merit  and  ability,  the  great  head.  Now,  each  subordi- 
nate Grange,  being  only  one  of  a  thousand,  like  indi- 
vidual members  of  one  great  body,  it  is  necessary  for 
the  good  of  the  whole  that  their  several  workings  be  in 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      427 

harmony  with  each  other,  and  consistent  with  the 
objects  of  the  Order.  Therefore,  to  secure  this  general 
harmony  and  consistency,  it  is  necessary  that  each  sub- 
.  ordinate  and  State  Grange  should  submit  its  plan  of 
work  to  the  approval  of  the  National  Grange,  otherwise 
it  might  enter  upon  a  field  of  work  totally  foreign  to 
either  of  the  foregoing  principles.  Again,  the  exaction 
by  the  National  Grange,  from  other  Granges,  of  an 
annual  due  for  each  of  their  members,  and  each  degree 
conferred  on  members  during  the  year,  seemed  to  me 
to  be  an  imposition — a  well-planned  scheme  for  extract- 
ing money  from  the  unsuspecting  farmer.  Why  are  we 
not  allowed  to  keep  all  our  money  in  our  own  Grange  ? 
Surely  we  can  use  it  to  better  advantage  than  any 
other  body  of  men !  When,  however,  I  began  to  think 
of  the  functions  of  this  Grange,  its  portion  of  the  work 
of  this  immense  body  of  societies,  of  the  vast  amount 
of  information,  covering  every  subject  of  interest  to  the 
Order,  daily  being  collected  by  it  all  over  the  country, 
to  be  handed  over  -to  the  printer  and  afterward  re-dis- 
tributed, in  a  printed  form,  to  the  Granges  in  every 
section,  it  occurred  to  me  that  to  do  all  this  requires  at 
least  one  office,  and  one  or  more  secretaries  and  corres- 
pondents. How  is  the  rental  of  that  office  to  be  paid  ? 
These  secretaries  and  correspondents  must  be  paid  for 
their  time.  How,  also,  are  their  salaries  to  be  paid  ? 
And,  more  important  than  all,  how  can  it  pay  for  this 
large  amount  of  printing?  Besides,  the  postage  on  all 
this  material  must  foot  up  handsomely  at  the  end  of  the 
year.  A  new  member  of  a  subordinate  Grange,  after  hav- 
ing taken  four  degrees,  has  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the 
Grange  five  dollars,  besides  his  regular  monthly  dues. 
Of  this  sum,  the  treasurer  of  his  Grange  pays  the  secre- 


428          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

tary  of  the  State  Grange  twenty-five  cents  for  each  de- 
gree the  new  member  has  taken  ;  also,  an  annual  due  of 
twenty-five  cents  for  said  member,  making  a  total  of  one 
dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  for  the  year.  The  treasurer 
of  the  State  Grange  then  pays  to  the  secretary  of  the  Na- 
tional Grange  ten  cents  for  each  degree  conferred  upon 
this  member,  together  with  an  additional  ten  cents,  as  an 
annual  due  for  him,  or  a  total  of  fifty  cents  for  the 
year.  Thus,  of  five  dollars  and  over,  paid  by  a  new 
member  into  the  treasury  of  his  Grange  during  the  first 
year  of  his  membership,  only  fifty  cents  is  claimed  by 
the  National  Grange,  and,  after  he  has  taken  all  the 
degrees,  it  claims  only  ten  cents  as  his  annual  due. 

"  The  woman  membership  feature,  likewise,  appeared 
to  be  a  very  objectionable  one.  '  Woman's  proper 
sphere  of  action,'  I  repeated,  'is  the  fireside;  when  she 
leaves  that  to  join  societies,  etc.,  she  takes  the  first  step 
towards  woman's  rights.'  But  there  is  no  more  danger 
of  her  becoming  a  woman's  rights  woman  at  the  Grange 
than  there  is  of  her  becoming  one  at  the  fireside,  for  at 
each  place  she  is  in  company  with  her  husband  and 
brother.  ........ 

"  As  to  the  importance  of  woman's  aid,  I  thought  of 
the  numerous  instances  afforded  by  history  of  the  pow- 
erful influence  she  has  always  exercised  over  the  desti- 
nies of  mankind,  but  a  stronger  proof  of  that  impor- 
tance exists  in  the  mind  of*  every  man  in  the  United 
States  who  is  blessed  with.,  a  faithful  and  intelligent 
wife.  But  where  is  the  necessity  for  secrecy  ?  Why 
cannot  the  workings  of  the  Order  be  open  to  the  gaze 
of  all  men  ?  Men  who  do  good  only  are  never  afraid 
to  have  their  actions  scrutinized.  Certainly  not.  But 
wise  men  keep  their  own  counsel,  and  of  what  they  do 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      429 

the  world  knows  nothing  until  it  is  done.  The  gene- 
ral who  conceives  a  great  strategic  movement  confides 
his  plans  only  to  a  few  trusty  followers,  and  when  any 
business  of  great  moment  comes  before  Congress  it  sits 
in  secret  session.  The  general  does  not  conceal  his 
plans,  nor  Congress  its  deliberations,  through  fear  of 
the  world's  scrutiny,  but  because  the  safety  of  the 
interests  involved  demands  that  secrecy  be  observed. 
In  like  manner,  then,  the  Patrons  conceal  their  delibera- 
tions, because  by  so  doing  they  insure  greater  security 
and  efficiency  in  their  workings.  Thus,  also,  are  bad 
men  prevented  availing  themselves  of  the  advantages 
of  the  Order  to  impose  upon  the  credulity  of  mankind. 
Secret  societies,  too,  have  always  been  more  perma- 
nent than  others,  and  will  flourish  where  the  latter  die 
out.  When,  however,  I  had  got  this  far,  I  suddenly 
remembered  that  we  had  an  agricultural  society  in  our 
county,  and  I  began  asking  myself  why  it  would  not 
answer  all  the  purposes  of  this  secret  Order  of  farmers. 
After  a  little  reflection  upon  the  objects  of  such  organi- 
zations, I  found  that  agricultural  societies  are  limited  in 
their  application  to  furnishing  information  on  the  prac- 
tice of  agriculture,  horticulture,  etc.,  on  the  nature  of 
soils  and  manures,  to  the  establishment  of  shows  for 
produce,  stock,  etc.,  and  to  the  promotion  of  agricultural 
education.  Here,  then,  were  the  most  important 
objects  of  agricultural  societies ;  unless  the  Patrons  pro- 
posed to  do  more,  it  was  useless  to  think  further  on  the 
subject  of  joining  them.  But,  on  turning  my  attention 
to  the  objects  of  the  Patrons,  it  soon  became  evident 
that  not  only  did  they  propose  to  do  all  of  the  above, 
but  also  a  great  deal  more.  Besides  teaching  the 
farmer  how  to  practise  agriculture  after  the  most  im- 


480          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

proved  methods,  they,  likewise,  protect  him  in  the  act. 
They  are  ever  on  the  watch  to  detect  and  warn  him  of 
impositions,  to  prevent  his  intrusting  his  produce  to 
fraudulent  agents,  and  to  bring  about  a  reduction  of  high 
freights  for  his  benefit.  They  enable  him  to  purchase 
his  supplies  cheaper,  and  his  tools  and  machinery  at  from 
ten  to  twenty-five  per  cent,  less  than  he  can  by  any  other 
means.  They  prevent  cruelty  to  animals,  nurse  the 
sick,  assist  the  poor,  instruct  the  youth,  establish  libra- 
ries and  reading-rooms,  and  aim  at  elevating  all  classes, 
both  socially  and  morally.  And  while  agricultural 
societies,  in  general,  possess  no  common  bond  of  union, 
each  being  wholly  independent  of  the  other,  the 
Granges  are  but  so  many  'parts  of  one  stupendous 
whole,'  which  whole  is  a  body  firmly  united  in  sub- 
stance and  intent,  guided  by  one  head,  striving  for  the 
achievement  of  one  end,  namely,  THE  GENERAL  GOOD  OF 

THE   AGRICULTURIST   AT    LARGE." 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       431 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

THE    LAWS   OF   THE   ORDER. 

Constitution  and  By-Laws  of  the  Order — Preamble — Organization — Degrees- 
Officers — Meetings — Laws — Ritual — Membership — Fees  for  Membership — 
Dues  —  Requirements  —  Charters  and  Dispensations  —  Duties  of  Officers— 
Treasurers~"JBestrictions — Amendments — Birth-day  of  Ceres  to  be  observed 
— By-Laws. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  ORDER  OF  PATRONS  OF 
HUSBANDRY,  AND  BY-LAWS  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
GRANGE, 

Adopted  at  the  Sixth  Annual  Session  of  the  National    Grange, 
January  1873. 


P  R  EAMB  L  E. 

HUMAN  happiness  is  the  acme  of  earthly  ambition.  Individual 
happiness  depends  upon  general  prosperity. 

The  prosperity  of  a  nation  is  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  its 
productions. 

The  soil  is  the  source  from  whence  we  derive  all  that  constitutes 
wealth ;  without  it  we  would  have  no  agriculture,  no  manufactures, 
no  commerce.  Of  all  the  material  gifts  of  the  Creator,  the  various 
productions  of  the  vegetable  world  are  of  the  first  importance.  The 
art  of  agriculture  is  the  parent  and  precursor  of  all  arts,  and  its 
products  the  foundation  of  all  wealth. 

The  productions  of  the  earth  are  subject  to  the  influence  of  nat- 
ural laws,  invariable  and  indisputable ;  the  amount  produced  will 
consequently  be  in  proportion  to  the  intelligence  of  the  producer, 
and  success  will  depend  upon  his  knowledge  of  the  action  of  these 
laws,  and  the  proper  application  of  their  principles. 

Ileruce,  knowledge  is  the  foundation  of  happiness. 


432          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  ultimate  object  of  this  organization  is  for  mutual  instruction 
and  protection,  to  lighten  labor  by  diffusing  a  knowledge  of  its  aims 
and  purposes,  expand  the  mind  by  tracing  the  beautiful  laws  the 
Great  Creator  has  established  in  the  Universe,  and  to  enlarge  our 
views  of  Creative  wisdom  and  power. 

To  those  who  read  aright,  history  proves  that  in  all  ages  society 
is  fragmentary,  and  successful  results  of  general  welfare  can  be  se- 
cured only  by  general  effort.  Unity  of  action  cannot  be  acquired 
without  discipline,  and  discipline  cannot  be  enforced  without  signifi- 
cant organization  ;  hence  we  have  a  ceremony  of  initiation  which 
binds  us  in  mutual  fraternity  as  with  a  band  of  iron ;  but  although 
its  influence  is  so  powerful,  its  application  is  as  gentle  as  that  of  the 
silken  thread  that  binds  a  wreath  of  flowers. 

The  Patrons  of  Husbandry  consist  of  the  following : 

ORGANIZATION. 

Subordinate    Granges. 

First  Degree :  Laborer,  (man,)  Maid,  (woman.) 
Second  Degree :  Cultivator,  (man,)  Shepherdess,  (woman.) 
Third  Degree :  Harvester,  (man,)  Gleaner,  (woman.) 
Fourth  Degree :  Husbandman,  (man,)  Matron,  (woman.) 

I 
State   Grange. 

Fifth .  Degree :  Pomona,  (Hope.) 

Composed  of  the  Masters  of  Subordinate  Granges  and  their 
wives  who  are  Matrons.  Past  Masters  and  their  wives  who  are 
Matrons  shall  be  honorary  members  and  eligible  to  office,  but  not 
entitled  to  vote. 

National   Grange. 

Sixth  Degree :  Flora,  (Charity.) 

Composed  of  Masters  of  State  Granges  and  their  wives  who  have 
taken  the  degree  of  Pomona.  Past  Masters  of  State  Granges,  and 
their  wives  who  have  taken  said  degree  of  Pomona,  shall  be  honor- 
ary members*  and  eligible  to  office,  but  not  entitled  to  vote. 

Seventh  Degree :  Ceres,  (Faith.) 

Members  of  the  National  Grange  who  have  served  one  year 
therein  may  become  members  of  this  degree  upon  application 
and  election.  It  shall  have  charge  of  the  secret  work  of  the  Order, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      433 

and  shall  be  a  court  of  impeachment  of  all  officers  of  the  National 
Grange. 

Members  of  this  degree  are  honorary  members  of  the  National 
Grange,  and  are  eligible  to  office  therein,  but  not  entitled  to  vote. 

CONSTITUTION. 
ARTICLE  I. — Officers. 

SECTION  1.     The  officers  of  a  Grange,  either  National,  State,  or 
Subordinate,  consist  of  and  rank  as  follows :  Master,  Overseer,  Lee- , 
turer,  Steward,  Assistant  Steward,  Chaplain,  Treasurer,  Secretary, 
Gate-keeper,  Ceres,  Pomona,  Flora,  and  Lady  Assistant  Steward. 
It  is  their  duty  to  see  that  the  laws  of  the  Order  are  carried  out. 

SEC.  2.  How  Chosen. — In  the  Subordinate  Granges  they  shall  be 
chosen  annually ;  in  the  State  Granges  once  in  two  years ;  and  in 
the  National  Grange  once  in  three  years.  All  elections  to  be  by 
ballot. 

Vacancies  by  death  or  resignation  to  be  filled  at  a  special  elec- 
tion at  the  next  regular  meeting  thereof — officers  so  chosen  to  serve 
until  the  annual  meeting. 

SEC.  3.  The  Master  of  the  National  Grange  may  appoint  mem- 
bers of  the  Order  as  deputies  to  organize  Granges  where  no  State 
Grange  exists. 

SEC.  4.  There  shall  be  an  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Grange,  consisting  of  three  members,  whose  terms  of  office  shall  be 
three  years,  one  of  whom  shall  be  elected  each  year. 

SEC.  5.  The  officers  of  the  respective  Granges  shall  be  addressed  as 
"  WORTHY." 

ARTICLE  II. — Meetings. 

SECTION  1.  Subordinate  Oranges  shall  meet  each  month,  and  may 
hold  intermediate  meetings  as  may  be  deemed  necessary  for  the 
good  of  the  Order.  All  business  meetings  are  confined  to  the 
Fourth  Degree. 

SEC.  2.  State  Granges  shall  meet  annually  at  such  time  ana  place 
as  the  Grange  shall  from  year  to  year  determine. 

SEC.  3.  The  National  Orange  shall  meet  annually  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February,  at  such  place  as  the  Grange  may  from 
year  to  year  determine.  Should  the  National  Grange  adjourn  with- 
out selecting  the  place  of  meeting,  the  Executive  Committee  shall  ap- 
28 


434          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

point  the  place  and  notify  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange 
and  the  Masters  of  State  Granges,  at  least  thirty  days  before  the 
day  appointed. 

ARTICLE  III. — Laws. 

The  National  Grange,  at  its  annual  session,  shall  frame,  amend, 
or  repeal  such  laws  as  the  good  of  the  Order  may  require.  All 
laws  of  State  and  Subordinate  Granges  must  conform  to  this 
Constitution  and  the  laws  adopted  by  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IV. — Ritual. 

The  Ritual  adopted  by  the  National  Grange  shall  be  used  in  all 
Subordinate  Granges,  and  any  desired  alteration  in  the  same 
must  be  submitted  to,  and  receive  the  sanction  of,  the  National 
Grange. 

ARTICLE  V. — Membership. 

Any  person  interested  in  Agricultural  pursuits,  of  the  age  of  six- 
teen years,  (female,)  and  eighteen  years,  (male,)  duly  proposed, 
elected,  and  complying  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  Order, 
is  entitled  to  membership  and  the  benefit  of  the  degrees  taken. 
Every  application  must  be  accompanied  by  the  fee  of  membership. 
If  rejected,  the  money  will  be  refunded.  Applications  must  be  certi- 
fied by  members,  and  balloted  for  at  a  subsequent  meeting.  It  shall 
require  three  negative  votes  to  reject  an  applicant. 

ARTICLE  VI. — Fees  for  Membership. 

The  minimum  fee  for  membership  in  a  Subordinate  Grange  shall 
be,  for  men  five  dollars,  and  for  women  two  dollars,  for  the  four 
degrees,  except  charter  members,  who  shall  pay — men,  three  dol- 
lars, and  women  fifty  cents. 

ARTICLE  VII.  Dues. 

SECTION  1.  The  minimum  of  regular  monthly  dues  shall  be  ten 
cents  from  each  member,  and  each  Grange  may  otherwise  regulate 
its  own  dues. 

SEC.  2.  The  Secretary  of  each  Subordinate  Grange  shall  report 
quarterly  to  the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange  the  names  of  all 
persons  initiated  or  passed  to  higher  degrees. 

SBC.  3.  The  Treasurer  of  each  Subordinate  Grange  shall  report 
quarterly,  and  pay  to  the  Treasurer  of  his  State  Grange  the  sum 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      435 

• 

of  one  dollar  for  each  man,  and  fifty  cents  for  each  woman  initiated 
during  that  quarter;  also  a  quarterly  due  of  six  cents  for  each 
member. 

SEC.  4.  The  Secretary  of  each  State  Grange  shall  report  quar- 
terly to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange  the  membership  in 
his  State,  and  the  degrees  conferred  during  the  quarter. 

SEC.  5.  The  Treasurer  of  each  State  Grange  shall  deposit  to  the 
credit  of  the  National  Grange  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  with  some 
Banking  or  Trust  company  in  New  York,  (to  be  selected  by  the 
Executive  Committee,)  in  quarterly  instalments,  the  annual  due  of 
ten  cents  for  each  member  in  his  State,  and  forward  the  receipts  for 
the  same  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  National  Grange. 

SEC.  6.  All  moneys  deposited  with  said  company  shall  be  paid  out 
only  upon  the  drafts  of  the  Treasurer,  signed  by  the  Master,  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary. 

SEC.  7.  No  State  Grange  shall  be  entitled  to  representation  in 
the  National  Grange  whose  dues  are  unpaid  for  more  than  one 
quarter. 

ARTICLE  VIII. — Requirements. 

SECTION  1.  Reports  from  Subordinate  Granges  relative  to  crops, 
implements,  stock,  or,4ny  other  matters  called  for  by  the  National 
Grange,  must  be  certified  to 'by -the  Master  and  Secretary,  and 
under  seal  of  the  Grange  giving  the  same. 

SEC.  2.  All  printed  matter  on  whatever  subject,  and  all  informa- 
tion issued  by  the  National  or  Stafte  to  Subordinate  Granges,  shall 
be  made  known  to  the  members  without  unnecessary  de^y. 

SEC.  3.  If  any  brothers  or  sisters  of  the  Order  are  sick,  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Patrons  to  visit  them,  and  see  that  they  are  well 
provided  with  all  things  needful. 

SEC.  4.  Any  member  found  guilty  of  wanton  cruelty  to  animals 
shall  be  expelled  from  the  Order. 

SEC.  5.  The  officers  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall  be  on  the  alert 
in  devising  means  by  which  the  interests  of  the  whole  Order  may 
be  advanced ;  but  no  plan  of  work  shall  be  adopted  by  State  or 
Subordinate  Granges  without  first  submitting  it  to,  and  receiving 
the  sanction  of,  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  IX. —  Charters  and  Dispensation*. 
SECTION  1.  All  charters  and  dispensations  issue  directly  from  the 
National  Grange. 


4^6          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

SEC.  2.  Nine  men  and  four  women,  having  received  the  four 
Subordinate  Degrees,  may  receive  a  dispensation  to  organize  a 
Subordinate  Grange. 

SEC.  3.  Applications  for  dispensations  shall  be  made  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  National  Grange,  and  be  signed  by  the  persons  apply- 
ing for  the  same,  and  be  accompanied  by  a  fee  of  fifteen  dollars. 

SEC.  4.  Charter  members  are  those  persons  only  whose  names  are 
upon  the  application,  and  whose  fees  were  paid  at  the  time  of 
organization.  Their  number  shall  not  be  less  than  nine  men  and 
four  women,  nor  more  than  twenty  men  and  ten  women. 

SEC.  5.  Fifteen  Subordinate  Granges  working  in  a  State  can 
apply  for  authority  to  organize  a  State  Grange. 

SEC.  6.  When  State  Granges  are  organized,  dispensations  will 
be  replaced  by  charters,  issued  without  further  fee. 

SEC.  7.  All  charters  must  pass  through  the  State  Granges  for 
record,  and  receive  the  seal  and  official  signatures  of  the  same. 

SEC.  8.  No  Grange  shall  confer  more  than  one  degree  '(either 
First,  Second,  Third,  or  Fourtli)  at  the  same  meeting. 

SEC.  9.  After  a  State  Grange  is  organized,  all  applications  for 
charters  must  pass  through  the  same  and  be  approved  by  the 
Master  and  Secretary. 

ARTICLE  X. — Duties  of  Officers. 

The  duties  of  the  officers  of  the  National,  State,  and  Subordinate 
Granges  shall  be  prescribed  by  the  laws  of  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XI. — Treasurers. 

SECTION  1.  The  Treasurers  of  the  National,  State,  and  Subor- 
dinate Granges  shall  give  bonds,  to  be  approved  by  the  officers  of 
their  respective  Granges. 

SEC.  2.  In  all  Granges  bills  must  be  approved  by  the  Master,  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary,  before  the  Treasurer  can  pay  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XII. — Restrictions. 

Religious  or  political  questions  will  not  be  tolerated  as  subjects 
of  discussion  in  the  work  of  the  Order,  and  no  political  or  religious 
tests  for  membership  shall  be  applied. 

ARTICLE  XIII. — Amendments. 

This  Constitution  can  be  altered  or  amended  by  a  two-thirds 
vote  of  the  National  Grange  at  any  annual  meeting,  and  when 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      437 

such  alteration  or  amendment  shall  have  been  ratified  by  three- 
fourths  of  the  State  Granges,  and  the  same  reported  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  National  Grange,  it  shall  be  of  full  force. 

BY-LAWS. 

ARTICLE  1. 

The  fourth  day  of  December,  the  birthday  of  the  Patrons  of 
Husbandry,  shall  be  celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  Order. 

ARTICLE  2. 

Not  less  than  the  representation  of  ten  States  ^present  at  any 
meeting  of  the  National  Grange,  shall  constitute  a  quorum  for  the 
transaction  of  business. 

ARTICLE  3. 

At  the  annual  meeting  of  each  State  Grange  it  may  elect  a 
proxy  to  represent  the  State  Grange  in  the  National  Grange  in  case 
of  the  inability  of  the  Master  to  attend,  but  such  proxy  shall  not 
thereby  be  entitled  to  the  Sixth  Degree. 

ARTICLE  4. 

Questions  of  administration  and  jurisprudence,  arising  in  and 
between  State  Granges,  and  appeal  from  the  action  and  decision 
thereof,  shall  be  referred  to  the  Master  and  Executive  Committee 
of  the  National  Grange,  whose  decision  shall  be  respected  and 
obeyed  until  overruled  by  action  of  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  5. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  preside  at  meetings  of  the 
National  Grange ;  to  see  that  all  officers  and  members  of  com- 
mittees properly  perform  their  respective  duties ;  to  see  that  the 
Constitution,  By-laws,  and  Resolutions  of  the  National  Grange  and 
the  usages  of  the  Order  are  observed  and  obeyed  ;  to  sign  all  drafts 
drawn  upon  the  treasury,  and  generally  to  perform  all  duties  per- 
taining to  such  office. 

ARTICLE  6. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  keep  a  record  of  all  pro- 
ceedings of  the  National  Grange,  to  keep  a  just  and  true  account 
of  all  moneys  received  and  paid  out  by  him,  to  countersign  all 
drafts  upon  the  treasury,  to  conduct  the  correspondence  of  the 
National  Grange,  and  generally  to  act  as  the  administrative  officer 


438          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT  ;    OR, 

of  the  National  Grange,  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  and  the 
Executive  Committee. 

It  shall  be  his  duty  at  least  once  each  month,  to  deposit  with  the 
Fiscal  Agency  holding  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange  all 
moneys  that  may  have  come  into  his  hands,  and  forward  a  dupli- 
cate receipt  therefor  to  the  Treasurer,  and  to  make  a  full  report 
of  all  transactions  to  the  National  Grange  at  each  annual  session. 

It  shall  be  his  further  duty  to  procure  a  monthly  report  from 
the  Fiscal  Agency  with  whom  the  funds  of  the  National  Grange 
are  deposited  of  all  moneys  received  and  paid  out  by  them  during 
each  month,  and  send  a  copy  of  such  report  to  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee and  the  Master  of  the  National  Grange. 

ARTICLE  7. 

SECTION  1.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  issue  all 
drafts  upon  the  Fiscal  Agency  of  the  Order,  said  drafts  having 
been  previously  signed  by  the  Master  and  countersigned  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  National  Grange. 

SEC.  2.  He  shall  report  monthly  to  the  Master  of  the  National 
Grange,  through  the  office  of  the  Secretary,  a  statement  of  all 
receipts  of  deposits  made  by  him,  and  of  all  drafts  or  checks 
signed  by  him  during  the  previous  month. 

SEC.  3.  He  shall  report  to  the  National  Grange  at  each  annual 
session  a  statement  of  all  receipts  of  deposits  made  by  him  and  of 
all  drafts  or  checks  signed  by  him  since  his  last  annual  report. 

ARTICLE  8. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Lecturer  to  visit,  for  the  good  of  the 
Order,  such  portions  of  the  United  States  as  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee may  direct,  for  which  services  he  shall  receive  compensation. 

ARTICLE  9. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Committee  to  exercise  a 
general  supervision  of  the  affairs  of  the  Order  during  the  recess  of 
the  National  Grange ;  to  instruct  the  Secretary  in  regard  to  print- 
ing and  disbursements,  and  to  place  in  his  hands  a  contingent 
fund  ;  to  decide  all  questions  and  appeals  referred  to  them  by  the 
officers  and  members  of  State  Granges ;  and  to  lay  before  the 
National  Grange  at  each  session  a  report  of  all  such  questions  and 
appeals  and  their  decisions  thereon. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      439 

ARTICLE  10. 

SECTION  1.  Such  compensation  for  time  and  service  shall  be 
given  the  Master,  Lecturer,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  Executive 
Committee,  as  the  National  Grange  may,  from  time  to  time,  de- 
termine. 

SEC.  2.  Whenever  General  Deputies  are  appointed  by  the 
Master  of  the  National  Grange,  said  deputies  shall  receive  such 
compensation  for  time  and  services  as  may  be  determined  by  the 
Executive  Committee:  Provided,  In  no  case  shall  pay  from  the 
National  Grange  be  given  General  Deputies  in  any  State  after  the 
formation  of  its  State  Grange. 

ARTICLE  11. 

SECTION  1.  The  financial  existence  of  Subordinate  Granges  shall 
date  from  the  first  day  of  January,  first  day  of  April,  first  day  of 
July,  and  first  day  of  October  subsequent  to  the  day  of  their 
organization,  from  which  date  their  first  quarter  shall  commence. 

SEC.  2.  State  Granges  shall  date  their  financial  existence  three 
months  after  the  first  day  of  January,  first  of  April,  first  of  July, 
and  first  of  October  immediately  following  their  organization. 

ARTICLE  12. 

Each  State  Grange  shall  be  entitled  to  send  one  representative, 
who  shall  be  a  Master  thereof,  or  his  proxy,  to  all  meetings  of  the 
National  Grange.  He  shall  receive  mileage  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  mile  both  ways,  computed  by  the  nearest  practicable  route,  to 
be  paid  as  follows :  The  Master  and  Secretary  of.  the  National 
Grange  shall  give  such  representative  an  order  for  the  amount  on 
the  Treasurer  of  the  State  Grange  which  he  represents,  and  this 
order  shall  be  receivable  by  the  National  Grange  in  payment  of 

State  dues. 

ARTICLE  13. 

Special  meetings  of  the  National  Grange  shall  be  called  by  the 
Master  upon  the  application  of  the  Masters  of  ten  State  Granges, 
one  month's  notice  of  such  meeting  being  given  to  all  members  of 
the  National  Grange.  No  alterations  or  amendments  to  the  By- 
laws or  Ritual  shall  be  made  at  any  special  meeting. 

ARTICLE  14. 

These  By-laws  may  be  altered  or  amended  at  any  annual  meeting; 
of  the  National  Grange  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  members  present. 


440         HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

THE   GRANGE   AS   A   MEANS    OF   PROTECTION. 

Advantages  to  the  Farmers  of  the  Grange — A  Means  of  Combination  afforded 
them — Good  Results  of  Combination — Harmonious  Action  secured — The 
Grange  intended  as  a  Means  of  resisting  the  Farmers'  Enemies — How  it 
proposes  to  correct  Abuses — The  War  against  the  Railroads — The  Grange 
pledged  to  secure  Measures  just  to  all  Parties — The  Entire  Order  working 
for  the  Accomplishment  of  One  Object — The  Order  the  Protector  of  the 
Farmer — Plan  of  Action — How  Measures  are  devised  and  carried  out — 
Position  of  the  Grange  towards  the  Railroads — The  Grange  not  a  Political 
Institution — The  Power  of  the  Order,  and  how  it  is  exerted — Individual 
Opinions  respected  by  the  Order — Prospects  for  the  Future — Its  Work — 
Membership  confined  to  Agriculturalists. 

WE  propose,  now  that  we  have  stated  the  general 
character  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  to  ex- 
amine into  some  of  its  avowed  objects,  and  to  discuss 
some  of  its  claims  to  the  confidence  and  favor  of  the 
class  to  which  it  appeals. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Grange  offers  to  the  farmers  of 
the  United  States  a  means  of  combination,  of  harmony 
of  action  such  as  they  have  never  before  possessed.  It 
oners  them  the  means  of  expressing  their  views  and 
wishes  as  a  body,  and  of  enforcing  them.  Its  objects  and 
mode  of  accomplishing  them  are  distinctly  stated,  and 
are  such  as  to  commend  themselves  to  every  member 
of  the  Order.  The  weakest  local  Grange  pursues  a 
policy  and  seeks  the  furtherance  of  ideas  and  interests 
that  are  the  objects  of  the  efforts  of  every  Grange  in 
the  Union.  There  is  no  division.  Individual  differ- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      441 

ences  are  cheerfully  surrendered  to  the  common  good. 
An  opportunity  is  afforded  to  each  member,  to  give  ex- 
pression to  his  views,  and  the  general  discussion  which 
follows  such  expression  subjects  the  ideas  advanced  to 
a  test  which  proves  either  their  excellence  or  the  re- 
verse. 

It  has  been  generally  admitted  that  "  the  farmer  is  a 
power  in  the  land,"  but  this  admission  has  been  made 
in  a  vague  sort  of  way.  The  farmer  has  hitherto  been 
conscious  of  his  power,  but  it  has  been  as  a  voter  that 
he  has  regarded  himself.  He  has  known  the  extent  to 
which  his  power  has  been  rendered  useless  by  the  divi- 
sions that  have  existed  among  his  class.  Farmer 
Smith  may  have  had  one  idea  of  his  grievances,  and 
the  proper  mode  of  righting  them,  and  the  view  held 
by  Farmer  Brown  may  have  been  entirely  different. 
But  in  the  Grange  these  two  men  meet  upon  a  common 
platform.  The  Order  recognizes  as  evils  certain  things 
upon  which  the  whole  farming  class  have  long  been 
united,  and  it  proposes  a  method  of  redress  which  men 
of  the  most  extreme  views  can  accept.  Its  primary  ob- 
ject is  to  bring  about  a  union  among  the  farmers  of  the 
Republic,  for  it  is  its  cardinal  maxim  that  only  in 
union  can  the  agricultural  class  show  its  strength  and 
make  it  felt. 

The  Grange  recognizes  the  plain  fact  that  the  Ameri- 
can farmer  is  the  victim  of  certain  evils,  and  it  proposes 
to  correct  these.  In  order  to  accomplish  this,  it  organizes 
the  farmers  into  one  harmonious  body ;  makes  them  a 
unit,  and  then  exerts  their  combined  strength  for  their 
protection.  Conscious  that  the  farmer  needs  protection 
against  his  foes^and  that  a  single  man  can  accomplish 
nothing,  the  Grange  exerts  the  strength  of  a  powerful 


442          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

combination  to  protect  the  farmer  against  the  evils  from 
which  he  suffers. 

The  Grange  recognizes  that  the  farmer  is  robbed  of 
his  fair  reward  by  the  extortions  of  the  railroad  com- 
panies, and  it  seeks  to  bring  about  the  existence  of  a 
more  liberal  state  of  affairs  in'which  the  railroads,  while 
earning  a  just  return  on  their  investments,  shall  allow 
the  farmer  a  more  generous  and  less  ruinous  rate  of 
freights.  It  proposes  to  accomplish  this  by  the  united 
action  of  the  farmers  of  the  entire  country ;  by  placing 
in  power  men  of  tried  integrity,  and  who  will  secure 
the  passage  of  a  series  of  laws  which  shall  protect  the 
farmer  and  at  the  same  time  do  justice  to  the  railroad 
companies.  This  is  a  task  of  great  magnitude,  for,  as 
we  have  shown,  the  power  of  the  Corporations  is  im- 
mense, and  they  will  not  easily  surrender  it.  But  the 
Grange  has  taken  a  lesson  from  them.  It  has  observed 
that  they  have  achieved  their  power  to  plunder  by 
combination  and  unity  of  action,  and  it  proposes  to  fight 
them  with  the  same  weapons.  It  proposes  to  combine 
the  farmers  of  each  and  every  State  against  them.  No 
single  man,  no  single  local  or  State  organization  of  men, 
could  accomplish  such  a  work.  But  with  the  machinery 
at  the  command  of  the  Order,  the  work  is  simple 
enough. 

In  each  local  Grange  the  programme  is  the  same  as 
in  the  National  Grange.  The  same  evil  is  recognized, 
and  the  same  method  of  remedying  it  is  sought  to  be 
enforced.  The  measures  necessary  to  this  end  are  ar- 
ranged, and  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  National 
Grange.  They  are  recommended  to  the  Order  at  large, 
and  are  communicated  by  the  National  Grange  to  the 
various  State  Granges,  each  of  which,  in  its  turn,  com> 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      4  i  3 

municates  them  to  its  respective  subordinate  or  local 
Granges.  The  local  Granges,  through  their  individual 
members,  carry  these  measures  into  effect,  and  thus  we 
have  the  whole  Order  working  for  the  accomplishment 
of  one  object.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  when  the  Order 
shall  embrace  the  entire  agricultural  class,  as  it  now 
bids  fair  to  do,  its  power  to  accomplish  its  objects  will 
be  irresistible. 

The  Grange  then  constitutes  itself  the  protector  of 
the  farmers  and  their  interests,  and  thus  at  the  outset 
appeals  to  their  sympathy  and  secures  their  co-operation. 
Its  acts  being  the  results  of  the  combined  wisdom  of  its 
members,  it  is  clear  that  the  protection  it  offers  will  be 
enlightened  and  efficient.  Its  deliberations  ensure  the 
avoidance  of  rash  and  hot-headed  action.  Nothing  is 
done  until  all  means  are  discussed,  and  the  best  and 
most  suitable  secured.  The  farmer  is  conscious  that  he 
has  powerful  and  unscrupulous  enemies,  and  that  he 
urgently  needs  protection  against  them ;  as  a  member 
of  the  Order  he  can  secure  the  accomplishment  of  the 
object  nearest  his  heart,  and  self-interest  prompts  him 
to  be  a  Patron  of  Husbandry. 

The  Order  has,  as  we  have  said,  clear  and  well-de- 
fined views  of  the  evils  from  which  the  farmers  are 
suffering,  and  its  chief  object  is  to  remedy  them.  It 
claims  to  be  the  best  judge  of  the  wisdom  and  efficiency 
of  these  measures,  and  declines  to  allow  the  farmer's 
enemies  to  decide  the  question  for  him.  Such  opposition 
as  it  has  met,  has  come  from  the  monopolies  and  their 
supporters ;  but  as  one  of  the  objects  of  the  Order  is  the 
destruction  of  these  gigantic  frauds  upon  the  people, 
this  opposition  is  natural,  and  was  to  have  been  ex- 
pected. 


444         HISTORY   OF     THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

It  has  been  charged  that  the  Order  is  hostile  to  the 
railroads  of  the  country,  and  is  bent  upon  their  destruc- 
tion. This  charge  is  absurd ;  but  as  it  has  been  made, 
we  may  as  well  meet  it.  The  Grange  is  not  hostile  to 
the  railroads  as  a  means  of  transportation,  for  it  recog- 
nizes the  necessity  of  this  establishment  to  our  system 
of  society,  but  it  is  bitterly  hostile  to  the  corrupt  man- 
agement of  this  great  industry.  It  is  entirely  opposed 
to  the  system  of  building  railroads  at  the  cost  of  the 
nation  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  stockholders.  It  is  op- 
posed to  the  system  of  watering  the  stocks  of  railroad 
corporations,  and  of  over-charging  the  people  who  are 
compelled  to  use  the  roads,  in  order  to  extort  from  them 
the  means  of  paying  large  dividends  on  this  fictitious 
increase  of  stock.  It  is  opposed  to  the  tyranny  and  cor- 
ruption of  the  railroads,  to  their  disregard  of  the  rights 
of  individuals  and  communities  ;  and  it  is  in  favor  of 
subjecting  them  to  a  series  of  laws  which  shall  place 
them  on  a  footing  with  other  industries,  and  compel 
them  to  respect  the  rights  of  others. 

These  things  it  proposes  to  change,  and  wre  have 
shown  that  it  has  the  power  to  accomplish  its  object. 
It  is  an  object  which  appeals  to  the  sympathy  and  de- 
^mands  the  co-operation  of  the  people  at  large,  and  there 
cannot  be  a  doubt  that  the  Order  will  receive  all  the 
outside  aid  that  it  needs. 

The  Order  seeks  no  affiliation  with  either  or  any  of 
the  political  parties  of  the  present  day.  It  has  nothing 
to  do  with  what  men  usually  call  politics.  It  is  devoted 
to  the  interests  of  the  farmers,  and  leaves  political 
questions  to  its  individual  members,  respecting  every 
man's  right  of  opinion  and  action  in  these  matters. 

Its  views  upon  the  political   questions  of  the   day 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      445 

differ  in  different  States.  Attempts  have  been  made  by 
politicians  to  ally  it  with  one  or  the  other  of  the  great 
parties  that  divide  the  nation,  but  they  have  not  been 
successful.  The  Order  has  kept  aloof  from  all  such 
parties,  and  aims  only  at  protecting  the  farming  classes 
from  the  wrongs  from  which  they  are  suffering,  arid  de- 
vising and  carrying  out  measures  for  their  relief.  It 
does  not  seek  to  interfere  with  or  supersede  either 
party,  but,  undertaking  a  different  work  from  that  of 
either,  draws  its  recruits  from  both.  The  work  with 
which  it  is  charged  is  enough  for  it ;  and  will  occupy 
its  attention  and  engage  its  energies  to  the  exclusion  of 
all  other  questions. 

Nor  has  the  Grange  yet  perfected  its  system  of 
operations.  The  evils  it  seeks  to  combat  are  so  old 
and  great  that  there  can  be  no  difference  respecting 
them ;  but  the  remedies  are  yet  under  discussion,  and 
no  definite  plan  of  action  will  be  resolved  upon  until  a 
thorough  investigation  of  its  merits  and  a  free  inter- 
change of  opinions  can  be  had. 

Says  a  writer  who  has  spent  much  time  among  the 
farmers  of  the  West  for  the  especial  purpose  of  learning 
their  views : 

"  The  Grange  makes  no  war  upon  railroads  as  such. 
Its  members  generally  recognize  the  fact  that  without 
railroads  their  rich  farms  would  soon  be  deserted  except 
along  the  rivers,  and  become  once  more  the  "homes  of 
wolves  and  wild  fowl,  and  they  are  willing  that  men 
who  put  their  money  into  railroads  shall  receive  fair 
returns  on  the  capital  they  invest.  But  they  believe 
that  the  people  have  some  rights  which  even  railroad 
corporations  are  bound  to  respect,  and  they  are  not  will- 
ing that  railroad  charges  shall  be  put  so  high  as  to  pay 


446          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ten  per  cent,  on  stock  which  the  present  owners  never 
paid  anything  for,  nor  on  stock  that  has  been  issued  as 
a  dividend.  Many  of  the  roads  have  been  partially 
built  with  money  subscribed  by  the  farmers  themselves, 
or  by  the  towns  and  counties  through  which  they  ex- 
tend, and  the  people  are  unwilling  that  men  who  have 
since  got  possession  of  these  roads,  often  by  the  pay- 
ment of  comparatively  little  money,  shall  make  large 
dividends  until  they  have  low  rates.  Above  all,  they 
are  unwilling  that  the  price  of  their  crops  shall  be  fixed 
by  a  ring  of  railroad  men. 

"  The  remedy  proposed  is  different  in  almost  every 
State.  Some  propose  a  pro  rata  law;  some  desire  a 
fixed  rate  of  maximum  tariffs  for  freight  and  passengers ; 
some  desire  that  the  question  shall  be  regulated  by  the 
State,  and  some  by  the  United  States.  In  some  States 
the  present  controversy  is  over  the  power  of  the  Legis- 
latures to  control  the  railroads ;  in  others  that  power  is 
conceded  either  in  the  charters  of  the  companies  or  the 
constitutions  of  the  States,  and  then  the  question  is,  how 
shall  the  power  be  exercised?  Some  hold  that  the 
right  of  eminent  domain  exercised  by  a  State  in  con- 
demning private  property  for  the  use  of  railroads  is  a 
right  pertaining  only  to  the  State  in  its  sovereign 
capacity,  and  one  of  which  it  cannot  in  any  way  divest 
itself.  Railroad  property,  they  say,  is  no  more  sacred 
or  exempt  from  the  exercise  of  this  right,  when  the 
interests  of  the  people  demand  it,  than  any  other. 
Should  a  railroad  company  now  existing,  therefore, 
become  so  oppressive  in  its  charges  as  to  make  it  for 
the  public  interest  that  a  new  company  should  be 
formed  under  greater  restrictions,  the  State  has  the 
power  to  charter  a  new  company  to  operate  a  road 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      447 

over  the  same  line,  and.  in  its  exercise  of  the  right 
of  eminent  domain,  to  appoint  a  commission  to  appraise 
and  condemn  the  property  belonging  to  the  old  com- 
pany. Nowhere  are  violent  or  illegal  measures  pro- 
posed. No  tracks  have'  been  torn  up,  no  buildings 
burned;  the  motto  of  the  Grange  is,  equal  Justice  to 
all;  and  as  the  farmers  have  the  power,  by  united 
action,  to  carry  any  measure  they  propose,  they  feel 
confident  of  ultimate  success. 

"  The  Grange  is  not  a  political  organization ;  politics 
and  religion  are  forbidden  topics  of  discussion  in  the 
Grange-room.  But  it  strives  to  educate  men  to  think 
for  themselves  and  not  to  follow  the  dictates  of  party 
leaders  and  packed  caucuses  unless  their  own  judgment 
approves.  A  majority  of  the  people  in  the  West,  as  is 
well  known,  have  been  Republicans,  and  a  majority  of 
the  Grangers  voted  for  General  Grant  last  year.  The 
Democracy  has  been  their  bete  noir,  and  though  the 
faith  of  many  of  them  may  have  been  shaken  in  the 
infallibility  of  the  Republican  party,  they  would  never 
go  into  any  other  of  which  the  Democrats  formed  an 
influential  part.  But  the  Grange  makes  the  farmers  a 
power  within  themselves  and  outside  of  any  political 
party,  and  now,  in  the  States  where  they  are  strongest, 
should  they  step  out  of  the  ranks  of  the  party  with 
which  they  have  hertofore  acted,  it  would  not  be  neces- 
sary for  them  to  seek  shelter  in  the  camp  of  their  long 
time  political  enemy.  They  might  leave  the  old  ship 
that  served  them  so  long  and  bore  them  safely  through 
so  many  a  glorious  fight,  but  which  is  now  strained  and 
worm-eaten,  not  to  go  on  board  the  Democratic  ship, 
but  to  launch  a  new  one  of  their  own.  How  wisely 
they  may  build  remains  yet  to  be  seen.  Just  now,  the 


448         HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

influence  of  the  Grange  is  little  more  than  to  loosen  the 
bands  that  bind  men  to  old  parties  and  to  make  them 
free  to  choose  their  future  places. 

"  The  Grange,  although  organized  several  years  ago, 
did  not  become  a  formidable  body  until  within  the  past 
twelvemonth.  Immense  crops  of  corn  which  had  to  be 
sold  for  less  than  the  cost  of  production ;  short  crops  of 
wheat,  with  no  corresponding  increase  of  price ;  railroad 
combinations  to  prevent  competition  and  reasonable 
rates  of  freight ;  wheat  and  corn  rings,  formed  to  con- 
trol the  price  along  many  of  the  great  railroad  lines, 
and  to  prevent  the  farmers  from  receiving  any  advan- 
tage from  favorable  markets ;  the  insatiable  greed  of 
some  implement  makers  and  agents ;  the  accumulating 
mortgages  on  farms — these  and  many  other  circumstan- 
ces have  at  length  aroused  the  long-suffering  farmers, 
and  the  Grange,  already  instituted,  gave  them  the 
means  to  make  their  demands  effective.  This  ex- 
plains the  astonishing  growth  of  the  Order  since 
October,  1872. 

"  I  have  said  that  none  but  farmers  and  their  fam- 
ilies may  be  members  of  the  Grange.  I  see  it  reported 
that  a  number  of  grain-dealers  and  others  in  Boston, 
not  practical  agriculturists,  have  obtained  a  charter  and 
organized  a  Grange.  I  don't  know  by  what  authority 
Mr.  Abbott,  the  State  Deputy  of  Massachusetts,  has 
initiated  men  who  were  not  farmers  into  the  Order,  but 
every  prominent  Patron  with  whom  I  have  spoken  on 
the  subject  disapproves  of  this  extension  of  the  Order, 
and  the  matter  will  probably  come  before  the  National 
Grange  at  its  next  session.  Hundreds  of  men  in  every 
State  I  have  visited  have,  for  personal  ends,  attempted 
to  obtain  admission  to  the  Grange.  Some  have  been 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      449 

politicians,  who  have  desired  to  promote  their  political 
prospects ;  some  have  been  commercial  agents,  who 
have  had  an  eye  to  business ;  and  some  have  been 
editors,  who  have  desired  to  make  the  Order  their  con- 
stituents. Grangers  are  ready  to  clasp  hands  with  any 
one  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  reform,  but  they  do 
it  outside  of  the  Grange  room." 
29 


450          HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OK, 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OF   THE   GRANGE. 

Dull  and  Monotonous  Life  of  Farmers  and  their  Families — The  need  of  the 
Farmer  for  Social  Intercourse — Hard  lot -of  Farmers'  Wives  and  Daughters 
— Scarcity  of  Amusements — "All  Work  and  no  Play" — Demand  for  a 
Change — The  Work  of  the  Grange — The  Grange  a  Means  of  Social  Enjoy- 
ment— Advantages  of  the  Social  System  of  the  Grange — Farmers'  Wives 
and  Daughters  in  the  Grange — The  Lesson  of  Innocent  Enjoyment  taught— 
Festivals  and  Pleasures  of  the  Grange — How  the  Order  promotes  Sociability 
and  Friendship  among  the  Farmers — Interesting  Details — Barbecues — 
Sociables — Public  Meetings — The  Lesson  of  Courtesy — What  the  Grange  has 
done  for  the  Happiness  of  the  Agricultural  Class — A  Great  and  Good  Work. 

THERE  is  another  feature  of  the  Grange  that,  alone, 
would  make  it  invaluable  to  the  farmers  of  America. 
It  is  the  best  means  that  has  yet  been  devised  of  culti- 
vating social  relations  among  them,  and  in  its  social 
aspects,  it  is  a  perfect  success. 

Few  who  have  not  been  residents  of  the  country, 
can  rightly  understand  the  monotony  of  a  farmer's  life. 
Day  after  day  the  farmer  and  his  family  pursue  the 
same  appointed  round  of  toil.  There  is  no  change 
save  the  regular  recurrence  of  the  Sabbath,  and  attend- 
ance upon  religious  services  where  such  privileges  are 
accessible.  During  the  busy  season  constant  toil  leaves 
little  leisure  on  the  hands  of  any  member  of  the  house- 
hold ;  but  when  the  long  winters  set  in,  and  several 
months  of  forced  inactivity  are  upon  them,  the  mo- 
notony is  often  very  hard  to  bear.  It  is  always  felt, 
even  by  the  dullest. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      451 

Visiting  is  rare,  and  as  a  rule  is  not  encouraged. 
Strange  to  say,  the  farmer  does  not  value  social  inter- 
course, and  yet  no  one  needs  it  more.  He  lives  a  lonely 
and  secluded  life,  rarely  caring  to  go  beyond  the  limits 
of  his  farm,  except  to  visit  the  village  or  the  country 
store  on  business.  Occasionally  a  circus,  or  some 
travelling  show,  or  some  political  meeting  would  draw 
the  farmers  out  of  their  seclusion,  but  with  this  excep- 
tion, the  monotony  was  unbroken.  No  wonder,  then, 
that  with  constant  toil  and  unbroken  solitude  as  his 
only  companions,  the  farmer  should  be  a  careworn,  pre- 
maturely old  man.  No  human  being  can  exist  without 
a  certain  amount  of  recreation  and  change.  If  these 
be  denied,  the  whole  mental  and  moral  nature  must 
suffer.  The  indifference  of  the  farmer  to  social  pleas- 
ures and  relaxations  was,  perhaps,  the  worst  feature 
of  the  case. 

Now,  if  this  was  the  condition  of  the  farmers,  what 
shall  we  say  of  their  wives  and  daughters  ?  Women 
are  much  more  dependent  upon  society  than  men. 
Monotony  affects  them  quicker  and  more  powerfully, 
and  they  need  relaxation  and  amusement  to  a  greater 
degree  than  men.  Yet  how  inexpressibly  dreary  is  the 
lot  of  the  farmer's  wife  and  daughter.  Theirs  is  a  life 
of  constant  toil — the  same  routine  day  after  day,  week 
after  week — with  scarcely  a  break  in  it.  A  funeral  or 
a  wedding,  or  a  county  fair,  are  great  events  in  their 
existence,  as  they  bring  them  together  with  their 
neighbors  and  afford  them  some  little  society.  But  as 
i  rule  the  loneliness  of  their  lives  is  unbroken.  They 
are  confined  to  the  limits  of  the  farm,  and  there  they 
must  remain. 

"Who  that  has  attended  a  country  fair  has  failed  to 


452          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

mark  the  noisy  and,  at  the  first  glance,  unnecessary 
mirth  of  the  farmers'  wives  and  daughters?  To  city 
people,  with  scores  of  pleasures  and  amusements  within 
reach,  these  outbursts  may  seem  ridiculous ;  but  they 
are  natural.  They  are  the  assertion  of  the  protest  of 
nature  against  the  long  and  dreary  restraint  that  has 
been  put  upon  them,  and  the  mirth  of  these  women  is 
as  natural  and  irresistible  as  the  song  of  the  long  im- 
prisoned bird  escaping  from  its  cage.  They  laugh  and 
are  boisterous  because  they  have  been  silent  and  sub- 
dued so  long.  Such  occasions,  such  opportunities  for 
enjoyment  come  rarely  to  them,  and  they  are  quick  to 
take  advantage  of  them.  Their  time  for  pleasure  is 
brief,  and  they  make  the  most  of  it.  Then  they  go 
back  to  their  dreary  monotony  at  home ;  for  no  matter 
how  comfortable  the  home,  how  liberal  the-  provision 
of  the  husband  and  father,  there  is  a  monotony  and  a 
loneliness  about  it  which  the  most  loving  wife  and 
dutiful  daughter  feels  most  keenly. 

"  Time  was  when  young  American  women  born  and 
bred  in  the  country  were  glad  to  '  go  out  to  do  house- 
work,' and  a  woman's  i  help'  in  the  house  was  intel- 
ligent and  capable.  That  time  has  passed  ;  intelligent 
American  girls,  if  their  services  are  not  needed  at  home, 
and  they  are  obliged  wholly  or  partially  to  earn  their 
own  living,  become  teachers  or  seek  employment  in  the 
cities  and  villages,  while  the  only  household  'help' 
that  can  be  obtained  is  of  the  raw  Irish  or  German 
variety,  which  requires  a  generation  in  which  to  be 
educated,  and  which  when  educated  ceases  to  be  obtain- 
able. The  farmer's  wife,  therefore,  though  she  may  be 
able  and  willing  to  pay  for  good  assistance,  cannot  get 
it,  and  is  obliged  to  make  a  slave  of  herself,  working 


THE  FARMER'S  TTAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      453 

from  sunrise  to  sunset  through  the  long  Summer  days 
until  nature  itself  fairly  gives  way.  I  do  not  exag- 
gerate ;  I  have  seen  the  haggard  looks  and  heard  the 
weary  sighs  of  overworked  farmers'  wives  in  the  East 
and  in  the  West.  I  have  seen  broad  acres  of  highly 
cultivated  land  groaning  under  the  abundant  crops, 
good  houses  and  barns,  fine  stock  and  money  to  the 
farmer's  credit  in  the  bank,  but  the  order  and  cleanli- 
ness that  reigned  in-doors  in  harvest  time,  when  twenty 
hungry  men  sat  around  the  farmer's  board,  as  well  as 
when  the  family  only  were  there,  were  too  often  pur- 
chased at  the  price  of  the  premature  old  age  of  the 
wife.  Anything  that  will  break  in  upon  this  tread-mill 
life  which,  though  not  quite  universal,  is  altogether 
too  common,  should  be  hailed  with  joy  by  the  farmer 
and  his  family." 

Now  the  Grange  proposes  to  change  this  state  of 
affairs,  and  render  to  the  farmers  and  their  families  one 
of  the  greatest  services  that  can  possibly  be  done  for 
them.  It  offers  them  the  means  of  improving  their 
social  intercourse,  of  adding  to  their  pleasures,  and  of 
improving  their  condition  mentally  as  well  as  socially. 

"  The  social  feature  of  the  Order,"  says  J.  C.  Abbott, 
Deputy  of  the  National  Grange,  "consists  in  being 
associated  with  ladies  who  are  admitted  as  members  of 
the  Order,  and  upon  whom  the  four  degrees  of  a  sub- 
ordinate Grange  are  conferred.  Other  Orders  close 
their  doors  against  women,  and  shut  her  out  from  their 
councils.  But  believing  that  she  is  the  help-meet  of 
man,  and  that  we  need  her  counsel,  as  well  as  her  aid, 
we  open  the  doors  of  the  Grange  and  bid  her  welcome. 

"  At  the  regular  monthly  meetings  of  the  Grange  a 
feast  is  held,  the  ladies  supplying  a  bountiful  repast  of 


454          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OK, 

the  good  things  of  this  life,  and  this  is  made  the  happy 
medium  whereby  introductions  are  made  and  many 
pleasing  and  lasting  acquaintances  are  formed. 

"  Mankind,  in  their  natures,  are  social  beings,  and 
when  in  solitude  all  pine  for  social  and  friendly  inter- 
course. This  being  an  organization  designed  especially 
for  farmers,  we  say  that  its  social  features  are  particu- 
larly pleasing,  and  well  adapted  to  meet  the  necessity 
which  exists  for  some  method  to  bring  them  and  their 
wives  and  families  together,  so  that  they  may  know 
each  other  better,  and  be  brought  into  a  closer  connec- 
tion and  sympathy  than  now  exists. 

"  In  fact,  the  aid  already  rendered  to  our  Order  by 
woman  is  invaluable,  and  her  services  could  not  well 
be  dispensed  with.  To  divest  the  Order  of  this  feature 
would  be  to  go  far  toward  despoiling  it,  and  detract 
greatly  from  the  enjoyment  now  felt  in  all  our  meet- 
ings. We  say,  then,  that  woman's  presence  is  indis- 
pensable in  all  places  where  good  conduct  and  moral 
and  religious  principles  are  sought  to  be  inculcated." 

"  Socially,"  says  Captain  E.  L.  Hovey,  in  an  address 
delivered  at  St.  Johnsbury,  Vermont,  February  22d, 
1872,  "  it  is  the  right  thing  in  the  right  place,  for  it  is 
a  Farmers'  Society.  If  there  is  anything  that  tends 
to  break  up  the  humdrum  life  they  have  been  living, 
and  are  living,  it  should  be  fostered  with  every  possible 
means.  Of  all  the  evils  that  fetter  and  hamper  this 
class  of  our  people,  there  is  nothing  so  destructive  of 
that  happiness  human  beings  were  permanently  des- 
tined to  enjoy  as  the  seclusion  in  which  they  drag  out 
their  lives.  Isolated  from  the  arena  of  business  life, 
with  nothing  to  stimulate  thought,  they  too  often  live 
and  die  strangers  to  any  of  those  finer  and  ennobling 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      455 

feelings  that  are  so  readily  nurtured  by  commingling 
of  society.  They  are  becoming  more  and  more  un- 
social, and  have  been  tending  in  this  direction  since  the 
first  settling  in  this  country.  A  half  century  ago  and 
more,  when  general  poverty  and  insecurity  rendered 
mutual  protection  a  necessity,  there  was  a  more  genial 
feeling  among  the  inhabitants.  They  went  long  dis- 
tances on  foot  for  an  evening's  enjoyment  of  social 
intercourse ;  but  since  those  good  old  days  a  competence 
has  come  to  the  majority  of  farmers,  and  they  stick  to 
the  homestead  with  a  tenacity  that  fosters  every  social 
evil.  They  go  through  with  about  the  same  routine  of 
duties  from  sunrise  to  sundown,  from  one  year's  end  to 
another,  through  the  whole  active  part  of  life,  never 
unloosing  the  mind  from  the  drudgery  of  farm  life. 
The  human  being  alone  was  created  with  the  faculty 
of  social  intercourse,  and  he  who  fails  to  improve  it 
scarcely  rises  above  the  level  of  the  brute  creation. 

"  One  of  the  principal  objects  of  this  Society  is  to  en- 
large this  God-given  faculty.  It  calls  the  laborious 
worker  of  the  soil  from  his  duties  and  places  him  side 
by  side  with  those  engaged  in  the  same  occupation.  A 
thousand  questions  are  discussed  that  interest  and  bene- 
fit its  members. 

"  Place  a  person  in  solitary  confinement  before  -any 
indications  of  intelligence  are  manifest,  and  actual 
experiment  proves  that  the  appearance,  the  shape  of 
head,  the  features,  suffer  from  such  treatment,  and  the 
actual  knowledge  is  excluded.  Since  these  things  are 
so,  farmers  who  enslave  themselves,  who  are  semi-im- 
prisoned, cannot  expect  to  wear  a  very  prepossessing 
personal  appearance. 

"  You  all  know  the  value  of  a  social  home ;   you 


456          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

\ 

know  the  difference  between  it  and  one  continuously 
darkened  with  silence,  wrangling,  or  brutal  violence,  it 
may  be.  What  tends  more  to  enlighten  the  mind  and 
fill  it  with  principles  that  will  shed  their  lustre  down 
through  the  whole  course  of  life  than  a  family  gathered 
after  the  work  of  the  day  is  completed,  engaged  in 
healthy,  mind-invigorating,  social  intercourse?  Any 
one  who  has  paid  any  attention  to  the  positions  of 
families  reared  in  these  different  ways  cannot  fail  to  bid 
God-speed  to  one  institution  that  will  improve  the 
social  condition  of  the  farmer. 

"  Some  who  are  inclined  to  see  a  humbug  in  every 
new  move  assert  that  this  is  a  '  woman's  rights '  move- 
ment ;  others  that  it  is  a  cover  for  political  intrigues. 
Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth.  The  fact 
that  women  are  admitted  to  full  membership  in  the 
Order  I  regard  as  one  of  its  most  worthy  features.  I 
do  not  believe  in  woman  suffrage,  nor  never  can.  I  do 
not  believe  in  making  a  plow-point  of  a  gold  watch ; 
but  the  condition  of  a  people,  its  customs,  its  manners, 
its  morals,  its  social  standing,  its  educational  status, 
depend  more  upon  its  women  than  upon  man.  Is  there 
not  as  wide  a  field  for  improvement  in  woman's  sphere 
as  in  man's?  Besides,  when  men  are  assembled  for 
mental  culture  or  social  chat,  what  more  stimulates 
them  to  high-minded  action  than  the  presence  of 
woman?  But  there  is  no  need  of  my  dilating  upon 
this  important  theme.  The  solution  of  a  mathematical 
problem  decides  the  matter.  If  great  good  comes  from 
a  meeting  of  only  two — provided  that  both  sexes  are 
represented — how  much  advantage  will  result  from  a 
gathering  of  a  hundred  ?  " 

It  may  be  a  slight  thing  to  the  ordinary  reader  of  a 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      457 

newspaper   to   see  .such  paragraphs  as  the   following, 
which  we  clip  from  an  exchange : 

"  Delegates  of  the  several  Granges  of  Dubuque  county,  Iowa,  met 
at  Rockdale  on  the  8th,  and  arranged  for  a  monster  basket  pic-nic  at 
Ebworth  on  the  17th." 

"  The  Granges  of  Eandolph  county,  Ind.,  held  a  pic-nic  at  the  fair 
grounds  at  Winchester  on  the  9th." 

These  items,  which  are  now  very  frequent  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  day,  may  mean  nothing  at  all  to  the 
ordinary  reader,  but  to  the  farmer,  or  to  one  who  is 
familiar  with  the  old  regime  of  country  life,  they  are 
eloquent  indeed,  for  they  tell  of  a  different  era  that  has 
dawned  upon  the  agricultural  community,  and  to  the 
"  Granger  "  they  are  apparent  as  the  work  of  his  Order. 
Who  ever  heard  of  farmers  taking  the  trouble  to  or- 
ganize themselves  for  enjoyment  until  the  Grange 
taught  them  that  pleasure  is  a  duty  as  well  as  labor  ? 

In  the  monthly  meetings  of  the  subordinate  Grange, 
the  farmers  of  a  community  are  brought  together 
twelve  times  a  year  if  no  oftener,  and  are  accompanied 
by  their  wives  and  daughters.  The  ordinary  proceed- 
ings of  each  meeting  are  such  as  to  interest  them,  and 
to  place  them  in  a  happy  frame  of  mind  for  the  cultiva- 
tion and  promotion  of  social  relations.  Acquaintances, 
are  made,  new  friendships  are  formed,  and  old  ones 
strengthened.  The  farmer  is  taught  that  the  world 
does  not  end  for  him  at  the  boundaries  of  his  farm ; 
that  there  are  hopes,  fears,  joys  and  sorrows  beyond  his 
domain  in  which  it  is  his  duty  to  take  an  interest. 
The  entire  farming  community  is  bound  together  by 
the  bonds  which  unite  men  working  for  a  common 
cause.  A  few  hours  are  spent  in  pleasant  intercourse. 


458          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

The  week  or  the  month  has  one  bright  spot  in  it  for 
those  who  have  taken  part  in  the  meeting. 

The  farmer  is  taught  that  social  relaxation  and  plea- 
sure are  a  necessity  of  human  existence,  and  the  duty 
of  granting  these  to  his  family  and  dependents  is  made 
an  obligation  which  he  is  bound  to  comply  with. 
Leading  members  of  the  Grange  arrange  for  gatherings 
of  pleasure  and  social  intercourse  apart  from  the  regular 
meetings  of  the  Order.  Pic-nics,  barbecues,  sociables, 
processions,  public  meetings  are  arranged  and  carried 
out  at  such  times  as  will  not  interfere  with  the  work 
of  the  farm,  and  the  whole  power  of  the  Order  is  exer- 
ted to  break  up  the  dullness  of  farm  life  and  enliven  it 
with  innocent  social  pleasures,  which  shall  lighten  the 
cares  of  the  farmers  and  their  families  and  increase 
their  happiness. 

In  all  the  meetings  of  the  Order,  in  all  its  gatherings 
for  pleasure,  the  two  sexes  are  brought  together,  and 
placed  upon  an  equality,  and  the  farmer  is  thus  quietly 
and  forcibly  reminded  that  his  wife  and  daughters  are 
ladies  entitled  to  all  the  courtesies  and  attentions  of 
polite  society,  and  not  mere  drudges  charged  with  the 
performance  of  household  work ;  something  he  has  been 
too  apt  to  forget. 

Courtesy  and  high-toned  feelings  and  deportment  in 
all  things  are  the  lessons  taught  by  the  Grange,  which 
thus  becomes  the  instructor  and  guide  of  its  community. 
Coarse  and  improper  pleasures,  rude  and  unmanly  or 
unwomanly  conduct,  are  not  tolerated  by  the  Order. 
Its  pleasures  are  innocent  and  healthful,  and  it  aims  at 
the  elevation  and  improvement  of  its  members  in  every 
respect, 

A  letter  from  Iowa,  in  which  State  the  Order  has 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      459 

attained  its  greatest  strength,  thus  refers  to  the  great 
change  which  the  Grange  has  already  brought  about 
there : 

"  The  social  condition  of  a  majority  of  the  farmers 
in  this  State  before  the  organization  of  Granges  is  de- 
scribed to  me  by  leading  members  as  anything  but  satis- 
factory. The  country  is  comparatively  new,  having  been 
settled  only  10  to  25  years,  and  the  people  are  still  very 
much  isolated.  The  dull  monotony  of  their  lives  has 
only  been  broken  in  upon  by  an  occasional  wedding  or 
funeral,  and  they  have  plodded  on  year  after  year,  work- 
ing from  sunrise  to  sunset,  taking  very  few  holidays, 
rarely  meeting  each  other  except  at  the  cross-roads 
store,  church,  or  town-meeting,  reading  very  little,  and, 
in  fact,  transforming  themselves  into  corn  and  wheat- 
producing  machines.  Of  business  methods  they  have 
known  almost  nothing.  It  was  rare  that  a  farmer  was 
able  to  tell  how  much  it  cost  him  to  make  a  bushel  of 
corn  or  of  wheat,  a  pound  of  beef  or  of  butter,  or  to 
bale  a  ton  of  hay.  The  condition  of  the  farmer's  wife 
was  even  worse/  Her  work  began  earlier  and  ended 
later  than  that  of  her  husband.  It  was  a  slavish  life, 
with  almost  nothing  to  give  it  variety  or  to  lift  the 
woman  out  of  the  deep  rut  of  her  daily  drudgery. 
Perhaps  the  most  of  these  people  have  never  known  any 
different  kind  of  life ;  perhaps  they  have  had  better  food 
and  a  greater  abundance  of  it,  more  comfortable  homes 
and  better  clothing  than  before  they  became  Iowa 
farmers,  but  their  enjoyment  of  life  has  been  of  a  low 
order,  and  any  one  who  will  give  them  broader  ideas 
will  be  hailed  as  a  benefactor.  I  have  not  been  de- 
scribing the  average  farmer  of  this  State  from  personal 
observation ;  that  would  be  impossible  for  a  stranger 


460          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

spending  only  a  few  days,  or  at  most  weeks,  in  the 
State  to  obtain.  I  am  obliged  to  take  the  picture  as  it 
is  painted  for  me  by  those  who  have  beem  familiar 
with  it  for  years,  and  who  have  often  sat  at  the  farmer's 
table  and  slept  in  his  l  spare  room.'  At  the  same  time 
no  one  can  ride  across  this  State  without  observing 
even  from  the  window  of  a  railway  car  a  painful  con- 
trast between  the  richness  of  the  fields  and  the  poverty 
of  many  of  the  homes.  I  don't  believe  there  is  a  better 
farming  country  in  the  world  than  the  Des  Moines  Val- 
ley, with  its  beautiful  rolling  prairie  lands,  and  it  every 
where  shows  evidence  of  good  culture.  And  yet  the 
owners  of  those  farms  live  too  often  in  little  cramped- 
up  houses,  unattractive,  in  many  cases  uncomfortable. 
If  there  are  good  houses,  they  are  generally  owned  not 
by  the  men  who  get  their  living  from  the  farms,  but  by 
the  men  who  buy  wheat  and  ship  it,  or  who  have 
other  means  of  support,  and  farm  for  pleasure,  not  for 
profit. 

"  Such  a  state  of  affairs  as  I  have  described  cannot  be 
corrected  in  a  month  or  a  year,  and  yet,  I  am  assured, 
the  influence  of  the  Grange  in  elevating  the  farmers 
socially  is  already  very  apparent.  In  the  first  place,  it 
brings  together  the  farmers  of  a  neighborhood,  old  and 
young,  men  and  women,  and  if  it  did  nothing  more  it 
would  not  have  been  established  in  vain ;  for  the  peo- 
ple of  a  town  cannot  spend  an  hour  a  week  in  informal 
conversation,  even,  without  gaining  new  ideas  and 
carrying  away  something  to  think  about  during  the 
days  that  follow.  But  the  meetings  of  the  Grange  are 
not  entirely  informal.  A  portion  of  the  time  is  spent 
in  the  discussion  of  topics  that  are  of  especial  interest 
to  the  farmers.  The  best  crops  for  particular  lands, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      461 

the  best  methods  of  cultivation,  the  experience  of  the 
different  members,  the  cost  of  different  kinds  of  crops — 
any  questions  the  solution  or  discussion  of  which  tend 
to  make  better  farmers  are  considered.  The  women 
read  essays  on  the  various  duties  of  their  departments, 
and  thus  learn  to  be  better  housewives.  Sometimes 
the  Grange  considers  social  and  moral  questions,  and 
sometimes  its  exercises  are  of  a  literary  character.  The 
discussion  of  political  and  religious  questions  is  strictly 
forbidden  by  the  constitution  of  the  Order. 

"  Another  custom  which  originated  in  the  Grange  is 
that  of  holding  festivals  at  short  intervals  during  the 
season.  It  is  impossible  for  the  farmer  to  leave  his 
business  for  a  month  in  the  Summer  and  spend  the 
time  in  recreation,  and,  if  his  work  could  be  left,  his 
purse  is  rarely  long  enough  to  pay  the  expense  of  such 
a  vacation.  But  he  can  spend  a  day  between  planting 
and  cultivating,  another  before  harvest,  and  a  third 
when  the  grain  is  stacked ;  and  the  Grange  taking 
advantage  of  this,  either  invites  those  of  neighboring 
townships  to  a  basket  pic-nic,  or  accepts  an  invitation 
itself.  A  day  is  spent  in  some  pleasant  grove ;  there 
is  speaking  and  music,  and  perhaps  a  little  dancing, 
and  the  farmer  goes  back  to  his  field  better  prepared 
for  his  work,  some  of  the  marks  of  care  are  smoothed 
out  of  his  wife's  face,  and  the  business  of  both  field  and 
house  go  on  with  less  of  fret  and  worry  for  the  day's 
innocent  recreation.  I  was  once  a  farmer's  boy  myself, 
and  know  from  experience  that  those  who  till  the  soil 
work  too  many  hours  and  have  too  few  holidays. 
There  is  nothing  that  makes  the  work  on  a  farm  go 
easy  like  a  holiday,  and  if  it  is  rightly  spent  it  puts 
new  life  into  the  work  for  a  long  time  after." 


HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 


CHAPTER    XXVIII.   , 

THE    LESSONS   OF   THE   GRANGE. 

The  Grange  as  a  Means  of  disseminating  Agricultural  Information — Grangs 
Tracts — How  they  are  circulated — Efforts  of  the  Order  to  improve  the  Far- 
mer's Condition — The  Grange  as  a  School  of  Reform — It  makes  Better  Far- 
mers— How  it  spreads  Information — Advice  as  to  Improvements — The 
Grange  the  Enemy  of  Careless  and  Improvident  Farming — It  encourages 
Good  and  Careful  Work — The  Stacks  of  Wheat — Only  Virtuous  and  Indus- 
trious Members  admitted  into  the  Order — The  Grange  making  Intelligent 
Farmers — Beneficial  Effects  of  the  Discussions  of  the  Grange — The  Grange 
teaches  Habits  of  Thrift  and  Economy — Discountenances  Debt — The  Grange 
the  Enemy  of  Selfishness — Encourages  Education — The  Friend  of  the  Schools 
— The  Grange  making  Better  Men  as  well  as  Better  Farmers — Claims  of 
the  Order  upon  the  Sympathy  of  the  Country. 

SAYS  a  recent  number  of  Frank  Leslies  Illustrated 
Newspaper,  "Over  500,000  tracts  were  issued  to  far- 
mers by  the  National  Grange  last  year." 

This  little  paragaph,  in  an  out  of  the  way  corner  of 
the  journal  from  which  it  is  taken,  is  full  of  meaning  to 
the  members  of  the  Grange.  It  shows  that  the  Order  is 
honestly  and  efficiently  performing  one  of  the  principal 
portions  of  its  work,  for  one  of  its  main  objects  is  the 
collection  and  dissemination  of  information  relating  to 
agricultural  interests  and  of  value  to  the  farmer.  Half 
a  million  little  tracts  sanctioned  and  sent  out  from  the 
Central  Grange  find  their  way  to  millions  of  readers. 
They  are  couched  in  plain  and  simple  language,  and 
abound  in  practical  information.  TJiey  are  read,  also. 
The  farmer  receiving  such  a  tract  reads  it  with  confi- 
dence, as  he  knows  that  it  has  come  from  men  who  are 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      463 

earnestly  seeking  his  good  as  a  member  of  the  great  in- 
terest for  which  they  are  working.  Being  small  and 
convenient  in  form,  and,  above  all,  not  too  long,  he  can 
carry  it  about  with  him.  He  can  read  it  by  his  own 
fireside  "  when  all  the  house  is  asleep,"  and  he  is  keep- 
ing watch  with  his  own  thoughts ;  or  as  he  sits  under 
the  shade  of  some  wide-spreading  tree  to  rest  from 
the  heat  and  the  toil  of  the  day.  The  little  tract  deals 
with  .questions  which  are  of  vital  importance  to  him, 
and  it  sets  him  to  thinking,  and  to  thinking  in  the 
right  direction,  too. 

The  Grange  does  not  regard  the  farmer  as  a  mere 
machine,  a  mere  drudge.  It  looks  upon  him  as  a  rea- 
sonable, responsible  being,  and  seeks  to  elevate  and  im- 
prove him.  It  stretches  over  him  the  shield  of  its  pro- 
tection against  the  enemies  that  assail  him  and  seek  to 
rob  him  of  the  rewards  of  his  industry ;  it  offers  him 
the  means  of  social  enjoyment  and  teaches  him  the 
duty  of  healthful  recreation  and  pleasure  ;  it  recognizes 
the  right  of  woman  to  share  the  pleasures  as  well  as  the 
cares  of  man,  and  secures  her  pure  and  ennobling  in- 
fluence and  co-operation  in  its  work;  and  it  teaches 
and  enforces  the  lesson  that  the  most  intelligent  and 
thoughtful  farmer  is  sure  to  be  the  most  successful. 

In  short,  the  Grange  seeks  to  make  better  farmers 
of  the  agricultural  class.  It  claims  no  authority  to 
coerce  them  into  any  course  of  action,  no  right  to  com- 
mand. It  is  merely  an  advisory  body,  and  it  seeks  the 
improvement  of  its  members  only  by  its  moral  power. 
It  is  to  the  farmer  a  wise  and  judicious  friend,  and  it 
advises  only  that  which  his  own  good  sense  tells  him  is 
the  best  course  for  him. 

Its  mode  of  operation  is  very  simple.     Reports  are 


464          HISTORY  OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

sent  in  to  the  National  Grange  by  the  State  and 
subordinate  Granges  of  the  condition  and  prospects  of 
the  agricultural  interests  in  their  respective  localities. 
The  authorities  of  the  National  Grange  are  in  this  way 
enabled  to  exercise  an  intelligent  supervision  of  the 
farming  interest  of  the  whole  country.  Reports  are 
regularly  sent  to  the  State  Granges,  and  by  them  dis- 
tributed to  the  subordinate  Granges.  The  National 
Grange  is  thus  a  National  Intelligence  Office  for  the 
benefit  of  its  members,  and  the  humblest  farmer  can, 
through  the  system  thus  adopted,  keep  himself  informed 
as  to  the  actual  condition  of  the  interest  to  which  he  is 
attached.  The  state  of  the  crops,  the  probable  amount 
of  the  harvest,  upon  which  anticipations  of  value  are 
based,  can  be  thus  ascertained.  The  farmer  can  be 
kept  advised  of  the  ruling  prices  in  the  various  markets 
of  the  country,  and  freed  from  his  dependence  upon  the 
grain  dealers  and  their  organs  for  this  information.  In 
this  way  he  is  better  prepared  to  go  into  the  market  and 
dispose  of  his  wares. 

But  not  only  does  the  Grange  keep  the  farmer  ad- 
vised upon  these  points.  It  recognizes  that  agriculture 
is  susceptible  of  great  improvement,  and  it  makes  it  its 
business  to  ascertain  and  make  known  the  best  means 
of  attaining  a  high  state  of  excellence  in  this  pursuit. 
From  the  National  and  State  Granges  information  is  sent 
out  concerning  the  latest  improvements,  and  the  needs  of 
the  system.  Nothing  is  ordered.  The  subordinate  Grange 
is  informed  that  such  and  such  improvements  have  been 
used  with  profit  in  certain  parts  of  the  country,  and  is 
invited  to  discuss  the  question  whether  they  are  needed, 
and  may  not  be  advantageously  introduced  into  its  own 
community.  The  local  organization  is  free  to  adopt  or 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       465 

reject  them ;  but  the  discussion  is  of  infinite  value  to 
all  concerned  in  it.  It  brings  out  the  opinions  of  the 
entire  farming  community,  and  many  useful  and  admir- 
able suggestions,  which  are  often  carried  into  practice 
by  the  members,  spring  from  it. 

The  Grange  is  the  uncompromising  enemy  of  care- 
lessness and  disorder.  Its  golden  rule  is,  u  What  is 
worth  doing  at  all,  is  worth  doing  well,"  and  it  enforces 
this  law  by  every  means  in  its  power.  Careless  and 
untidy  farming  are  discountenanced.  The  farmer  is 
taught  that  he  must  keep  his  place  in  order,  and  make 
it  look  its  best  every  day  in  the  week. 

"  While  riding  over  the  country  the  other  day  with 
a  leading  Granger,"  says  a  letter  from  Minnesota,  "  he 
called  my  attention  to  the  wheat  stacks  that  we  saw. 
(  There,'  he  said,  pointing  to  a  row  of  stacks  that  stood 
up  straight  and  trim,  were  well  capped,  and  in  every 
way  calculated  to  allow  the  grain  to  dry  while  it  was 
protected  from  the  weather,  '  there  are  the  stacks  of  a 
Granger.  Those  over  yonder,  in  which  the  bundles  are 
thrown  together  haphazard,  belong  to  a  man  who  is  not 
a  Patron.  He  thinks  that  he  will  thresh  out  his  grain 
soon,  and  that  it  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  take  pains 
in  stacking.  But  something  may  happen  to  prevent 
this,  and  the  stacks  may  remain  for  months,  and  the 
grain  be  injured.  The  Grange  teaches  the  farmers  that 
it  always  pays  to  do  their  work  well,  and  it  is  making 
better  farmers  than  we  ever  had  before.' " 

This  is  important  testimony  in  favor  of  the  Grange, 
and  if  the  organization  did  no  more  than  make  "  better 
farmers  than  we  ever  had  before,"  it  would  still  be  do- 
ing a  great  and  beneficent  work,  and  a  work  which 
would  lay  the  whole  country  under  obligations  to  it. 

30 


466          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

An  Order  which  can  thus  improve  and  elevate  over  five 
millions  of  human  beings  is  certainly  deserving  of  the 
encouragement  of  the  nation. 

The  Grange  is  the  bitter  and  uncompromising  foe  of 
idleness.  It  has  no  room  for  a  lazy  man.  While  it  recog- 
nizes the  fact  that  frequent  relaxation  and  indulgence  in 
innocent  pleasures  are  a  necessity  of  mankind,  it 
teaches  that  industry  is  the  only  sure  foundation  of 
success,  and  that  the  idle  or  lazy  man  can  be  neither 
prosperous,  virtuous,  nor  useful.  The  Order  aims  to 
accomplish  a  great  work  in  the  community,  and  it  ac- 
cepts only  workingmen  and  women.  Each  one  has  a 
part  to  play  in  the  execution  of  its  great  designs,  and 
it  will  tolerate  no  idlers,  no  mere  lookers-on.  A  power- 
ful stimulus  is  thus  given  to  its  members,  and  it  will 
not  be  long  before  it  will  be  as  easy  to  recognize  a 
Granger  by  his  prosperity  as  it  is  now  by  his  habits  of 
neatness  and  order. 

As  it  is  the  enemy  of  idleness,  so  it  is  of  vice.  The 
Grange  will  have  no  dealings  with  drunkards,  swind- 
lers, or  immoral  men  and  women.  It  demands  a  good 
moral  character  as  the  first  requisite  for  membership. 
A  drunken  or  dissolute  farmer  can  have  no  sympathy 
with  an  Order  which  teaches  that  all  men  should  be 
temperate  and  pure  minded.  A  swindler  can  have  no 
fellowship  with  men  who  believe  in  honesty  as  the 
basis  of  every  relation  in  life,  and  who  act  upon  this 
belief.  And  so  the  Grange  keeps  unworthy  men  and 
women  at  a  distance,  and  its  influence  in  and  upon  the 
community  is  entirely  in  favor  of  virtue. 

Says  a  letter  from  Ohio  : 

"  This  is  what  the  Grange  aims  to  do.  Once  in  two 
weeks  (sometimes  every  week)  its  members  meet  in 


THE  FARMER'S  TTAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       467 

some  convenient  hall  which  they  either  hire  or  own, 
each  family  bringing  its  basket  of  food.  Many  hands 
make  light  work ;  cooking  utensils,  dishes  and  tables 
are  owned  by  the  Grange  ;  a  bountiful  feast  is  soon  pre- 
pared, and  the  afternoon  is  spent  in  social  pleasures  or 
in  discussions  upon  subjects  in  which  they  are  mutually 
interested.  Who  can  doubt  that  an  occasional  breaking 
away  from  work  by  the  farmer  and  his  family,  even 
though  he  should  get  no  new  ideas,  will  improve  them 
all  in  health  and  make  them  better  able  to  perform 
their  routine  of  duties  ? 

"  But  the  Grange  strives  directly  to  make  better  far- 
mers, and  of  this  there  is  certainly  need.  Many  of  the 
agriculturists  of  the  West  and  North- West  left  Eastern 
farms  where  high  cultivation  and  intelligent  manage- 
ment were  necessary  to  insure  a  living ;  and  if  they  were 
fair  farmers  there,  they  have  generally  been  abundantly 
successful  in  the  West.  But  there  is  a  large  class  of 
men  who  have  gone  upon  the  wild  lands  of  the  West — 
Irish,  German,  Scandinavian  immigrants  gathered  in 
Europe  by  railroad  and  emigration  agents — whose  know- 
ledge of  agriculture  is  of  the  most  limited  kind,  and 
who  have  everything  against  them  but  the  strength  of 
their  arms,  their  ability  to  endure  privation,  and  the 
wonderful  fertility  of  the  soil  when  its  tough  sod  has 
once  been  broken.  They  put  lots  of  muscle  into  their 
business,  but  very  little  brains.  Nor  are  all  of  the  bad 
farmers  of  the  West  of  foreign  birth.  Thousands  of 
men  reared  in  cities  have  been  induced,  by  the  promise 
of  cheap  land  and  rich  crops,  to  forsake  the  life  in 
which  they  were  reared,  for  the  reaper  and  the  plow. 
Some  of  these  men  have  done  well ;  others  have  natu- 
rally failed.  Another  fact  I  have  noticed  is  that  the 


4G8         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

very  men  who  are  most  in  need  of  advice  such  as  a 
good  agricultural  journal  would  give  them,  are  the  ones 
who  don't  take  it — probably  their  failure  to  read  such 
a  paper  explains  their  need  of  it.  To  all  farmers,  good 
or  bad,  the  Grange  offers  opportunities  of  improvement 
never  before  within  the  reach  of  the  country  people  ex- 
cept in  Farmers'  Clubs,  and  in  them  only  to  a  limited 
extent.  Experienced,  successful  men  tell  in  the  Grange 
room  how  they  have  made  good  crops,  or  why  they 
failed  to  do  so;  agricultural  newspapers  are  taken, 
read  and  exchanged;  important  advice  is  given  to 
young  and  inexperienced  farmers,  and  each  member, 
no  matter  how  well  he>  understands  his  business,  is  sure 
to  obtain  some  item  of  useful  information. 

te  The  Grange  teaches  the  farmer  to  contract  habits 
of  thrift  and  economy.  The  man  who  buys  on  credit 
always  buys  in  the  highest  market,  and  of  no  class  in 
the  community  is  this  remark  more  strikingly  true  than 
of  the  farmers.  It  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  a  bill  at 
the  village  store  to  make  a,  veritable  slave  of  a  farmer. 
A  partial  failure  of  his  crops,  sickness  in  his  family,  or 
other  unforeseen  occurrence,  makes  it  impossible  for  him 
to  settle  when  pay-day  comes  around,  and  a  mortgage 
on  his  farm,  at  fifteen  per  cent,  interest,  is  the  result. 
Other  men  may  offer  to  sell  goods  to  him  cheaper,  but  it 
may  be  impossible  for  him  to  transfer  his  trade  when 
such  transfer  might  involve  a  foreclosure  of  a  mort- 
gage. The  Grange  advises  all  of  its  members  to  buy 
and  sell  for  cash,  and  to  demand  such  favors  as  cash 
purchasers  are  justly  entitled  to.  If  ten  per  cent,  of  a 
man's  sales  on  credit  become  bad  debts,  the  increase  in 
prices  to  make  up  for  such  loss  ought  to  be  charged 
against  those  who  buy  on  credit,  and  not  against  those 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      469 

who  buy  for  cash,  and  on  whose  purchases  there  is, 
therefore,  no  risk.  The  Grange  also  assists  its  mem- 
bers to  get  down  to  a  cash  basis,  by  making  contracts 
with  local  dealers  to  allow  a  discount  to  Grangers  who 
pay  on  the  spot  for  their  purchases,  by  making  exten- 
sive contracts  to  purchase  agricultural  implements, 
sewing-machines,  etc.,  at  wholesale  from  the  manufac- 
turers, and  in  a  few  cases  by  lending  money  at  low 
rates  of  interest  to  enable  the  farmers  to  take  advantage 
of  these  arrangements.  I  have  spoken  of  this  feature 
of  the  Grange  movement  at  considerable  length  in  one 
of  my  letters  from  Iowa :  the  Grange  in  that  State  has 
thus  far  been  the  model  which  those  of  other  States  are 
imitating  with  greater  or  less  success. 

"  The  Grange,  I  have  said,  teaches  its  members  to  be 
thrifty  and  economical.  By  this  I  do  not  mean  that  it 
teaches  them  to  pinch  and  starve  themselves,  or  to  deny 
themselves  the  comforts  or  even  the  luxuries  of  life.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  shows  them  how  to  acquire  the  means 
to  gratify  their  finer  tastes. ,  Instead  of  leaving  his 
plow  in  the  last  furrow,  to  rust  and  rot  through  the 
long  season  and  wear  out  in  four  years,  when  it  ought 
to  last  six,  the  Grange  teaches  the  farmer  to  put  it 
under  cover,  and  so  save  enough  to  pay  for  the  subscrip- 
tion to  a  good  newspaper  or  magazine,  or  to  purchase  a 
good  book.  Instead  of  allowing  his  wheat  to  lie  in  the 
shock  and  sprout  before  it  is  threshed,  the  Grange  tells 
the  farmer  that  its  value  will  be  increased  several  cents 
on  a  bushel  if  he  carefully  stacks  it.  It  shows  the 
careless,  thriftless  farmer  the  secret  of  his  more  success- 
ful neighbor's  success,  and  gives  him  a  helping  hand  to 
make  that  secret  of  practical  value  to  him." 

The  Grange  is  the  foe  to  selfishness.     It  is  too  much 


470          HISTORY   OF    THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

the  habit  of  the  fanner  to  regard  himself  and  his  own 
family  only,  and  to  be  careless  of  the  welfare  or  interests 
of  others.  The  Grange  teaches  him  that  he  is  only  a 
single  member  of  the  vast  community  of  men  who  till 
the  ground,  and  that  his  interests  are  identical  with 
theirs,  and  that  he  must  consider  others  as  well  as  him- 
self. He  is  thus  drawn  out  of  himself  and  made  to  en- 
tertain larger  and  more  liberal  views  of  life  and  its 
duties. 

The  material  interests  of  the  farmer  are  not  the  only 
ones  which  receive  the  fostering  care  of  the  Order. 
His  intellectual  improvement  is  also  aimed  at.  The 
Grange  teaches  its  members  that  education  and  intel- 
lectual culture  are  necessary  to  the  farmer  as  well  as  to 
other  men.  It  impresses  upon  him  the  duty  of  encour- 
aging the  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  public  schools, 
and  reminds  him  that  money  saved  at  the  cost  of  his 
children's  education  is  saved  at  too  high  a  price.  It  en- 
courages the  farmer  to  purchase  and  read  good  and  use- 
ful books,  and  the  best  periodicals  of  the  day.  At  its 
meetings  discussions  are  encouraged  which  serve  to 
keep  its  members  informed  upon  the  leading  questions 
of  the  times,  and  to  accustom  them  to  express  their 
views  in  an  intelligent  manner.  In  one  respect  the 
Grange  may  be  considered  as  an  educational  club,  with 
the  very  positive  and  definite  object  of  achieving  the 
intellectual  improvement  of  its  members.  Certainly 
this  is  a  noble  work,  and  should  win  for  the  Order  the 
best  wishes  and  cordial  sympathy  of  every  citizen  of  the 
Republic.  The  work  of  the  Order  is  just  commencing. 
It  is  still  in  its  infancy,  but  it  gives  promise  of  glorious 
results. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      47] 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

THE   COOPERATIVE   FEATURE. 

Cooperative  Feature  of  the  Grange — How  the  Grange  saves  the  Farmers  the 
Middle-man's  Profit — Circular  of  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Grange  —A 
Means  of  Practical  Economy — The  System  of  Purchases  adopted  by  the 
Grange — The  System  on  Trial  in  Iowa — The  System  productive  of  Economy 
— How  the  Iowa  Grange  conducts  its  Operations — Bringing  the  Manufac- 
turers to  Terms — The  Plow  Trade — A  Saving  of  Fifty  Thousand  Dollars 
on  Plows — A  Liberal  System  of  Discounts — Work  of  the  State  Agent — Joint 
Stock  Stores  established — Method  of  Cooperative  Selling — Elevators  estab- 
lished by  the  Granges — Direct  Shipments — Magnificent  Success  of  the 
Grange  in  Iowa — The  Granges  saving  more  Money  than  they  cost — Efforts 
to  embarrass  the  Grange — Warning  of  the  National  Grange — Opposition  of 
the  Middle-men — A  Successful  Effort  at  Cooperation  abroad — The  History  of 
the  Civil  Service  Supply  Association  of  London — A  Lesson  and  an  En- 
couragement to  the  Grange. 

"THE  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  says  the 
Secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  in  a  circular  addres- 
sed to  Manufacturers  of  Agricultural  and  Domestic  Im- 
plements and  Machinery,  "  is  an  organization  of  farmers 
and  horticulturalists,  one  object  of  which  is  to  secure  to 
its  members  the  advantages  of  cooperation  in  all  things 
affecting  their  interests.  ...  To  enable  the  members 
of  the  Order  to  purchase  implements  and  machinery 
at  as  low  cost  as  possible,  by  saving  the  commission 
usually  paid  to  agents,  and  the  profits  of  the  long  line 
of  dealers  standing  between  the  manufacturers  and  the 
farmers,  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Grange  desire  to  publish  a  list  of  all  the  establishments 
that  will  deal  directly  with  State  and  subordinate 


472          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Granges.  This  list  will  be  regarded  as  strictly  con- 
fidential, and  one  copy  only  will  be  furnished  to  each 
Grange. 

"  Large  orders  can  thus  be  made  up  by  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  orders  from  Granges  in  the  same  State  or 
vicinity,  and  special  terms  for  freight,  etc.,  arranged  with 
transportation  lines,  thereby  effecting  another  large 
saving  to  the  purchaser. 

"  Manufacturers  of  all  articles  used  by  farmers,  who 
desire  to  avail  themselves  of  this  means  of  disposing 
of  their  products  directly  to  the  consumer  for  cash, 
thereby  avoiding  the  losses  incident  to  the  credit  sys- 
tem, or  the  storing  of  goods  in  the  hands  of  commis- 
sion merchants  or  agents,  are  invited  to  send  their  cata- 
logues and  wholesale  price  lists  to,  and  to  correspond 
with  0.  H.  KELLEY, 

"  Sec'y  of  the  National  Grange,  "Washington,  D.  C." 

This  circular  embodies  one  of  the  principal  features 
of  the  Grange  movement,  and  one  which  will  render  it 
indispensable  to  the  farmers.  The  Grange  recognizes 
the  fact  that  the  farmers  have  been  charged  too  much 
for  the  majority  of  the  articles  they  purchase,  and  it 
undertakes  to  save  them  from  this  loss. 

The  method  of  cooperative  buying  adopted  by  the 
Grange  for  this  purpose,  is  very  simple.  A  State  agent 
is  appointed,  whose  duty  it  is  to  correspond  with  manu- 
facturers and  wholesale  merchants,  and  ascertain  the 
most  favorable  terms  upon  which  they  will  sell  their 
wares  to  members  of  the  Grange.  If  these  terms  are 
satisfactory,  they  are  communicated  to  the  subordinate 
Granges,  the  members  of  which  make  up^their  orders, 
and  accompany  them  with  the  amount  of  the  purchase 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      473 

money  of  the  articles  desired  in  cash.  These  are  sent 
to  the  State  agent,  who  forwards  them  to  the  manufac- 
turer, with  instructions  for  the  shipment  of  the  pur- 
chases direct  to  the  purchasers. 

The  Grange  thus  makes  it  to  the  interest  of  the 
dealer  to  sell  to  its  members  direct.  A  large  cash  order 
is  given,  and  the  manufacturer  or  dealer  is  relieved  of 
the  ordinary  risks  of  business,  while  the  farmer  is 
enabled  to  purchase  his  goods  for  much  less  than  he 
could  formerly  buy  them.  A  single  farmer,  or  a  single 
local  organization  of  farmers,  could  effect  nothing  in  this 
respect,  for  they  would  be  powerless  to  compete  with 
the  middle-men  or  local  dealers;  but  the  trade  of  a 
county  or  State  is  a  valuable  consideration,  and  the 
manufacturer  will  make  advantageous  concessions  to 
secure  it. 

Perhaps  we  cannot  better  illustrate  this  feature  of 
the  Grange  than  by  presenting  here  an  account  of  the 
successful  inauguration  of  the  cooperative  system  in 
Iowa,  where  it  has  been  tried  with  admirable  results. 

"  One  of  the  first  lessons  which  the  Grange  of  this 
State  seeks  to  teach  its  members  is  to  buy  for  cash,  to 
avoid  as  far  as  possible  the  purchase  .of  agricultural 
machinery  not  absolutely  needed,  and  when  in  rare  in- 
stances the  farmer  must  buy  implements  for  which  he 
cannot  pay,  to  borrow  the  money  outright,  furnishing 
the  required  security  on  his  place,  rather  than  to  pur- 
chase on  three,  four,  or  five  years'  credit,  giving  '  iron- 
clad '  notes,  and  paying  the  enormous  prices  which  are 
always  charged  under  such  circumstances.  This  has 
been  no  holiday  job ;  machinery-bankrupt  as  thousands 
of  the  farmers  have  been,  with  their  notes,  given  for 
implements,  in  the  hands  of  every  sheriff  of  the  State 


474          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

for  collection,  and,  by  official  figures,  constituting 
almost  half  the  delinquent  debts,  they  have  doubted 
and  hesitated  when  relief  through  cooperation  has  been 
offered,  and  have  been  far  more  ready  to  advocate  re- 
forms with  which  they  personally  have  nothing  par- 
ticular to  do  than  to  begin  at  home  and  help  them- 
selves. Happily,  the  Grange  of  the  State  has  had 
among  its  members  a  few  men  of  good  business  ability 
and  sterling  integrity,  who  have  felt  interest  enough 
in  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  farmers  and  the 
success  of  the  order  of  which  they  were  members,  to 
give  much  of  their  time  and  in  some  cases  to  risk  their 
money  in  this  much-needed  home  reform.  While  at 
Des  Moines,  and  since  I  came  here,  I  have  found  out 
some  of  these  men,  and,  in  their  desire  to  spread  a 
knowledge  of  their  success,  and  to  encourage  farmers 
elsewhere  to  imitate  their  example  or  improve  011  it, 
they  have  given  me  every  facility  to  learn  the  inside 
workings  of  the  system  of  cooperative  purchases  and 
sales  they  have  adopted,  and  to  see  what  its  results 
have  thus  far  been. 

"  It  is  but  little  more  than  a  year  since  prominent 
Grangers  of  Iowa  were  first  successful  in  making  large 
cooperative  purchases,  although  previous  to  that,  I 
think,  they  had  appointed  a  State  agent  and  a  few 
county  agents.  They  then  found  the  manufacturers 
almost  wholly  in  the  power  of  the  agents.  Not  only 
had  they  made  their  contracts  with  these  agents  for  the 
year,  giving  to  each  a  monopoly  of  the  sales  for  his  par- 
ticular district,  but,  had  they  been  disposed  to  disregard 
those  contracts  and  sell  to  the  ascents  of  the  Granges  at 

c^  o 

wholesale  rates,  they  did  not  dare  to  do  it,  because  to 
lose  the  trade  of  the  agents,  who  would  have  nothing 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      475 

to  do  with  manufacturers  selling  at  wholesale  prices  to 
other  customers  within  their  districts,  would,  while  the 
present  methods  of.  doing  business  are  adhered  to,  be 
nothing  short  of  ruin.  The  farmers  who  were  moving 
in  the  matter  understood  this ;  they  knew  that  it  was 
unreasonable  to  ask  a  plow  maker,  a  sewing-machine 
dealer,  or  any  other  manufacturer  or  wholesale  mer- 
chant, to  abandon  a  business  system  by  which  he  was 
supported,  unless  the  Grange  could  offer  him  in  ex- 
change an  equally  profitable  and  extensive  patronage. 
And  just  here  may  be  explained  the  failure  of  all  local 
attempts  at  cooperative  machinery  buying.  When  the 
farmers  of  a  county  have  united  to  purchase  their 
plows,  and  have  sent  their  agent  to  the  manufacturer, 
they  have  found  that  they  could  get  no  material  reduc- 
tion of  price.  The  manufacturer  has  said  :  '  My  trade 
in  your  county  belongs  to  Mr.  A,  and  I  have  agreed  not 
to  sell  goods  to  persons  living  there  below  his  prices,  or 
at  any  rate  to  pay  him  his  customary  commission  on  all 
such  sales  that  we  do  make.  You  want  twenty  plows ; 
if  we  sell  them  to  you  at  our  wholesale  price  we  shall 
either  have  to  lose  the  agent's  commission  on  them  or 
lose  his  trade,  and  he  takes  a  thousand  plows  a  year.' 
No  local  cooperative  association  could  command  trade 
enough  to  make  it  an  object  for  the  manufacturers  to 
show  them  any  important  favors. 

"  But  the  wide  spread  of  the  Grange  in  this  State 
gave  to  the  farmers  the  means  of  holding  out  to  any 
manufacturer  whom  its  members  should  generally 
patronize,  an  inducement  to  give  up  the  trade  of  the 
agents  and  sell  directly  to  them,  and  the  managers  of 
the  Grange  were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
power  they  thus  acquired.  Having  agreed  to  buy 


476          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

nothing  on  credit  but  to  pay  cash  for  all  their  pur- 
chases, and  having  received  assurances  from  a  sufficient 
number  of  Granges  that  their  members  would  purchase 
through  their  own  agent,  application  was  made  to  three 
manufacturers  of  plows  in  Des  Moines  for  wholesale 
rates.     Two  of  them  refused  to  make  any  terms  with 
the  Grange,  but  the  third  agreed  to  make  a  deduction 
of  twenty  percent,  on  the  retail  price  of  each  of  his 
plows  and  twenty-five  per  cent,  on  cultivators.     The 
result  was  that  this  man,  although  he  made  up  a  large 
stock  in  advance,  was  unable  to  supply  the  demand  of 
the  Grange,  and  the  freight  agent  of  one  of  the  rail- 
roads at  Des  Moines  remarked  the  other  day  that  the 
paint  had  not  been  dry  on  a  single  plow  that  had  been 
shipped  from  that  man's  shop  this  year.     One  of  the 
other  manufacturers  very  soon  discovered  his  mistake, 
and  got  some  of  the  orders  that  the  first  could  not  fill, 
and  the  third  is  now  ready  to  trade  with  the  Granges. 
Plows  have  also  been  bought  of  other  manufacturers, 
both  in  this  State  and  those   adjoining.     How  many 
plows  the  Granges  have  purchased  within  a  year  at 
these  reduced  prices  cannot  be  ascertained,  as,  after  the 
contract  had  been  made  by  the  State  agent,  the  orders 
did  not  necessarily  come  through  him,  and  no  complete 
record   has,  therefore,  been    kept;    the  county  agents 
have  forwarded  many  of  them  directly  to  the  manu- 
facturers, the  only  condition  being  that  the  cash  accom- 
pany the  order  and  that  the  purchaser  be  a  Granger. 
It  is  safe  to  say,   however,   that  the  purchases  have 
amounted  to  many  thousands,  and  that  not  less  than 
$50,000  have  been  saved  to  the  farmers  of  the  State, 
within  a  year,  in  the  purchase  of  plows  and  cultivators 
alone. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      477 

"  In  the  purchase  of  sewing  machines  the  saving  has 
been  still  greater  and  the  sales  very  large.  The  retail 
price  of  sewing  machines  in  this  State  has  been  from 
$50  to  $95,  according  to  variety;  they  are  now  sold  to 
the  Grangers  at  40  per  cent,  discount  from  these  prices, 
or  for  from  $30  to  $57.  The  demand  has  been  so  great 
that  1500  machines  have  been  ordered  to  be  delivered 
during  the  coming  year.  Supposing  all  of  these  to  be 
of  the  cheapest  variety,  the  saving  will  be  $30,000. 
The  number  purchased  will  probably  far  exceed  1500. 
On  parlor  organs  the  discount  to  the  Granges  is  from 
20  to  25  per  cent.;  on  scales,  from  25  to  33  J  per  cent.; 
on  shellers,  15  per  cent.;  on  wagons,  20  per  cent;  on 
hay-forks,  33i  per  cent.;  on  miscellaneous  implements, 
like  feed-grinders,  stalk-cutters,  harrows,  field-rollers, 
hay-rakes,  grain  separators,  etc.,  25  per  cent.  On 
mowers  the  discount  is  25  per  cent. ;  that  is,  a  machine 
which  retails  at  $120  is  sold  to  the  Grangers  for  $90. 
A  lot  of  reapers  which  a  manufacturer  who  was  going 
out  of  the  business  had  on  hand  were  offered  to  the 
Grangers  for  $75  each,  provided  they  would  take  the 
whole  of  them.  They  were  carefully  examined  and 
tested  by  the  State  agent  and  others,  who  reported 
that  they  would  be  cheap  at  $150.  A  circular  con- 
veying this  information  was  sent  to  the  Granges  of  the 
State,  and  the  whole  lot  was  disposed  of  at  once.  They 
have  given  universal  satisfaction.  I  might  go  on  at 
great  length  quoting  prices,  but  those  I  have  given  are 
sufficient  to  show  that  by  intelligent  cooperation  the 
farmers  of  the  West  can  save  a  great  amount  of  money. 
General  Wilson,  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange,  thinks 
that  $2,000,000  has  already  been  saved  in  this  wny. 
Mr.  Whitman,  the  State  agent,  to  whose  well-directed 


478          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT  ;    OR, 

and  untiring  efforts  the  success  that  has  so  far  crowned 
this  experiment  is,  in  very  great  measure,  due,  thinks 
this  figure  too  high,  though  he  has  no  data  from  which 
to  make  an  estimate.  The  Grange  has  not  only  bene- 
fited its  own  members  by  its  cooperative  purchases,  but 
has  caused  a  reduction  in  the  prices  of  all  kinds  of 
farming  implements,  sewing  machines,  etc.,  in  the 
stores  and  when  sold  by  agents.  A  single  example 
will  illustrate  this  fact.  A  year  ago,  when  the  agents 
for  the  sale  of  a  certain  cultivator  supposed  that  they 
had  the  entire  control  of  the  market,  they  charged  $35, 
and  threatened  to  raise  the  price.  Since  the  Grange 
has  been  purchasing  similar  cultivators  for  $26.25,  the 
agents  have  reduced  their  prices  to  $30. 

"  The  manner  of  conducting  this  cooperative  buying 
is  very  simple,  although  to  insure  success  it  is  necessary 
to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  competent  and  honest  men. 
Mr.  J.  D.  Whitman,  the  State  agent,  has  his  office  at 
Des  Moines,  and  is  the  principal  manager.  He  gives  a 
bond  of  $50,000  for  the  honest  and  faithful  perform- 
ance of  his  duties,  and  receives  a  small  salary.  In 
each  county  of  the  State  there  is  a  County  agent,  who 
may  also  be  placed  under  bonds,  if  the  Granges  of  the 
county  think  it  necessary.  The  State  agent  places 
himself  in  communication  with  manufacturers  and 
wholesale  merchants,  learns  the  terms  on  which  they 
will  sell  their  goods  to  the  Granges,  makes  contracts 
with  them  when  it  is  desirable,  and  informs  the  Granges 
by  circular  of  the  prices,  etc.  Orders  may  then  be 
given  through  either  the  State  or  County  agents.  All 
orders  must  be  accompanied  by  the  cash  to  pay  for  the 
article  desired,  and  a  certificate  from  the  Master  of  the 
Grange  that  the  purchaser  is  a  member  of  the  Order. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      479 

The  State  agent  on  receiving  money  credits  the  re- 
mitter with  the  amount  on  his  books,  specifying  the 
article  to  be  purchased  and  sending  him  a  receipt.  He 
at  once  forwards  the  cash  to  the  manufacturer  or  mer- 
chant, and  then  debits  the  purchaser  with  the  amount 
remitted.  The  goods  are  shipped  directly  from  the 
manufacturer  to  the  purchaser,  but  the  receipted  bill 
is  sent  to  the  State  agent,  who  files  it  away  as  his 
voucher.  If  the  goods  are  imperfect,  or  not  as  good  as 
have  been  contracted  for,  and  the  seller  refuses  to  give 
the  purchaser  satisfaction,  then  the  Grange  transfers 
its  entire  trade  to  some  other  firm.  A  man  who  was 
furnishing  the  Grange  with  plows,  last  Spring,  sent  a 
few  that  were  much  inferior  to  the  sample.  A  circular 
was  sent  to  all  the  Granges  informing  them  of  this  fact, 
and  in  less  than  a  week  orders  for  that  plow  stopped, 
and  the  man  has  not  sold  one  to  a  Grange  in  the  State 
since. 

"  The  State  agent  always  gives  preference  to  home 
manufacturers.  Wherever  an  Iowa  plow-maker  or 
manufacturer  of  any  kind  can  furnish  first-class  goods 
as  cheaply  as  they  can  be  purchased  at  Chicago,  St. 
Louis,  or  New  York,  the  Grange  gives  him  its  trade, 
but  its  motto  is  to  buy  in  the  cheapest  market  which 
ready  cash  will  command.  In  some  sections  of  the 
State  the  members  of  the  Grange  have  established 
joint-stock  stores,  and  have  thus  been  able  to  purchase 
their  groceries  and  dry  goods  much  cheaper  than  before. 
This  has  not  been  generally  encouraged  by  the  leading 
Grangers,  except  in  cases  where  the  local  traders  have 
refused  to  deal  with  them  on  what  they  considered 
fair  terms.  The  great  bulk  of  the  home  trade  in  this 
State  has  been  done  on  credit,  and  the  farmers  who 


480          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

have  remained  solvent  have  had  to  pay  not  only  a  fair 
profit  on  the  goods  they  have  purchased,  but  something 
in  addition  for  the  time  that  has  been  given  them,  and 
to  make  up  for  the  losses  of  the  traders  by  bad  debts. 
Now  the  members  of  the  Grange  who  propose  to  pay 
cash  for  what  they  buy,  think  that  they  ought  to  have 
their  goods  cheaper  than  before.  Some  of  the  traders 
have  admitted  the  justice  of  this  claim,  and  have  made 
satisfactory  terms,  but  others  have  refused.  Where  no 
terms  could  be  made,  the  Grangers  have  been  forced  to 
establish  their  own  stores.  Their  plan  has  been  to 
divide  the  stock  into  shares  of  $10  or  $15,  so  that  each 
member  of  the  Order  can  afford  to  own  one  or  more 
shares.  The  goods  are  then  all  bought  and  sold  for 
cash,  an  advance  of  eight  per  cent,  on  the  cost  being 
charged.  At  Waterloo,  where  a  store  of  this  kind  has 
been  established,  the  farmers  find  that  they  obtain 
better  articles  at  less  prices,  and  that  their  stock  pays 
them  a  good  «profit.  The  average  sales  in  that  store, 
since  its  establishment,  have  been  $112  a  day,  a  con- 
siderable portion  of'  it  coming  from  .the  railroad  shops 
situated  there. 

"  But  it  is  not  alone  by  cooperative  purchases  that 
the  Grangers  hope  to  save  money.  They  have  not 
only  bought  their  goods  on  credit,  and  therefore  in  the 
highest  market,  but  tlfey  have  sold  their  crops  at  home 
to  middle-men  for  cash,  and  therefore  in  the  lowest 
market.  They  now  hope,  by  cooperative  selling,  to 
get  better  prices  for  what  they  raise  than  they  have 
hitherto  received.  Until  quite  recently  such  a  thing  as 
shipping  his  own  grain  to  Chicago,  or  any  eastern  mar- 
ket, has  been  almost  unknown  among  the  farmers. 
Whenever  any  of  them  have  attempted  it  they  have 


THE  FARMER'S  WAE  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      481 

often  been  swindled  so  badly  that  they  have  lost  all 
confidence  in  commission  merchants.  One  of  the  first 
steps  that  the  Grange  took  was  to  select  a  commission 
house  of  the  highest  character  in  Chicago,  and  another 
in  New  York,  and  make  them  its  agents.  Each  of 
these  houses  has  given  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $100,000, 
and  agrees  to  receive  everything  that  is  consigned  to  it 
by  the  Grange  or  any  of  its  members,  and  dispose  of 
it  to  the  best  possible  advantage,  taking  only  one  per 
cent,  for  commission.  Since  this  arrangement  has 
been  made,  many  of  the  farmers  have  shipped  their 
own  grain,  and  the  Chicago  agent  has  been  able  to  sell 
it  for  them  on  the  cars  upon  which  it  was  originally 
loaded,  thus  avoiding  altogether  elevator  charges  and 
the  cost  of  trans-shipment.  The  prices  thus  realized 
by  the  farmers  have  generally  been  several  cents  a 
bushel  better  for  grain  than  those  offered  at  home, 
although  the  railroad  companies  have  given  them  no 
special  rates. 

"  In  order  to  take  advantage  of  favorable  markets, 
the  Granges  have  established  at  several  points  in  the 
State  elevators  and  warehouses  of  their  own.  In  some 
places  these  warehouses  have  been  built  by  two  or 
three  prominent  members  of  the  Order;  in  others  the 
stock  has  been  divided  into  small  shares  and  is  owned 
by  great  numbers  of  the  farmers.  The  plan  of  con- 
ducting the  business  is  the  same  in  both  cases.  If  the 
farmer  prefers  to  sell  his  grain  outright  and  get  the 
money  for  it  when  it  is  delivered,  the  managers  will 
pay  him  the  highest  price  the  state  of  the  market 
warrants ;  if  he  is  willing  to  take  the  risk  of  the  mar- 
ket, they  handle  his  grain  for  him,  sell  it,  and  return 
him  the  proceeds  for  a  commission  of  a  cent  and  a  half 
31 


4:82         'HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

a  bushel.  This  makes  the  farmers  almost  independent 
of  middle-men  between  them  and  Chicago  or  New  York 
markets.  If  the  price  offered  for  their  grain  is  not  in 
their  judgment  enough,  they  are  not  obliged  to  sell  it 
at  home,  but  can  ship  it  themselves,  feeling  perfectly 
sure  that  they  will  be  honestly  dealt  with,  will  have  to 
pay  no  exorbitant  commissions,  and  will  get  the  best 
market  price.  At  Waterloo,  about  100  miles  west  of 
this  city,  an  elevator  was  established  by  the  Grange 
about  nine  months  ago,  the  stock  being  held  by  a  great 
number  of  farmers.  Grain  that  has  been  shipped  from 
that  point  both  to  New  York  and  Chicago  has  brought 
the  farmers  considerably  better  prices  than  the  local 
traders  would  pay,  and  beside  this,  recently  a  dividend 
of  fifty  per  cent,  was  made  on  the  stock.  The  Grangers' 
elevators  now  do  all  the  work  at  that  and  other 
stations  where  they  have  been  established,  the  local 
middle-men1  having  gone  entirely  out  of  the  business. 
If  a  Granger  who  does  not  live  near  one  of  these  Grange 
elevators  desires  to  make  a  shipment  on  his  own  ac- 
count, he  applies  for  cars  at  his  local  station,  loads 
them,  directs  them  to  the  Grange  agent  in  Chicago  or 
New  York,  and  sends  the  receipts  which  the  railroad 
company  gives  him  to  the  State  agent  at  Des  Moines. 
By  him  the  proper  papers  are  forwarded  to  the  Chicago 
or  New  York  agent,  and  to  him  the  returns  are  made. 
The  State  agent  then  returns  to  the  shipper  all  the 
papers  showing  the  charges  and  receipts  on  his  ship- 
ment, with  a  check  for  the  balance  due. 

"  The  farmers  of  this  State  raise  every  year  a  great 
number  of  hogs,  that  have  always  passed  through  the 
hands  of  at  least  one  middle-man  before  they  have 
reached  the  packers.  The  Granges  in  some  parts  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      483 

the  State  concluded,  last  year,  that  they  might  as  well 
sell  directly  to  the  packers  themselves,  and  appointed 
one  of  their  number  to  collect  the  hogs  and  deliver 
them.  A  considerable  saving  was  made  in  this  way, 
and  the  experiment  will  be  much  more  extensively 
tried  this  Fall.  In  some  parts  of  the  State  the  Grangers 
are  already  talking  of  establishing  their  own  packing- 
houses, so  that,  instead  of  selling  the  hogs  alive,  they 
can  sell  them  in  the  shape  of  bacon,  hams,  arid  lard, 
packed  and  ready  for  shipment.  They  hope  to  realize 
much  larger  prices  than  by  the  old  system. 

"Another  experiment,  which  was  tried  to  a  limited 
extent  last  Spring,  and  was  attended  with  a  gratifying 
degree  of  success,  was  the  direct  shipment,  by  members 
of  the  Grange  in  this  State,  of  provisions  to  planters 
in  the  South,  who  are  members  of  the  Grange  there. 
This  business  was  managed  by  Mr.  Shankland  of  this 
city,  a  member  of  the  National  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Grange.  He  received  orders  from  Grangers  in 
South  Carolina,  accompanied  by  the  cash,  and  pur- 
chased flour  and  bacon,  which  he  shipped  directly  to 
the  consumer.  The  purchases  were  made  of  the  far- 
mers when  it  was  possible  to  do  so,  and  when  not,  of 
the  packers  and  millers  in  this  city.  The  shipments 
were  made  by  rail,  by  way  of  Cairo,  Hickman,  Ken- 
tucky, Nashville,  Chattanooga,  and  Atlanta,  to  Colum- 
bia, two  trans-shipments  being  made  on  the  route. 
The  railroad  companies  made  special  rates  at  from 
$1.08  to  $1.T5  per  hundred  pounds.  Bacon  was  thus 
laid  down  al  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  at  less  than 
eight  cents  a  pound,  while  its  market  value  there  was 
from  12  to  14  cents  a  pound.  One  planter  informed 
Mr.  Shankland  that  he  saved  by  this  plan  $400  on  a 


484       ,  HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

single  car-load  of  flour  and  bacon.  Only  twenty-three 
or  twenty-four  car-loads  of  provisions  were  shipped  in 
this  way  last  Spring,  for  the  reason  that  these  transac- 
tions are  all  between  members  of  the  Order,  and  the 
Grange  had  not  at  that  time  become  much  of  an  institu- 
tion in  the  Southern  States.  There  are  now  in  the 
South  597  Granges,  outside  of  Missouri,  and  it  is  ex- 
pected that  the  number  will  be  increased  to  at  least 
1000  by  Spring.  By  that  time  it  is  also  hoped  that 
the  Grangers  of  this  State  will  have  established  a 
number  of  packing-houses  and  perhaps  a  few  mills,  so 
that  they  will  be  able  to  ship  provisions  directly  to 
Southern  consumers  without  their  passing  through  the 
hands  of  any  middle-men.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a 
large  business  of  this  kind  will  be  done  next  year. 

"  Cooperative  buying  and  selling  by  the  Granges  is 
as  yet  but  an  experiment,  but  the  facts  which  I  have 
set  forth  in  this  letter,  all  of  which  I  have  gathered 
from  official  sources,  show  it  to  be  a  very  promising 
one.  Of  course  there. have  been,  and  will  be,  difficul- 
ties to  overcome.  The  farmers  are  often  timid ;  a 
sudden  decline  in  the  market  causing  them  to  lose 
money  on  a  single  shipment  of  grain  sometimes  alarms 
them,  and  they  are  prone  to  go  back  to  the  old  grain- 
buyers,  forgetting,  perhaps,  that  their  gains  on  other 
shipments  compensate  many  times  for  the  loss  on  one. 
Dishonest  men  may  secure  appointments  as  agents  and 
swindle  them,  and  a  hundred  other  things  may  occur 
to  retard  the  success  of  the  system.  But  the  leaders 
of  it,  most  of  whom  have  been  life-long  disciples  of  Mr. 
Greeley,  believe  that  the  principle  is  right,  and  that 
the  Grange  organization  furnishes  the  machinery  by 
which  it  can  be  put  into  practical  operation. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      485 

"  Several  "Western  journals  have  contained  articles 
purporting  to  give  an  estimate  of  the  immense  sums  of 
money  that  the  Grange  is  taking  from  the  farmers  in 
the  shape  of  fees,  dues,  etc.,  and  have  hinted  that  it 
was  a  foolish  waste  of  money,  which  should  be  stopped 
before  the  people  could  be  made  to  believe  the  farmers' 
cry  of  '  hard  times.'  They  have '  also  criticised  the 
Grange  for  its  secrecy.  In  justice  to  the  Order,  as  I 
have  observed  it,  I  wish  to  repeat  what  I  said  in  a 
former  letter — that  all  attempts  to  organize  the  farmers 
for  any  purpose  previous  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Grange  were  failures ;  that  its  constitution  and  by-laws 
are  public ;  that,  as  at  present  organized,  it  cannot  be 
converted  into  a  secret  caucus  to  further  the  ends  of  any 
men  or  party,  though  it  teaches  certain  principles 
which  its  members  will  probably  demand  shall  be  re- 
cognized by  the  parties  or  the  men  they  support ;  and 
finally,  that,  though  the  Grange  does  collect  from  its 
members,  in  the  aggregate,  a  considerable  sum  of  money, 
it  has  already  returned  to  them  in  this  State  alone, 
through  cooperation,  which  is  yet  only  an  experiment, 
more  money  than  has  been  paid  into  it  throughout  the 
country,  to  say  nothing  of  the  intellectual  and  social 
benefits  it  has  conferred  upon  its  members.  The 
Granger  who  has  bought  a  plow  only  through  the  agent 
of  the  Grange  has  saved  more  than  enough  to  pay  his 
fees  for  a  year,  while  those  who  have  purchased  sewing 
machines  or  other  expensive  machinery  have  saved 
enough  to  pay  their  fees  for  several  years." 

As  was  to  have  teen  supposed,  reckless  and  irrespon- 
sible men  have  sought  to  take  advantage  of  the  busi- 
ness feature  of  the  Grange,  to  increase  their  sales  to 
farmers,  and  it  is  a  common  thing  to  find  dealers  claim- 


486          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ing  that  their  wares  have  received  the  endorsement  of 
the  Order.  Farmers  should  beware  of  all  such  persons, 
and  bear  in  mind  the  following  letter  of  warning  issued 
to  the  Order  in  general  by  the  Secretary  of  the  National 
Grange : 

"  To  PATRONS  : — All  members  of  the  Order  are  here- 
by cautioned  against  noticing  any  circulars  that  may  be 
sent  them  purporting  to  be  issued  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  National  Grange,  or  its  Officers,  as  no 
certificate  in  favor  of  any  article,  seed,  or  implement 
will  be  furnished  to  any  individual,  under  any  circum- 
stances whatsoever,  until  the  merits  of  such  article  is 
endorsed  and  properly  certified  by  at  least  ten  Granges, 
(whose  endorsement  will  appear  on  the.  circular,)  and 
not  in  any  case  to  those  who  are  not  members  of  the 
Order;  and  when  any  such  endorsement  is  issued  by 
the  National  Grange,  all  and  every  subordinate  Grange 
will  be  duly  notified  by  the  Secretary  of  the  National 
Grange."  . 

No  feature  of  the  Order  has  had  to  encounter  more 
opposition  than  the  cooperative  system  we  have  de- 
scribed. The  middle-men  early  took  the  alarm,  and 
assailed  it  as  a  mere  chimera,  as  utterly  impracticable, 
and  ridiculed  unmercifully  the  claims  of  its  advocates. 
Even  that  portion  of  the  press  most  favorable  to  the 
Order  expressed  grave  doubts  of  the  possibility  of  carry- 
ing out  this  part  of  the  programme.  The  repeated 
and  numerous  failures  of  cooperative '  systems  were 
brought  forward  and  urged  with  great  force  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  claims  of  the  Grangers^and  for  a  long  time 
the  farmers  themselves  held  aloof  irom  this  feature  of 
the  Order.  But  time  and  experience  have  demon- 
strated both  the  practicability  and  the  excellence  of  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      487 

system.  The  magnificent  -success  of  the  scheme  in 
Iowa  shows  that  it  is  not  chimerical,  but  that  it  is 
based  upon  sound  business  principles,  and  only  needs 
the  cordial  cooperation  of  members  of  the  Order  else- 
where to  make  it  equally  successful  in  other  States. 

In  Minnesota,  where  no  organized  system  of  coopera- 
tive buying  and  selling  has  been  adopted,  a  number  of 
separate  Granges  have  made  purchases  at  wholesale, 
but  they  have  not  been  able  to  make  as  favorable  terms 
as  the  State  agent  of  the  Iowa  Grange ;  but  even  these 
efforts,  it  was  stated  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Minne- 
sota State  Grange,  had  resulted  in  the  saving  of  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  of  dollars  to  the  farmers  of  the 
State. 

The  advantage  of  this  feature  of  the  Grange  to  the 
farmer  is  incalculable.  Millions  of  dollars  can  and  will 
be  thus  saved  to  the  agriculturalists  of  the  country, 
and  the  beneficial  effects  of  this  saving  will  soon  be 
apparent. 

One  of  the  good  results  of  the  system  came  under 
the  observation  of  the  writer  while  these  pages  were 
being  written.  In  a  certain  large  city  of  the  Eastern 
States,  there  is  a  mercantile  house  largely  engaged  in 
the  purchase  and  exportation  of  Southern  cotton. 
Among  the  debtors  of  this  firm  was  a  certain  planter 
in  a  Southern  State,  whose  indebtedness  amounted  to 
several  thousand  dollars.  Wishing  to  close  the  ac- 
count, and  being  in  need  of  money,  the  firm  applied 
to  the  planter  for  a  remittance.  He  having  business 
in  their  city,  replied  in  person.  He  told  them  that, 
owing  to  the  great  stringency  of  the  money  market, 
he  found  himself  unable  to  obtain  ready  money,  and 
would  be  obliged  to  ask  their  indulgence  for  a  little 


488          HISTORY   OP   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

while  longer.  "  I  expect  to  pay  you  very  soon/'  he 
said,  "  and  to  pay  interest  on  the  debt.  I  can  only 
raise  money  now  by  selling  my  cotton  at  a  sacrifice, 
and  I  cannot  consent  to  do  that.  Cotton  is  worth 
more  than  the  price  I  should  get  for  it  now." 

"  What  would  it  bring  you?"  asked  the  head  of  the 
house. 

The  planter  named  a  price  below  the  market  rates 
in  New  York. 

"What  do  you  think  it  is  worth?"  asked  the  mer- 
chant. 

"A  cent  and  a  half  a  pound  more,"  said  the  planter. 

This  last  price  was  still  below  the  market  rate,  and 
the  merchant  said  to  the  planter  that  if  he  would 
deliver  to  the  Southern  correspondent,  of  the  firm 
enough  cotton  to  cover  the  amount  of  the  debt,  at  the 
rate  he  had  named,  it  would  be  as  acceptable  as  the 
money. 

"  I  should  like  to  do  so,"  said  the  planter,  hesitatingly  ^ 
"but  I  cannot.  I  am  a  member  of  the  Grange,  and 
we  have  recently  established  an  agency  of  our  own  for 
the  sale  of  our  cotton,  and  have  pledged  ourselves  to 
sell  through  no  other  sourcfe.  I  must  stand  by  my 
agreement,  or  I  would  accept  your  offer." 

But  for  the  Grange  the  planter  would  have  sold  his 
cotton  at  a  sacrifice,  even  at  the  higher  price  he  had 
named.  The  Order,  however,  gave  him  the  means  of 
obtaining  the  worth  of  his  crop.  It  prevented  him 
from  acting  in  haste,  and,  although  he  was  but  poorly 
informed  as  to  the  state  of  the  market,  the  agency 
through  which  his  business  was  transacted  possessed 
the  necessary  information  and  saved  him  from  the 
effects  of  his  ignorance. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONPOLIES.       489 

The  cooperative  system  of  the  Grange  is  yet  in  its 
infancy.  That  it  will  be  generally  adopted,  we  cannot 
doubt,  and  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  Granges  will 
enjoy  the  benefits  seems  clear.  That  it  will  have  to 
encounter  much  opposition  is  to  be  expected.  The 
middle-men  will  oppose  it  wherever  it  is  introduced,  as 
it  will  free  the  farmers  from  the  tax  hitherto  paid  to 
this  class  of  merchants ;  but  we  have  good  reason  to 
believe  that  it  will  be  ultimately  carried  out  by  the 
entire  Order  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

That  successful  cooperation  is  possible,  and  may  be 
carried  to  a  very  great  extent,  is  proved  not  only  by 
the  experience  of  the  Iowa  Grange,  but  by  the  opera- 
tions of  the  "  Civil  Service  Supply  Association,"  of 
London.  The  following  account  of  the  establishment 
and  growth  of  this  remarkable  association,  perhaps  the 
most  successful  of  its  kind  in  existence,  was  prepared 
by  one  of  the  original  members.  It  is  full  of  encour- 
agement and  suggestion  to  those  who  are  working  in 
the  Grange  for  a  similar  object,  and  we  commend  it  to 
them.  It  is  as  follows  : 

"  The  Civil  Service  Supply  Association  is  the  oldest 
Cooperative  Society  in  the  Service,  and  it  has  been  the 
model  upon  which  all  London  Cooperative  Societies 
have  been  formed.  Although  barely  eight  years  old, 
and  in  its  commencement  most  humble,  it  is  now  selling 
goods  at  the  enormous  rate  of  £780,000  a  year,  and  is 
fast  revolutionizing  the  retail  trade,  not  only  of  Lon- 
don, but  of  the  whole  country.  Surely  the  story  of  its 
rise  and  progress  is  worth  the  telling. 

"  The  Association  originated  in  the  Post-Office.  The 
Winter  of  1864-5  (like  many  other  Winters,  and  for 
that  matter  Summers  too)  found  a  good  many  of  us 


490          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Post-Office  men  engaged  in  a  rather  hard  struggle  to 
make  both  ends  meet.  Some  of  us  had  ventured  to 
ask  for  higher  pay,  and  had  been  favored  with  the 
usual  sympathetic  but  depressing  reply,  that  it  was 
regretted  that  the  circumstances  of  the  case  would  not 
justify  any  addition  to  our  salaries,  etc.,  etc. 

"Feeling  as  we  did  sharply,  the  general  rise  in  the 
cost  of  living,  especially  in  the  price  of  all  articles  of 
clothing  consequent  on  the  American  War,  one  or  two 
of  us  had  already  bethought  ourselves  of  cooperation 
as  a  means  of  lessening  our  difficulties.  I,  for  one, 
being  a  Liberal  in  politics  (for  there  are  some  few 
Liberals  in  the  Civil  Service)  had  watched  with  interest 
the  doings  of  the  Rochdale  Pioneers,  but  could  not  at 
all  see  how  to  apply  their  experience  to  our  own  case. 

"  One  day,  however,  two  office  friends  came  to  me — 
it  was,  as  I  well  remember,  a  foggy,  gloomy  day  in 
November,  enough  to  make  one  more  than  usually  des- 
pondent— and  declared  once  for  all  that  they  must 
either  have  more  to  spend  or  manage  to  spend  less. 
They  had  given  up  all  hope  of  more  pay,  and  as  a  last 
resource  they  proposed  that  we  should  try  to  spend  less 
by  means  of  cooperation.  Their  idea  was  that  we 
should  induce  a  number  of  Post-Office  men  to  procure 
their  supplies  of  coal  from  some  one  coal  merchant,  in 
the  expectation  that  by  the  largeness  of  the  united 
order,  and  by  the  payment  of  ready  money,  we  should 
obtain  a  considerable  abatement  in  price.  Talking  the 
matter  over,  we  resolved  to  try  buying  on  this  plan ; 
but  we  soon  agreed  that  coal  was  not  a  good  article  for 
the  experiment,  and  in  the  end  we  decided  to  make  a 
beginning  with  tea.  That  very  afternoon  one  of  us  on 
his  way  home  called  at  a  celebrated  wholesale  house 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      491 

(I  even  now  withhold  names  for  fear  of  the  wrath  of 
retail  traders)  and  learnt  that  by  buying  half  a  chest  at 
a  time,  and  paying  for  it  in  ready  money,  we  should 
save  from  6d.  to  9d.  a  pound.  We  therefore  invited  a 
few  other  office  friends  to  join  us.  Each  wrote  down 
on  a  list  the  quantity  he  would  take,  at  the  same  time 
handing  in  the  money  to  pay  for  it.  Some  of  the  most 
cautious  limited  themselves  to  a  single  pound :  others 
boldly  cooperated  to  the  extent  of  two  pounds,  a  few 
rash  men  pledged  themselves  to  three  pounds,  and  we 
promoters  had  to  take  enough  to  make  up  the  full 
order.  The  tea  was  bought,  and  after  office  hours  we 
weighed  and  divided  it  among  the  purchasers.  It  pro- 
ved to  be  excellent,  and  soon  a  demand  arose  for  more. 
Other  men  in  the  office,  who  had  heard  of  our  success- 
ful venture,  wished  to  join,  and  this  time  there  was  no 
need  for  us  promoters  to  take  more  than  we  wanted. 
Some  one  now  luckily  discovered  an  empty  cupboard 
in  the  office,  and  here  we  locked  up  our  second  half 
chest  of  tea  till  we  could  divide  it  among  ourselves. 

"  This  cupboard  was  the  original  store  of  the  Civil 
Service  Supply  Association. 

"  More  tea  being  very  shortly  needed,  we  prepared 
for  a  third  purchase,  and  now  so  many  joined  us  that 
we  had  to  buy  a  whole  chest.  It  was  no  joke  to  make 
up  100  pounds  of  tea  into  parcels  of  two  or  three 
pounds  apiece,  but  we  were  lucky  enough  to  find  one 
who,  like  old  Trapbois,  was  willing,  nay  eager,  to  un- 
dertake the  task  for  a  consideration.  This  was  a  funny 
little  fellow,  since  dead,  whose  duties  were  very  humble, 
and  salary  yet  more  so.  Though  nominally  a  clerk,  he 
was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  cross  between  a  clerk  and  a 
messenger.  Poor  fellow !  while  his  small  salary  had  no 


492          HISTORY   OP  THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

prospect  of  increase,  his  large  family  increased  but  too 
fast.  His  remuneration  for  this  piece  of  extra  service 
was  the  ourplus  tea  (some  three  or  four  pounds)  con- 
tained in  each  chest,  beyond  the  nominal  amount. 

"  Our  success  in  tea  led  us  on  to  buy  coffee ;  and 
each  time  that  our  list  went  round  the  office  more  and 
more  men  asked  leave  to  join.  Our  poor  cupboard  soon 
became  too  small  for  our  ever-increasing  stocks,  to 
which  moreover  we  thought  of  adding  sugar  and  other 
groceries.  With  no  small  anxiety  we  found  ourselves 
constrained  to  hire  a  store-room  outside  the  building,  a 
step  that  we  felt  could  not  be  safely  taken  .unless  we 
formed  ourselves  into  a  regular  association.  Hence 
arose  the  Post-Office  Supply  Association,  which,  being 
afterwards  extended  to  the  whole  of  the  Civil  Service, 
in  the  end  took  the  title  of  the  '  Civil  Service  Supply 
Association.'  Our  first  impulse  was  to  call  ourselves 
the  '  Post-Office  Cooperative  Society,"  but  even  the 
boldest  of  us  shrank  from  so  hazardous  an  avowal — so 
strong  only  eight  short  years  ago  was  the  prejudice 
against  cooperation,  regarded  as  it  was  by  many  as 
identical  with  socialism.  In  a  word,  we  took  the  thing, 
but  not  the  name. 

"  A  small  committee  of  Post-Office  men  was  formed ; 
and  after  much  anxious  deliberation  they  resolved,  and 
a  daring  step  they  thought  it,  to  take  a  little  room  at  a 
rent  of  twelve  shillings  a  week,  in  the  perhaps  not 
over-fashionable  neighborhood  of  Bridgewater-square, 
Barbican. 

"  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  original  pros- 
pectus of  the  Association,  now  a  very  scarce  and  highly- 
prized  document : 

" l  This  Association  has  been  formed  for  the  purpose 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       493 

of  supplying  officers  of  the  Post-Office  and  their  friends 
with  articles  of  all  kinds,  both  for  domestic  consump- 
tion and  general  use,  at  the  lowest  wholesale  prices. 

"  '  The  advantages  of  the  scheme  are  obvious,  but  its 
full  benefits  can  best  be  secured  by  a  general  combi- 
nation in  support  of  it  on  the  part  of  the  officers  of  the 
various  departments. 

" l  It  is  intended  that  the  articles  mentioned  in  the 
accompanying  price-list  shall  be  purchased  by  the  com- 
mittee and  distributed  among  the  members.  Arrange- 
ments for  the  supply  of  all  other  articles  have  been 
entered  into  with  the  firms  named  in  the  accompanying 
list.' 

"  Even  when  the  Association  was  fairly  started,  and 
carrying  on  its  business  on  its  own  premises,  the  com- 
mittee did  not  venture  to  order  any  goods  without 
ascertaining  from  the  members  what  quantity  of  each 
article  was  needed.  The  business  soon  outgrew  the 
room  in  Bridgewater-square,  and  the  committee  in  a 
fit  of  extraordinary  daring,  engaged  from  a  printer  the 
upper  floor  of  a  small  house  in  Bath  street,  on  the 
ground  floor  of  which  the  worthy  typographer  carried 
on  his  own  business.  The  memorable  house  wherein 
the  third  store  (counting  the  original  cupboard)  was 
carried  on,  has  long  since  been  pulled  down  to  make 
way  for  the  new  Post-Office  buildings,  but  those  who 
went  there  to  cooperate  in  those  early  days  must  have 
a  vivid  recollection  of  the  narrow  staircase,  where  one 
was  elbowed  by  printer's  devils,  and  of  the  dark  little 
rooms  crowded  with  purchasers.  Here,  however,  we 
stayed  but  a  short  time,  the  business  growing  so  rapidly 
that  within  a  very  few  months  the  committee  had 
^.gain  to  seek  larger  premises,  and  this  time,  after  mak- 


494          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ing  temporary  use  of  some  premises  in  Wood  street, 
they  took  a  really  desperate  leap.  After  many  a  hunt 
for  a  house  big  enough  to  meet  any  probable  increase  of 
business,  two  of  our  committee  discovered  a  suitable 
one  in  Monk  well  street,  a  very  narrow,  out  of  the 
way  thoroughfare  near  Cripplegate  Church,  and  filled 
with  confidence  by  past  success,  they  took  it  on  their 
own  responsibility  at  a  rent  of  £400  a  year.  Great 
was  the  anxiety  of  the  remainder  of  the  committee  at 
this  bold  proceeding,  though  the  intention  was  to  sub- 
let the  upper  floor  or  the  house  to  some  firm  that 
should  undertake  to  sell  goods  to  the  members  at  whole- 
sale prices.  Tenants  were  found  in  certain  hosiers, 
relatives  of  one  of  the  Post-Office  clerks,  and  the 
arrangement  worked  fairly  well  for  a  time,  but  as  soon 
as  it  could  safely  do  so,  the  committee  regained  posses- 
sion of  the  floor,  and  undertook  the  sale  of  hosiery  on 
its  own  account. 

"  From  this  point  the  narrative,  from  being  one  of 
small  beginnings,  becomes  the  story  of  a  large  and 
rapidly  increasing  business.  • 

"  First  the  committee  obtained  part  of  an  adjoining 
house,  then  the  whole  of  it,  and  after  a  time  the  other 
adjoining  house,  and  part  of  a  house  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  street.  A  fresh  house  was  taken  in  Villiers 
street,  and  subsequently  a  larger  one  in  Long  Acre,  for 
the  convenience  of  West  End  members.  Before  this 
time  a  great  pressure  had  been  put  upon  the  committee 
to  open  a  West  End  store ;  but  they  would  not  then 
make  the  venture,  and  this,  among  other  causes,  led  to 
the  establishment  of  the  sister  Association,  entitled 
1  The  Civil  Service  Cooperative  Society,'  which  has  ite 
fetores  in  the  Haymarket. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       495 

"  The  city  business  of  the  Association  will,  during 
the  present  month,  be  removed  to  very  large  and 
handsome  premises,  near  the  Heralds'  College,  in  Queen 
Victoria  street,  now  building  expressly  for  its  use. 

"  I  have  not  mentioned  the  extreme  difficulty  which 
the  committee  experienced  in  inducing  wholesale 
houses  to  deal  with  the  Association,  especially  when 
its  doings  found  their  way  into  print.  Though  ready 
money  was  always  offered,  together  with  good  orders, 
most  of  the  wholesale  houses  hung  back,  declaring  that 
unless  the  orders  were  very  large  indeed,  they  should 
not  feel  warranted  in  encountering  the  fierce  opposition 
of  the  retail  traders.  And  now  let  us  mark  the  con- 
sequences of  this  opposition.  Very  large  orders  being 
out  of  the  question,  so  long  as  custom  proceeded  only 
from  a  limited  number  of  persons,  each  of  moderate  in- 
come, and  Civil  servants  generally  not  yet  joining  in 
the  movement, 'the  cooperators  were  obliged,  in  self- 
defence,  to  extend  admission  to  quasi-membership 
beyond  Civil  Service  bounds.  Even  this  extraneous 
aid  barely  carried  them  through  the  struggle ;  the  re- 
tailers having,  over  and  over  again,  succeeded  in  deter- 
ring particular  firms  from  supplying  them  with  goods. 
These  quasi-members,  however,  called  by  us  '  subscri- 
bers,' were  by  no  means  admitted  to  any  share  in 
management,  which  indeed  during  the  first  year  was 
strictly  confined  to  a  Post-Office  Committee,  though 
afterwards  extended  to  representatives  from  the  Civil 
Service  generally.  The  exclusion  of  the  general  public 
from  authority  we  have  regarded  as  one  of  the  chief 
causes  of  our  success.  Subscribers,  however,  by  an 
annual  payment  of  5s.,  obtain  all  the  commercial  ad- 
vantages enjoyed  by  full  members,  except  that  their 


496          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

purchases  are  not  delivered  carriage-free.  The  full 
members  become  so  by  taking  each  a  £\.  share,  of 
which,  however,  only  10s.  has  been  called  up.  No  one 
is  allowed  to  hold  more  than  a  single  share,  nor  arc 
shares  saleable  or  transferable  in  any  way.  On  a 
member's  death,  his  share  is  cancelled,  and  his  deposit 
returned  to  his  family.  Until  about  a  month  ago  any 
Civil  Servant  not  below  the  rank  of  a  clerk  was  eligible 
as  a  shareholder ;  but  actual  admission  to  the  share- 
holding body  required  the  approval  of  the  committee. 
The  number  of  shareholders,  which  has  largely  in- 
creased during  the  last  three  or  four  years,  is  now  about 
4200. 

"  By  the  rules  of  the  Association,  any  profits  which 
may  be  made  are  to  be  spent  in  reducing  the  prices  at 
which  the  goods  are  sold.  Even  in  the  outset,  prices 
were  not  fixed  higher  than  is  deemed  needful  to  cover 
the  working  expenses,  which  now  amount  to  only  6  or 
7  per  cent,  on  the  wholesale  purchase  price ;  but,  of 
course, 'the  committee  in  its  calculations  has  always 
taken  good  care  to  be  well  on  the  safe  side.  It  is, 
perhaps,  owing  to  extreme  prudence  in  this  matter, 
though,  probably,  still  more  to  the  need  felt  for  a  con- 
siderable working  capital,  that  the  Association  has 
gradually  accumulated  the  sum  of  about  £75,000. 
The  very  magnitude  of  this  capital  has,  however,  pro- 
ved a  source  of  danger;  for,  without  question,  some 
persons  have  at  different  times  obtained  shares  simply 
in  the  hope  of  breaking  up  the  Association  and  getting 
a  share  of  the  spoil.  Happily  these  unjustifiable 
attempts  have  hitherto  always  met  with  signal  defeat, 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  shareholders  being 
determined  to  maintain  the  Association  in  honest  and 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      497 

faithful  accordance  with  the  principles  upon  which  it 
was  founded. 

"  At  the  last  half-yearly  meeting  of  the  Association 
in  April,  a  proposal  was  brought  forward  to  limit  the 
shareholding  body  to  the  present  number.  After  a  pro- 
longed and  animated  discussion,  it  was  resolved  to 
submit  the  proposal  to  the  vote  of  the  whole  of  the 
shareholders,  which  was  taken  by  ballot.  Out  of  the 
4200  shareholders  only  1200  voted,  but  of  those  who 
did  vote  there  was  a  majority  of  400  in  favor  of  the 
proposal,  which  was  accordingly  carried.  Of  course, 
could  the  accumulated  profits  be  divided,  this  limitation 
of  the  number  of  shareholders  would  give  the  shares 
a  considerable  value.  Legal  opinion,  however,  is  en- 
tirely against  the  possibility  of  thus  disposing  of  any  past 
accumulations,  which  by  the  rules  can  only  be  spent  in 
reducing  the  prices  of  articles  sold.  It  is  expected  that 
those  who  have  thus  obtained  a  limitation  of  the  share- 
holding body,  will  now  endeavor  to  carry  such  an 
alteration  in  the  rules  as  will  allow  future  profits  to.be 
devoted  to  a  Widow  and  Orphan  Fund,  or  to  some  such 
purpose.  Any  change  in  the  constitution  of  the 
Association,  having  for  its  object  the  benefit  of  the 
Civil  servants  as  distinguished  from  their  friends  the 
subscribers,  is  viewed  with  much  anxiety  and  disfavor 
by  most  of  the  earlier  members  of  the  Society. 

"The  number  of  subscribers  is  now  limited  to 
15,000.  While  this  number  furnishes  a  clientele  suf- 
ficiently strong  to  enable  wholesale  houses  to  disregard 
the  retail  traders,  some  check  is  placed  upon  the  en- 
largement of  the  business,  and  consequent  increase  in 
the  labor  and  responsibility  of  management. 

"  The  extraordinary  rapidity  with  which  the  business 
32 


498      HISTORY  OF  THE  GRANGE  MOVEMENT;  OR, 

has  grown,  will  best  be  seen  from  the  following  table 
showing  the  amount  of  sales  at  the  stores  during  each 
year  of  the  Association's  existence,  viz. : 


Date.  Amount  of  Sales. 

1865 £5000 

1866 21,000 

1867 83,000 

1868 218,000 


Date.  Amount  of  Sales. 

1869 £345,000 

1870 447,000 

1871 646,000 

1872 723,000 


"  During  the  half  year  ended  March  31st  last,  the 
sales  reached  £392,000,  being,  therefore,  at  the  rate  of 
£784,000  a  year,  viz. :  for  grocery  and  wine,  £410,000  : 
for  hosiery  and  clothing,  £192,000;  and  for  fancy 
goods,  stationery,  etc.,  £182,000.  At  the  present  time 
about  8100  pounds  of  tea  and  about  15  tons  of  sugar 
are  sold  weekly. 

"  The  articles  sold  at  the  stores  consist  principally  of 
groceries,  cigars,  and  tobacco,  wine  and  spirits,  hosiery 
and  drapery,  stationery,  books  and  music,  watches  and 
jewelry.  But  most  of  these  articles,  and,  indeed, 
almost  every  other  article  of  ordinary  demand,  can  also 
be  obtained  by  members  and  subscribers  at  low  rates, 
though  of  course  -only  for  ready  money,  at  all  such 
warehouses  and  shops  as  have  arrangements  with  us. 
The  latest  quarterly  Price  List,  which,  from  a  single 
small  sheet  has  grown  to  be  a  book  of  more  than  200 
pages,  shows  that  the  covenanting  firms  are  not  less  than 
250,  while  the  reduction  promised  in  prices  ranges  from 
15  to  25  per  cent.  It  is  believed  that  this  additional 
business  amounts,  at  least,  to  £800,000,  and  not  impro- 
bably to  as  much  as  £1,000,000  a  year.  Contrary  to 
what  might  be  expected,  this  part  of  the  system  works 
satisfactorily;  for,  though  purchasers  are  invited  to 
complain  to  the  committee  if  they  ever  have  reason  to 
suppose  they  do  not  obtain  the  full  discount  promised. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      499 

few  complaints  are  received.  These,  however,  are  all. 
thoroughly  examined,  and  wherever  they  prove  to  be 
well  founded,  the  offending  firm  is  struck  off"  the  list. 
Moreover,  members  soon  learn  from  each  other  at 
what  shops  they  are  civilly  and  fairly  treated,  and  act 
accordingly ;  so  that  some  of  the  firms  which  have  been 
connected  with  the  Association  from  its  early  days, 
having  gradually  acquired  a  high  reputation  among  us, 
are  now  doing  a  very  large  business  with  our  members. 

"  The  members  have  the  advantage  of  a  tailoring  de- 
partment, carried  on  in  Bedford  street,  Strand,  which, 
however,  was  for  a  long  time  a  source  of  great  trouble 
to  the  committee.  Much  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
getting,  and  still  more  in  keeping,  good  workmen,  who 
left  in  a  mysterious  manner;  and  the  work  was  fre- 
quently so  badly  done  as  to  convince  the  committee 
that  the  workmen  were  being  bribed  to  spoil  the 
clothes  intrusted  to  them,  and  thus  to  entail  loss  upon 
the  Association.  After  a  while,  and  by  the  exercise  of 
great  perserverance,  these  difficulties  have  all  been 
overcome,  and  the  tailoring  department  promises  to  be 
a  great  success. 

"  Notwithstanding  that  the  retail  price  of  the  arti- 
cles sold  at  the  stores  is  on  the  average  some  six  or 
seven  per  cent,  above  the  wholesale  price,  it  happens 
every  now  and  then,  that,  owing  to  a  rise  in  the  mar- 
ket price  between  the  publication  of  the  quarterly 
price  lists,  the  market  price  becomes  higher  than  the 
retail  price  at  the  stores.  Unless  the  article  is  one  of 
large  general  consumption,  such  as  tea,  the  committee 
adheres  to  its  retail  price  until  the  issue  of  the  next 
Quarterly  Price  List.  This  sometimes  leads  to  an 
attempt  by  retail  traders  to  buy  up — of  course  through 


500          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE  MOVEMENT;    OR, 

some  subscriber  willing  to  play  false  to  the  Associa- 
tion— all  the  stock  in  hand.  During  the  Franco- 
German  war  an  attempt  was  thus  made  to  buy  up  all 
the  champagne,  and  not  many  months  ago  a  rapid  rise 
in  the  market  price  of  white  pepper  and  of  anchovies 
led  to  similar  attempts  with  these  articles.  Large 
orders  are  never  now  executed  without  such  inquiry 
as  satisfies  the  committee  of  their  being  made  in  good 
faith. 

"  The  Association  directly  employs  about  400  people, 
and  pays  upward  of  £48,000  a  year  in  salaries  and 
wages.  The  stores  in  Long  Acre  stand  at  an  annual 
rental  of  £600,  while  for  the  new  stores  in  Queen  Vic- 
toria street,  the  mere  ground  rent  is  no  less  than  £1400. 
The  premises  themselves  we  are  about  to  purchase  for 
£15,000,  while  a  further  rent  of  £200  a  year  is  paid 
for  a  warehouse  at  Ward's  Wharf,  where  are  kept  large 
stocks  of  every  article  in  the  Price  List,  and  where  are 
executed  all  large  orders  for  goods.  Something  has 
been  said  as  to  the  causes  of  our  well-doing,  but  it  seems 
desirable  to  inquire  further  into  the  reason  of  success 
so  unprecedented.  The  Association  is  now  one  of  the 
largest  buyers  and  sellers  in  England,  nay,  in  the 
world ;  and  yet  it  was  commenced  and  has  been  carried 
on  by  a  body  of  men  who  in  their  ordinary  employ- 
ment neither  buy  nor  sell.  Moreover,  the  personnel  of 
the  committee  so  changes  that  at  the  present  time 
there  is  left  upon  it  but  one  of  the  original  members, 
while  every  fresh  committee-man,  of  course,  has  to 
learn  the  very  A  B  C  of  commercial  business.  For 
explanation,  I  believe  we  may  fairly  point  first  to  the 
high  sense  of  honor  which  pervades  the  Government 
service,  and  which  always  renders  it  easy  to  find  abun- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      501 

dance  of  men  whose  integrity  is  above  suspicion ; 
secondly,  to  the  admirable  training  for  business  (viz., 
the  adaptation  of  means  to  an  end,  as  Mr.  Walter 
Bagehot  happily  defines  it)  which  the  Post-Office  ser- 
vice affords ;  and,  thirdly,  to  the  corporate  nature  of 
the  Civil  Service.  In  the  establishment  of  almost 
every  other  trading  company,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the 
promoters  aim  at  some  advantage  for  themselves  and 
their  friends  beyond  what  is  avowed,  getting  perhaps  a 
larger  allotment  of  shares,  or  obtaining  them  on  more 
favorable  terms  than  the  general  public,  or  at  least  secur- 
ing appointments  for  their  nominees.  Indeed,  so  general 
is  this  practice,  that  it  would,  I  suppose,  be  impossible 
to  persuade  the  public  that  a  company  had  been  formed 
on  such  a  footing  as  to  give  equal  benefit  to  every  in- 
dividual shareholder.  On  the  other  hand,  when  the 
Civil  Service  Supply  Association  was  formed,  not  only 
did  not  the  originators  of  it  obtain  any  special  benefit 
for  themselves,  but  no  one  ever  imagined  that  they  did. 
During  the  eight  years  that  the  Association  has  been 
in  existence,  though  nearly  ,£2,500,000  have  passed 
through  the  committee's  hands,  there  has  arisen,  so  far 
as  I  know,  no  suspicion  whatever  of  any  dishonesty, 
or  even  of  any  questionable  dealing. 

"As  I  have  before  stated,  the  Association  originated 
and  was  organized  in  the  Post-Office — a  department 
which,  under  the  guidance  and  control  of  Sir  Rowland 
Hill,  has  seen  a  great  rise  of  able  and  energetic  men. 
Even  in  earlier  days,  Post-Office  men  had,  of  course, 
taken  constant  part  in  a  vast  and  complex  business ; 
but  the  introduction  of  penny  postage  had  prodigiously 
enlarged  this  business  in  all  its  branches.  Moreover, 
Sir  Rowland's  system  of  management — particularly 


502          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

his  bold  application  of  the  principle  of  promotion  by 
merit  instead  of  by  seniority — had  not  only  advanced 
able  men  to  important  posts,  but  had  brought  out 
throughout  the  service  powers  previously  latent.  Mr. 
Scudamore,  in  a  recent  lecture,  stated  that  the  indirect 
results  of  Sir  Rowland's  postal  reforms  have  been  even 
greater  than  the  direct.  Among  these  indirect  results, 
as  due  to  the  general  spirit  of  activity  and  enterprise 
thus  engendered,  may,  I  believe,  be  reckoned  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  Civil  Service  Supply  Association 
and  the  kindred  societies  which  this  has  called  into  life. 

"Another  main  element  of  success  is  the  corporate 
nature  of  the  Post-Office  and  of  the  Civil  Service  gener- 
ally. This  provided  a  large  business  connection,  already 
linked  together  and  accessible  without  the  aid  of  ad- 
vertisements, so  soon  as  the  value  of  the  Association 
was  proved.  Moreover,  there  was  a  special  guarantee 
for  integrity.  Evefy  one  in  the  Post-Office  either 
knows  or  can  easily  know  something  of  every  brother 
officer  of  whatever  rank,  and  this  holds  good,  though 
perhaps  in  a  lesser  degree,  of  every  Government  depart- 
ment. Every  committee-man  has  felt  that  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  Civil  servant  was  of  far  too  great  a  value  to 
be  endangered  by  any  unfair  dealing  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Association ;  the  motive  to  rectitude  being  so 
strong,  that  to  put  men  of  even  moderately  good  official 
standing  on  the  committee  was  to  render  it  certain  that 
the  work  would  be  honestly  and  diligently  done. 
While,  however,  the  Association  has  thus  far  succeeded 
so  admirably,  it  seems  to  me  that  its  future  course  is 
not  free  from  danger. 

"  The  shareholding  body,  composed  as  it  is  of  upward 
of  4000  Civil  servants  from  all  branches  of  the  Service, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      503 

who  have  been  admitted  to  membership  without  any 
reference  to  their  fitness  for  the  position,  has  sometimes 
proved  very  unruly.  Latterly,  however,  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  plan  of  voting  by  proxy  has  greatly  re- 
duced the  power  of  the  comparatively  small  fraction 
of  shareholders  who  are  disposed  to  be  troublesome. 

"  The  pay  of  the  committee,  too,  for  duties  involving 
much  sacrifice  of  well-earned  leisure,  considerable 
labor,  and  great  responsibility,  is  very  low.  So  long  as 
salaries  are  limited  to  £80  or  £90  a  year,  the  com- 
mittee must  remain  a  too  changeable  body,  since 
capable  men  cannot  be  permanently  retained  on  such 
terms.  Hitherto  the  Association  has  been  mainly 
served  by  men  whose  chief  motives  were  pride  in  its 
success,  and  a  desire  to  benefit  their  fellow-officers,  but 
of  course  this  will  not  last.  The  time  must  come 
when  the  chief  inducement  to  such  service  will  be  the 
desire  of  adding  to  income ;  nor  should  it  be  expected 
that  the  Association  will  be  maintained  in  full  vigor 
unless  the  payment  to  the  committee  be  made  sufficient 
to  induce  well  qualified  men  to  serve  mainly  as  a  matter 
of  business. 

"A  reduction  in  the  shareholding  body,  with  a  limi- 
tation of  it  to  suitable  persons,  is  now  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. Many  of  us  Post-Office  men  thought,  and  still 
think,  that  a  great  mistake  was  made  in  not  resolutely 
retaining  the  control  of  the  Association  in  the  Post- 
Office  service ;  though,  of  course,  we  quite  approved  of 
admitting  the  remainder  of  the  Civil  Service  to  all  the 
othei  advantages  of  membership.  I  feel  no  doubt  that 
should  the  present  Association  ever  collapse,  the  Post- 
Office  men  would  rapidly  and  successfully  organize  a 
new  society  on  the  plan  of  keeping  the  control  in  the 


504         HISTORY   OF   THE    GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

hands  of  a  moderate  number  of  trustworthy  and  reason- 
able men  of  their  service. 

"About  two  years  ago,  when  our  Association  limited 
the  number  of  subscribers  to  15,000,  a  new  society  en- 
titled, '  The  New  Supply  Association,'  was  projected 
to  take  in  those  friends  of  Civil  Servants  and  others 
who  could  not  gain  admission  to  the  old.  Several  of 
the  then  members  of  our  committee  joined  the  direc- 
tion of  the  new  Association,  which  is  conducted  upon 
the  same  general  principles  as  our  own.  I  see  by  the 
first  annual  report  that  the  Association,  which  has  its 
stores  in  Long  Acre,  has  during  the  past  twelve  months 
sold  £20,000  worth  of  goods  to  its  members,  so  that  it 
has  made  a  good  commencement. 

"  I  must  mention,  in  conclusion,  that  I  have  never 
served,  and  certainly  never  intend  to  serve,  on  the 
Committee  of  Management  myself,  although  I  have 
had  the  opportunity  of  watching  its  work  from  the 
commencement  to  the  present  time." 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      505 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  GRANGE. 

Retrospective — Future  of  the  Order — What  it  will  accomplish  for  {he  Farmer 
ana  for  the  Country — The  Grange  pledged  to  a  Just  and  Liberal  Course  of 
Action — The  Grange  not  a  Destructive  Order — Its  Stake  in  the  Community 
—Elements  of  Opposition — Distrust  of  Politicians — Political  Views  of  the 
Granges — Platforms  of  the  Farmers  of  Illinois,  Minnesota,  and  Iowa — 
Necessity  for  the  Order  to  confine  itself  to  its  Proper  Work. 

WE  have  now  examined  the  organization,  traced  the 
history  and  growth,  and  discussed  the  prospects  of  the 
Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  It  is  a  remarkable 
order,  and  has  a  renrarkble  history.  Its  growth  is  un- 
precedented. Not  even  the  old  Know  Nothing  party 
spread  with  such  rapidity.  Although  organized  as  far 
back  as  1867,  the  growth  of  the  Order  has  been  con- 
fined almost  exclusively  to  the  past  year,  in  which  it 
has  spread  with  a  swiftness  which  has  exceeded  even 
the  wildest  hopes  of  its  most  sanguine  friends.  But  a 
mere  handful  at  the  beginning  of  1873,  it  is  now  a  vast 
army,  stretching  over  the  entire  Republic,  with  a  well 
arranged  and  satisfactorily  working  system  of  govern- 
ment, with  definite  and  honestly  avowed  aims,  and 
ample  means  of  attaining  its  ends;  and  it  is  increasing 
by  many  thousands  every  week. 

No  man  can  predict  its  future ;  but  it  seems  safe  to 
assert  that  at  no  very  distant  day  it  will  embrace  the 
entire  farming  community.  Certainly  those  who  have 
the  farmers'  interests  at  heart  should  strive  for  such  an 


500          HISTORY   OF    THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

end,  for  the  Grange  has  shown  itself  the  farmer's  best 
friend.  Its  spread  means  protection  to  him,  encourage- 
ment to  him,  a  greater  degree  of  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness to  him,  for  its  only  object  is  to  make  him  a  better 
and  more  prosperous  farmer  and  man.  None  but  far- 
mers are  admitted  to  its  membership,  for  it  does  not 
concern  itself  with  outside  issues ;  its  work  is  with  and 
for  the  farmers  only.  There  is  every  reason  why  the 
farmers  of  the  country  should  work  for  its  success,  and 
it  will  be  a  great  mistake  to  hold  aloof  from  it. 

When  it  shall  have  accomplished  its  work,  the  re- 
sults will  be  such  as  will  affect  the  condition  of  the 
country  for  remote  generations.  It  will  have  broken 
the  power  of  the  railroad  monopolies  and  secured  to 
the  farmer  a  cheap  means  of  reaching  a  market.  It 
will  have  rendered  the  financial  demoralization  from 
which  we  are  now  suffering  impossible,  by  securing  the 
passage  of  laws  meting  out  equal  justice  to  all  men. 
It  will  have  given  the  whole  country  cheap  coal,  and 
cheap  bread.  It  will  have  secured  the  farmer  a  fair 
return  for  his  industry.  It  will  have  relieved  him  of 
the  necessity  of  incurring  debts,  and  have  enabled  him 
to  make  cash  purchases  at  reasonable  rates.  The  ac- 
complishment of  all  this  must  exercise  a  powerful 
influence  upon  the  country,  and  change  the  entire 
current  of  its  progress  and  history. 

That  this  will  be  accomplished,  we  firmly  believe. 
We  do  not  expect  to  see  it  done  in  a  day,  or  a  year. 
It  is  the  work  of  time,  and  the  Grange  must  be  patient ; 
but  it  will  be  accomplished.  We  have  shown  the 
power  of  the  farmers  to  make  their  wishes  respected, 
and  it  is  the  work  of  the  Grange  to  guide  this  power 
in  channels  which  shall  benefit  the  entire  country. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      507 

The  Grange  is  a  destructive  institution  only  so  far  as 
abuses  are  concerned.  It  seeks  to  eradicate  these ;  but 
it  also  seeks  to  build  up  a  better  system  in  their  place. 
It  is  pledged  to  destroy  railroad  tyranny,  but  it  is  also , 
pledged  to  secure  the  inauguration  of  a  system  which 
shall  be  just  to  the  roads  while  destroying  their  power 
to  do  harm.  It  will  do  nothing  hastily.  Its  very 
organization  and  mode  of  procedure  are  guarantees 
against  indiscreet  and  dangerous  action.  It  is  com- 
posed of  men  who  have  the  highest  stake  in  the 
welfare  of  the  community;  of  honest,  temperate,  and 
industrious  men  and  women,  a  class  of  which  the 
Republic  is  especially  proud.  Its  measures  will  be  the 
result  of  the  combined  wisdom  of  this  class,  and  will 
be  discussed  and  examined  patiently  and  fairly  before 
being  decided  upon.  The  Order  has  nothing  to  gain 
by  haste,  but  everything  to  compel  it  to  act  calmly 
and  judiciously. 

That  its  work  will  be  accomplished  without  opposi- 
tion, we  cannot  venture  to  hope.  Several  elements  of 
opposition  naturally  array  themselves  against  it.  The 
railroads,  whose  corrupt  use  of  power  it  seeks  to  check ; 
the  friends  of  the  land  grab  system ;  the  coal  monopo- 
lists ;  the  men  who  dam  up  the  avenues  of  approach 
to  a  free  market — the  "  protected  class ; "  the  middle- 
men, whose  vast  gains  are  directly  endangered  by  the 
cooperative  feature  of  the  Order — all  these  are  its 
natural  and  bitter  enemies,  and  they  will  seek  by  every 
means  which  their  ingenuity  can  devise  to  weaken  and 
distract  the  Order  and  prevent  the  achievement  of  its 
great  work.  A  portion  of  the  press  of  the  country, 
in  sympathy  with  them,  will  take  up  their  cause  and 
endeavor  to  discredit  the  Order  in  the  eyes  of  the 


508          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

public.  The  opposition  which  the  Grange  must  en- 
counter has,  as  jet,  scarcely  begun.  The  rapid  and 
astonishing  growth  of  the  Order  has  taken  its  enemies 
so  entirely  by  surprise  that  they  have  not  yet  recovered 
sufficiently  to  organize  their  opposition;  but  it  will 
come. 

But  let  the  farmers  remain  steadfast  in  their  purpose, 
and  above  all,  let  them  confine  their  Order  to  their 
own  class.  The  very  life,  the  very  existence  of  the 
Order  depends  upon  the  oneness  of  the  interests  of  its 
members.  Such  outside  support  as  it  needs  it  will 
quickly  obtain  when  the  people  see,  as  they  soon  will 
when  the  fight  is  fairly  opened,  that  the  Grange  is 
battling  for  the  rights  of  the  whole  people  as  well  as 
those  of  the  farmer.  The  Grange  has  the  good  of  the 
nation  at  heart,  and  its  aim  is  to  be  just  and  generous 
in  the  exercise  of  its  powers. 

With  political  parties  as  such  it  has  no  affiliation, 
and  yet  it  must  act  as  a  political  party  itself  in  one 
sense.  Many  of  its  ends  can  be  attained  only  by  exer- 
cising the  political  rights  of  its  members.  It  desires 
to  break  down  abuses  and  secure  the  adoption  of  just 
laws.  To  accomplish  this  it  must  put  men  in  power 
who  will  faithfully  carry  out  its  wishes.  It  proposes 
to  do  this ;  to  see  that  its  individual  members  entitled 
to  the  right  of  suffrage  cast  their  votes  only  for  men 
who  are  pledged  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  objects 
which  it  is  working  for.  Patrons  under  these  circum- 
stances will  vote  for  no  man  as  a  Republican  or  as  a 
Democrat,  but  as  a  man  pledged  to  the  adoption  of  a 
definite  reform.  Already  the  politicians,  appreciating 
the  power  of  the  Order,  have  sought  to  use  it  for  their 
own  purposes;  but  the  Order  has  declined,  and  will 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      509 

continue  to  decline,  all  such  overtures.  What  sym- 
pathy has  it  with  the  men  who  have  aided  in  bring- 
ing about  the  very  abuses  it  seeks  to  correct  ?  "What 
bond  of  union  can  there  be  between  the  Order  and 
the  men  who  have  aided  and  encouraged  wild  cat 
railroad  speculation;  who  have  fastened  the  land  grab 
system  upon  us;  who  have  put  it  in  the  power  of  the 
monopolist  to  rob  the  people;  and  who  are  stained 
with  the  infamy  of  the  "  Credit  Mobilier,"  and  the 
"  back  pay  steal  ? "  This  is  well  understood  by  the 
farmers  of  the  country,  and  the  politicians  have  under- 
taken a  hopeless  task.  The  day  is  approaching  when 
better  men  will  be  charged  with  the  work  of  the  State, 
and  it  is  the  task  of  the. Grange  to  hasten  the  advent 
of  this  period. 

The  Order  has  not  yet  committed  itself  to  any  definite 
avowal  of  its  views  upon  political  questions.  Various 
minor  issues  have  been  advocated  by  the  various  State 
organizations,  but  no  general  platform  has  yet  been 
presented  to  the  Order. 

The  Farmers'  Convention,  which  met  in  Chicago 
towards  the  last  of  October  of  the  present  year,  made 
the  following  declaration  of  principles : 

Resolved,  1.  That  Congress  be  asked  to  pass  a  general  law  fixing  a  maxi- 
mum rate  for  transportation  between  the  States,  and  the  Legislatures  laws 
governing  transportation  within  the  States,  and  that  no  more  subsidies  to  pri- 
vate corporations  be  given. 

2.  We  demand  the  construction  of  railroads  and  the  improvement  of  water 
communications  between  the  interior  and  seaboard,  the  same  to  be  owned  and 
operated  by  the  General   Government,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  cheap 
and  ample  transportation,  and  to  protect  the  people  from  the  exactions  of 
monopolies. 

3.  That  people  should  create  and  patronize  home  manufactures  in  order  to 
do  away,  in  so  far  as  is  possible,  with  the  necessity  for  transportation. 

4.  That  the  people  should  free  themselves  of  debt  in  order  to  be  better  pre- 
pared for  the  rtruggle  with  monopoly  whenever  it  cornea. 


510          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

5.  That  no  industry  can  be  protected  save  at  the  expense  of  all  other  indus- 
tries, and  that  all  special  legislation  is  wrong. 

6.  That  the  farmers  should  organize  throughout  the  country  to  secure  reform 
of  abuses  and  equal  justice  for  all. 

The  Minnesota  farmers,  at  their  convention,  at 
Owatonna,  September  2d,  1873,  adopted  the  following 
platform : 

Whereas,  The  leading  issues  that  have  hitherto  divided  the  people  of  this 
country  in  political  parties  have  ceased  to  exist,  and  it  is  unwise  to  seek  to 
continue  the  old  party  organization  now  that  new  and  momentous  questions 
have  arisen ;  and 

Whereas,  The  principal  question  now  demanding  consideration  is  that  in- 
volving the  privileges  and  powers  of  corporations  as  antagonizing  with  and 
operating  in  opposition  to  the  well-b,eing  of  the  people  ;  and 

Whereas,  We,  the  farmers,  mechanics,  and  laborers  of  Minnesota,  deem  the 
triumph  of  the  people  in  this  contest  with  monopolies  essential  to  the  perpetua- 
tion of  our  free  institutions  and  the  promotion  of  our  private  and  national 
prosperity;  and 

Whereas,  In  addition  to  this,  and  to  the  honest  and  economical  administra- 
tion of  the  Government,  we  recognize  no  party  distinctions  nor  political  issues 
now  before  the  country  as  worthy  of  more  than  minor  consideration ;  be  it 
therefore 

Resolved,  First:  That  the  purpose  of  all  proper  government  is  the  promotion 
of  the  welfare  of  the  entire  people,  and  that  therefore  the  conduct  of  any 
citizen,  association,  or  copartnership,  whether  chartered  or  otherwise,  which 
may  operate  to  the  prejudice  of  this  general  welfare,  is  antagonistic  to  the  true 
objects  of  our  Government,  and  violative  of  the  fundamental  principles  upon 
which  all  correct  law  is  based. 

Second :  That  we  recognize  no  political  party  nor  individual  aspirant  for 
office  as  worthy  of  our  support,  unless  it  or  he  will  unite  with  us  in  declaring 
that  the  Government  cannot  alienate  its  sovereignty  either  in  whole  or  in  part 
to  any  person,  association,  or  corporation  for  any  purpose  whatever,  but  such 
are  always  and  must  forever  remain  subject  to  the  sovereign  authority  and 
control  of  the  Government. 

Third :  That  we  will  not  aid  in  elevating  any  man  to  any  important  public 
position  whatever  who  will  either  deny  or  object  to  the  exercise  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  power  to  reverse  or  annul  at  any  time  any  chartered  privi- 
lege or  so-called  vested  right  or  any  privilege  claimed  to  be  involved  in 
any  charter  to  any  corporation,  railroad,  or  otherwise,  which  experience 
has  shown  is  or  may  be  exercised  by  such  corporation  or  by  other  similar 
corporations  to  the  detriment  of  the  public  welfare ;  and  that  we  will  demand 
from  every  candidate  for  a  high  executive,  legislative,  or  judicial  position 
to  whom  we  accord  our  support  that  he  shall  pledge  himself  to  recognize 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       511 

the  maintenance  of  this  right  by  the  Government  as  a  sacred  duty  assential 
for  the  preservation  of  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the  stability  and  pros- 
perity of  the  Commonwealth. 

Fourth :  That  tazes  can  only  be  rightfully  levied  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
revenues  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Government  in  the  discharges  of  its 
legitimate  duties,  supporting  public  institutions,  and  promoting  the  public 
welfare ;  and  that  the  levying  of  imposts  as  inure  to  the  benefit  of  a  class  or 
classes  in  the  community,  while  being  detrimental  to  other  classes,  is  unjust 
and  oppressive ;  and  that  tariffs  levied  on  imported  articles  may  be  and  are 
often  so  arranged  as  to  become  thus  discriminative  and  injurious;  and  that  it 
is  therefore  essential  that  the  utmost  care  should  be  taken  in  framing  such 
tariff  laws,  in  order  that  the  objectionable  features  may  be  avoided  and  that 
they  may  operate  for  the  well  being  of  the  entire  community. 

Fifth:  That  it  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  a  Eepublican  Govern- 
ment that  its  servants  should  be  compensated  for  their  public  services  to  an 
extent  that  will  make  office  holding  attractive  to  human  cupidity,  and  that  in 
the  late  act  of  Congress,  increasing  the  official  and  Congressional  salaries, 
notwithstanding  the  pleas  and  excuses  urged  in  its  palliation,  we  recognize  only 
a  corrupt  and  reprehensible  avarice  and  reckless  disregard  of  the  public  weal, 
which  deserves  the  severest  censure ;  and  we  demand  the  repeal  of  the  law  at 
the  earliest  practicable  moment,  and  declare  every  man  who  supported  and 
approved,  or  aided  and  abetted  in  procuring  its  passage,  or  received  benefit 
through  its  enactment,  whether  in  the  shape  of  back  or  future  pay,  as  un- 
worthy the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  and  unfit  for  the  further  occupancy 
of  any  position  of  public  trust. 

Sixth :  That  all  participants  in  the  Cr6dit  Mobilier  and  the  corrupt  trans- 
actions exposed  by  its  investigation  of  the  late  Congress  and  by  the  late 
Treasury  investigation  of  the  State,  deserve  to  have  been  punished  as  criminals, 
and  that  those  who  aided  in  screening  them  from  complete  exposure  and  con- 
sequent punishment,  should  likewise  become  objects  of  public  scorn  and 
contumely. 

Seventh :  That  every  public  officer  is  amenable  to  the  people  for  his  conduct, 
and  that  public  sentiment  should  demand  and  compel  the  resignation  of  all 
those  who  are  guilty  of  misrepresenting  their  constituents,  of  malfeasance  in 
office,  and  of  neglecting  to  execute  faithfully  the  duties  intrusted  'to  them. 

Eighth :  That  the  fees  and  salaries  at  present  allowed  to  county  and  other 
officials  within  this  State  are  frequently  excessive,  and  that  these  should  never 
be  greater  than  is  paid  by  private  individuals  to  their  employes  engaged  in 
similar  duties  and  bearing  similar  responsibilities,  and  that  we  demand  that 
the  State  Legislature  shall  at  its  next  session  remedy  this  evil,  and  reduce  such 
salaries  and  fees  to  what  will  be  no  more  than  a  just  and  reasonable  compensa- 
tion, and  thus,  by  removing  the  inducements  for  holding,  lessen  the  desire  for 
seeking  office,  and  obviate  to  a  considerable  extent  one  of  the  most  patent 
causes  of  local  political  corruption. 

Ninth :  That  our  experience  proves  that  persons  elected  by  parties  are  sub- 
servient to  the  leaders  and  wire-pullers  of  the  parties  electing  them  in  the 


512          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

performance  of  their  public  duties,  to  the  neglect  partially  or  wholly  of  the 
opinions  and  wishes  of  the  mass  of  the  people ;  and  that  therefore  we,  as 
farmers  and  laborers,  despair  of  ever  having  our  wishes  complied  with  or  our 
interests  subserved  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs  until  we  shall  take 
upon  ourselves  the  discharge  of  the  duties  we  owe  to  ourselves  and  to  each 
other  of  choosing  and  electing  our  own  candidates  independently  of  the  action 
of  all  other  political  organizations,  and  we  therefore  earnestly  recommend  to 
the  farmers  and  laborers  of  the  State  that  we  shall  do  all  in  our  power  to  pro- 
cure the  nomination  and  election  of  full  and  complete  county,  district,  and 
State  tickets,  embracing  candidates  elected  in  the  interests  of  the  masses  of  the 
people  for  all  the  positions  in  the  Executive,  Legislative,  and  Judicial  branches 
of  the  Government  to  be  elected  this  Fall,  and  that,  to  the  end  that  this  policy 
may  generally  obtain,  we  solicit  the  cooperation  of  the  industrial  masses  of  the 
other  States  in  order  that  the  influence  of  the  movement  may  be  extended  to 
the  administration  of  our  national  affairs. 

Tenth :  That  we  receive  with  satisfaction  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  this  State  in  the  case  of  Blake  agt.  The  Winona  &  St.  Peter  Kailroad 
Company,  in  which  the  Court  holds,  in  effect,  that  the  railroads  are  simply 
improved  highways,  public  roads,  and  that  as  such  the  right  to  prescribe  a 
rate  of  tolls  and  charges  is  an  attribute  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  of 
which  no  legislation  can  divest  them,  and  that  the  thanks  of  all  the  people  of 
this  State  are  due  to  W.  P.  Clough,  the  attorney  for  the  plaintiff,  whose  skill, 
ability,  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  people  secured  this  judicial  triumph. 

Eleventh :  That  we  have  seen  with  alarm  the  startling  revelations  in  refer- 
ence to  the  condition  of  our  State  Treasury,  the  undoubted  defalcation  of  our 
Treasurer  of  over  $100,000,  and  the  reported  defalcation  of  his  successor  of 
nearly  $40,000 ;  the  loan  of  the  public  funds  to  merchants  and  lumber  dealers ; 
the  making  of  accounts  with  bogus  certificates  of  deposit ;  the  fact  that  nearly 
half  a  million  of  the  school  fund,  the  precious  heritage  of  our  children,  was 
left  unindorsed  as  required  by  law,  and  completely  at  the  mercy  of  these  dis- 
honest officials ;  the  perjuries  of  the  State  Treasurer  before  the  Commission, 
and  finally,  the  desperate  efforts  that  were  successfully  made  to  hide  the  King 
of  guilty  parties  who  had  used  the  State  Treasurer  as  their  tool. 

Twelfth :  That  we  claim  that  the  law  requiring  these  companies  to  fence  the 
lines  of  their  roads  should  be  strictly  enforced,  and  that  the  said  companies 
should  be  compelled  to  pay  for  all  loss  and  damage  to  stock  caused  by  the 
absence  of  such  fences. 

Thirteenth :  That  we  are  opposed  to  the  monopoly  of  wood  and  coal  in  oui 
great  cities  by  the  Rings,  as  a  shameful  tax  on  the  industry  of  the  people. 

Fourteenth :  We  ar-?  in  favor  of  free  water  communication  with  the  ocean  by- 
means  of  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi  and  other  great  rivers  of  the 
State,  and  the  improvement  of  the  great  lakes ;  that  we  are  in  favor  of  an 
examination  by  ilie  National  Government  of  the  region  between  the  St.  Croix 
and  Lake  Superior,  to  ascertain  whether  canal  communication  can  be  made  to 
connect  the  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi  with  the  waters  of  Lake  Superior. 

Fifteenth :  We  are  in  favor  of  «uch  reasonable  limitation  of  the  hours  of 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      513 

labor  in  the  shops  and  factories  of  the  State  as  will  give  the  laboring  people 
opportunity  for  moral  and  mental  improvement. 

Sixteenth :  That  we  demand  a  State  law  that  will  pay  out  of  the  public  funds 
the  costs  and  charges  of  all  suits  brought  by  individuals  to  enforce  the  laws 
of  the  State  against  railroad  corporations. 

Seventeenth :  That  we  can  sympathize  with  all  attempts  for  the  moral  im- 
provement of  the  people,  and  that  we  regard  the  temperance  societies  of  the 
land  which  are  working  by  moral  suasion  for  the  advancement  of  the  cause  as 
deserving  of  the  consideration  of  good  men  everywhere. 

Eighteenth :  That  the  honor  of  our  State  demands  that  the  delegation  in 
Congress  from  this  State  call  for  a  thorough  investigation  into  the  equitable 
settlement,  so-called,  of  the  transfer  of  the  Fort  Snelling  property. 

Nineteenth :  That  the  subserving  of  the  present  candidate  for  Governor  on 
the  Republican  State  ticket  to  the  interest  of  railroads,  shows  him  to  be  an 
enemy  to  the  rights  of  farmers  and  laborers,  and  a  friend  of  monopoly. 

The  Farmers'  Anti-Monopoly  Convention,  which 
met  at  Des  Moines,  Iowa,  on  the  13th  of  August,  1873, 
adopted  the  following  platform  : 

Whereas,  Both  political  parties  have  discharged  the  obligations  assumed  at 
their  organization,  and  being  no  longer  potent  as  instruments  for  the  reform 
of  abuses  which  have  grown  up  in  them,  we  deem  it  inconsistent  to  attempt  to 
accomplish  a  political  reform  by  acting  with  and  in  such  organizations; 
therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we,  in  free  Convention,  do  declare  as  a  basis  of  our  future 
political  action,  that  all  corporations  are  subject  to  legislative  control ;  that 
those  created  by  Congress  should  be  restricted  and  controlled  by  Congress,  and 
that  those  under  State  laws  should  be  subject  to  the  control  respectively  of  the 
States  creating  them ;  that  such  legislative  control  should  be  an  express  abro- 
gation of  the  theory  of  the  inalienable  nature  of  chartered  rights,  and  that  it 
should  be  at  all  times  so  used  as  to  prevent  moneyed  corporations  from  becom- 
ing engines  of  oppression. 

Resolved,  That  the  Legislature  of  Iowa  should  by  law  fix  the  maximum 
rates  of  freight  to  be  charged  by  the  railroads  of  the  State,  leaving  them  free 
to  compete  below  the  rates. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  a  general  revision  of  the  present  Tariff  law  that 
should  give  us  free  salt,  iron,  lumber,  and  cotton  and  woollen  fabrics,  and 
reduce  the  whole  system  to  a  revenue  basis  only. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  the  repeal  of  the  back  salary  act,  and  the  return 
to  the  United  States  Treasury  of  all  money  drawn  therefrom  by  members  of 
the  last  Congress,  and  of  the  members  of  the  present  Congress  we  demand  the 
repeal  of  the  law  increasing  salaries  and  the  passage  of  a  law  fixing  a  lower 
and  more  reasonable  compensation  for  public  officers,  believing  that  until  the 
33 


514          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

public  debt  is  paid  and  the  public  burden  lightened,  the  salaries  of  our  public 
servants  should  be  more  in  proportion  to  the  rewards  of  labor  in  private  life. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  all  future  grants  of  land  to  railroad  or 
other  corporations,  and  believe  that  the  public  domain  should  be  held  sacred 
to  actual  settlers,  and  we  are  in  favor  of  a  law  by  which  each  honorably  dis- 
eharged  soldier,  or  his  heirs,  may  use  such  discharge  in  any  Government  land 
office  in  full  payment  for  a  quarter  section  of  unappropriated  public  land. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  corrupt  Tammany  steal,  Credit  Mobilier  frauds,  Con- 
gress salary  swindle,  and  official  embezzlements,  and  the  hundreds  of  other 
combination  steals,  frauds,  and  swindles  by  which  Democratic  and  Republican 
legislators,  Congressmen,  and  office-holders  have  enriched  themselves,  de- 
frauded the  country,  and  impoverished  the  people,  we  find  the  necessity  of 
independent  action  and  the  importance  of  united  efforts,  and  cordially  invite 
all  men,  of  whatever  calling  or  trade,  regardless  of  political  views,  to  join  us 
in  removing  the  evils  that  so  seriously  affect  us  all. 

From  these  resolutions,  embracing  three  of  the  prin- 
cipal agricultural  States  of  the  Union,  the  reader  can 
easily  gain  a  clear  conception  of  the  views  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Order  upon  the  topics  of  the  day. 

By  remaining  true  to  itself,  then ;  by  resisting  out- 
side influences,  and  especially  by  avoiding  political 
complications,  the  Grange  can  safely  and  successfully 
accomplish  its  great  mission.  It  is  a  noble  work  that 
it  has  taken  upon  itself,  and  its  success  must  result  in 
benefit  to  the  whole  country.  Its  objects  are  pure  and 
lofty,  and  its  success  can  be  attained  only  by  high  and 
ennobling  means.  An  Order  which  seeks  the  individual 
elevation  and  material  prosperity  of  nearly  one-half  of 
the  whole  nation,  merits,  and  will  receive  the  warm  and 
hearty  sympathy  of  our  entire  population. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      515 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

« 

LEADING    GRANGERS. 

DUDLEY  W.  ADAMS, 
Master  of  the  National  Grange. 

THE  Master  of  the  National  Grange  is  the  presiding 
officer  of  the  Order.  His  duties  are  thus  defined  by 
the  By-laws  of  the  Organization  : 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Master  to  preside  at  meetings  of  the 
National  Grange ;  to  see  that  all  officers  and  members  of  com- 
mittees properly  perform  their  respective  duties;  to  see  that  the 
Constitution,  By-laws,  and  Resolutions  of  the  National  Grange  and 
the  usages  of  the  Order  are  observed  and  obeyed  ;  to  sign  all  drafts 
drawn  upon  the  treasury,  and  generally  to  perform  all  duties  per- 
taining to  such  office. 

He  is  chosen  by  the  National  Grange,  by  ballot,  and 
his  term  of  office  is  limited  to  three  years.  He  exer- 
cises a  general  supervision  over  the  Order,  and  his 
duties  are  by  no  means  as  light  as  some  persons  seem 
to  think.  The  position  is  one  of  very  great  responsi- 
bility, and  calls  forth  the  exercise  of  executive  abilities 
of  a  very  high  class.  The  Master  must  be  a  man  of  great 
firmness  and  force  of  character,  fertile  in  resource,  pos- 
sessing great  tact,  and,  above  all,  must  be  a  practical 
farmer  and  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the 
class  for  whose  benefit  the  Order  is  working. 

These  qualities  are  happily  united  in   the  present 


516          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

Master  of  the  National  Grange,  Dudley  W.  Adams, 
Esq.,  of  Iowa. 

Like  most  men  of  his  calling,  Mr.  Adams'  life  has 
been  quiet  and  uneventful.  "  My  life,"  he  says,  in  a 
letter  which  we  have  been  permitted  to  use,  "  has  been 
a  rather  uneventful  one,  and  not  such  as  will  make  a 
stirring  narrative."  "  I  was  born,"  he  continues,  "  in 
the  pine  woods  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  town  of  .Win-v 
chendon,  in  the  year  1831."  He  is  consequently  forty- 
two  years  of  age  at  present.  His  father  was  at  this 
time  "  running  a  small  saw-mill,"  by  means  of  which 
he  managed  to  make  a  modest  provision  for  his  family. 
When  the  subject  of  this  sketch  was  four  years  of  age 
the  family  moved  to  a  small  rocky  farm,  which  the 
father  had  purchased,  and  on  which  the  childhood  and 
youth  of  Dudley  Adams  were  spent.  His  was  the  life 
of  the  ordinary  New  England  farm  lad — working  on 
the  farm  in  the  milder  weather,  and  attending  the 
district  school  in  the  winter.  He  was  a  bright,  quick 
lad,  and  manifested  a  strong  desire  to  excel  in  his 
studies,  so  that  when  but  a  mere  youth,  we  find  him  in 
possession  of  all  the  erudition  the  district  school  could 
afford  him.  Then  the  pupil  became  the  teacher,  and 
for  several  years  the  young  pedagogue  presided  over 
the  school  in  which  his  own  education  had  been 
gained. 

At  length  the  critical  period  in  his  life  arrived.  He 
was  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  a  free  man.  He  was 
also  the  owner  of  a  modest  little  sum  that  he  had  saved 
from  his  earnings  as  a  teacher.  He  must*  now  make  a 
decision  which  would  affect  his  whole  future ;  he  must 
choose  the  vocation  of  his  life.  New  England  offered 
few  inducements  to  an  energetic  and  ambitious  young 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       517 

man,  but  the  great  "West  was  a  field  in  which  the 
opportunities  for  advancement  were  without  limit. 
Westward  his  heart  led  him,  and  Westward  he  went. 
"At  the  age  of  twenty-one,"  he  writes,  "I  turned 
my  face  West,  and  took  up  a  piece  of  wild  Government 
land  at  Waukon,  Iowa,  of  which  I  made  a  farm,  and 
on  which  I  still  reside." 

The  young  New  Englander  proved  no  drone  in  the 
new  community.  He  set  to  work  with  a  will,  and 
from  the  first  was  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  ener- 
getic and  intelligent  farmers  of  the  county  or  State. 
His  neighbors  testified  their  appreciation  of  him  by 
electing  him  President  of  the  Allamakee  County  Agri- 
cultural Society  within  a  year  after  his  settlement  in 
the  county.  He  was  only  twenty-two  years  of  age  at 
the  time,  and  it  was  no  small  compliment  to  be  chosen 
over  the  heads  of  older  and  more  experienced  men. 
He  still  refers  to  his  election  with  pride. 

Under  the  intelligent  and  vigorous  management  of 
Mr.  Adams  the  "  piece  of  wild  Government  land " 
became  one  of  the  prettiest  and  most  flourishing  farms 
in  the  State.  Its  owner  was  a  reading  and  a  thinking 
man,  and  devoted  his  leisure  to  an  intelligent  and  sys- 
tematic course  of  reading  and  self-culture. 

In  his  own  pursuit  his  attention  was  directed  particu- 
larly to  Horticulture,  and  he  did  not  confine  his  efforts 
to  his  own  farm.  Recognizing  the  needs  of  the  coun- 
try, his  labors  embraced  the  whole  Northwest.  "My 
principal  energies,"  he  says,  in  a  letter  to  the  writer, 
"  have  been  directed  to  the  development  of  Horticul- 
ture in  the  Northwest,  and  now  I  have  perhaps  the 
finest  orchard  in  that  section,  numbering  over  4000 
trees."  In  1868  he  was  elected  Secretary  of  the  Iowa 


518          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

State  Horticultural  Society,  and  has  been  annually  re- 
elected  since  then.  He  has  during  the  present  year  re- 
linquished the  position  in  consequence  of  his  time  being 
occupied  by  other  and  more  important  duties.  "  The 
achievement  of  my  life,"  he  says,  "  in  which  I  take 
most  pride,  is  the  little  I  have  done  to  improve  the 
horticulture  of  my  adopted  State."  A  very  modest 
way  of  viewing  a  good  arid  useful  work,  and  one  that 
will  keep  Mr.  Adams'  name  in  grateful  remembrance 
in  Iowa  long  after  he  has  been  gathered  to  his  fathers. 

A  man  of  Mr.  Adams'  mental  capacity  and  activity 
could  not  help  recognizing  and  investigating  the  evils 
from  which  the  farming  class  has  suffered,  and  upon 
the  organization  of  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
he  at  once  identified  himself  with  it  as  the  best  means 
of  remedying  the  defects  complained  of.  He  took  an 
active  part  in  promoting  its  growth,  and  upon  the  or- 
ganization of  the  Iowa  State  Grange,  on  the  12th  of 
January,  1871,  was  elected  Master  of  that  body.  In 
December,  1871,  he  was  reflected  for  a  full  term  of  two 
years.  In  January,  1872,  he  was  chosen  Master  of 
the  National  Grange,  and  resigned  his  position  in  the 
Iowa  State  Grange.  Upon  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  Order,  in  January  1873,  at  the  sixth 
annual  session  of  the  National  Grange,  Mr.  Adams  was 
reflected  Master  for  the  full  term  of  three  years. 

The  following  address,  delivered  by  Mr.  Adams 
before  the  Granges  of  Muscatine  and  Union  counties, 
Iowa,  in  October,  1872,  presents  him  in  a  favorable 
light  as  a  speaker  and  thinker.  We  commend  his 
vigorous  and  well-timed  remarks  to  the  careful  conside- 
ration of  the  readers  of  these  pages.  He  said  : 

"  When  physicians  meet  in  convention,  as  they  often 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       519 

do,  it  is  customary  for  members  of  the  medical  profes- 
sion to  read  papers  for  the  entertainment  and  instruc- 
tion of  the  assembled  M.  D.'s. 

"  When  railroad  men  have  a  convention,  such  per- 
sons as  have  had  active  experience  in  railroad  business 
do  the  talking  and  have  charge  of  the  meeting. 

"  Editorial  conventions  are  attended  by  editors,  and 
they,  as  firmly  as  any  other  class  of  people,  are  of  the 
opinion  that  they  are  capable  of  managing  their  own 
business,  and  they  are  not  in  the  habit  of  imploring 
the  members  of  other  callings  to  furnish  the  brains  to 
amuse  or  instruct  them. 

"Shoemakers  have  organized  themselves  into  the 
order  of  St.  Crispins,  and  consider  themselves  able  to 
paddle  their  own  canoe. 

"  Lawyers  not  only  feel  competent  to  address  and 
properly  edify  conventions  of  their  own  profession,  but 
their  modesty  does  not  forbid  them  from  rendering 
valuable  assistance  to  less  favored  classes  by  a  free  use 
of  their  surplus  talent. 

"  But,  when  the  tillers  of  the  soil  have  met  in  an 
agricultural  society  of  any  kind,  it  has  been  usually 
customary  to  select  a  lawyer,  doctor,  editor,  or  poli- 
tician to  tell  us  what  he  knows  about  farming.  The 
idea  has  very  rarely  occurred  to  the  managers  of  such 
institutions  that  it  might  be  possible  for  a  farmer  to 
have  anything  to  say  on  such  occasions  which  should 
be  either  appropriate,  interesting,  or  instructive.  When 
these  professional  oracles  of  our  professional  managers' 
selection  open  their  mouths,  we  are  edified  with  a 
rehash  of  such  ideas  as  may  be  prevalent  in  the  com- 
munity, served  up  in  a  great  variety  of  forms,  and 
presented  in  a  great  many  different  and  beautiful  lights, 


520          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

depending  for  its  coloring  upon  the  business  of  the 
orator,  as  this  is  the  stand-point  from  which  we  are 
viewed,  and,  of  course,  this  view  determines  the  nature 
of  the  picture.  Lawyers  and  doctors  in  beautiful 
colors  paint  the  nobleness  and  independence  of  the 
farmer's  life.  They  tell  us  we  are  the  most  intelligent, 
moral,  healthy,  and  industrious  class  in  all  the  land, 
and  all  our  present  is  calm  and  our  future  happy. 
Merchants  tell  us  that  no  business  is  so  sure  and  free 
from  care  as  farming,  and  that  in  no  other  calling  do  so 
few  men  end  in  bankruptcy.  Politicians  laud  in  sten- 
torian tones  the  f  honest  yeomanry,'  '  the  sinews  of  the 
land,'  the  '  bulwarks  of  our  nation's  liberties,'  '  the 
coarse  blouse  of  homespun  which  covers  the  true  and 
honest  heart,'  and  deluges  more  of  equally  fulsome  and 
nauseating  stuff. 

"  Soft-handed  agricultural  editors  give  long  disserta- 
tions on  the  necessity  of  saving  all  the  spare  moments, 
and  converting  them  into  some  useful  purpose.  They 
tell  us  how  rainy  days  may  be  laboriously  used  in 
mending  old  rake-handles,  and  winter  evenings  utilized 
by  pounding  oak  logs  into  basket  stuff,  while  our  wives 
and  daughters  can  nobly  assist  in  averting  bank- 
ruptcy by  weaving  the  baskets  or  ingeniously  making 
one  new  lamp-wick  out  of  the  remains  of  three  old 
ones. 

"  It  has  never  occured  to  these  very  wise  instructors 
that  farmers  and  farmers'  families  are  human  beings, 
with  human  feelings,  human  hopes  and  ambitions,  and 
human  desires.  It  will  doubtless  be  a  matter  of  sur- 
prise for  them  to  learn  that  farmers  may  possibly  enter- 
tain some  wish  to  enjoy  life,  and  have  some  other 
object  in  life  besides  everlasting  hard  work  and  ac~ 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      521 

cumulating  a  few  paltry  dollars  by  coining  them  from 
their  own  life-blood,  and  stamping  them  with  the  sighs 
of  weary  children  and  worn  wives. 

"  What  we  want  in  agriculture  is  a  new  Declaration 
of  Independence.  We  must  do  something  to  dispel  old 
prejudices,  and  break  down  these  old  notions.  That 
the  farmer  is  a  mere  animal,  to  labor  from  morn  till 
eve,  and  into  the  night,  is  an  ancient  but  abominable 
heresy.  We  have  heard  enough,  ten  times  enough, 
about  the  '  hardened  hand  of  honest  toil.'  The  su- 
preme '  glory  of  the  sweating  brow,'  and  how  magni- 
ficent the  suit  of  coarse  homespun  which  covers  a 
form  bent  with  overwork,  and  which  has  incorporated 
in  its  every  thread  moments  of  painful  labor  which 
the  over-worked  wife  had  stolen  from  her  needed 
rest. 

"I  tell  you,  my  brother  tillers  of  the  soil,  there  is 
something  in  this  world  worth  living  for  besides  hard 
work.  We  have  heard  enough  of  this  professional 
blarney.  Toil  is  not  in  itself  necessarily  glorious.  To 
toil  like  a  slave,  raise  fat  steers,  cultivate  broad  acres, 
pile  up  treasures  of  bonds  and  lands  and  herds,  and  at 
the  same  time  bow  and  starve  the  godlike  form, 
harden  the  hands,  dwarf  the  immortal  mind,  and 
alienate  the  children  from  the  homestead,  is  a  damning 
disgrace  to  any  man,  and  should  stamp  him  as  worse 
than  a  brute. 

"  It  is  not  honorable  to  sacrifice  the  mind  and  body 
to  gain.  It  is  not  a  trait  of  true  nobility  to  bring  up 
children  to  thankless,  unrequited  labor.  It  is  not  just 
or  good  or  noble  to  wear  out  the  wife  of  your  bosom  in 
the  drudgery  of  the  farm  without  a  just  return.  You 
have  no  right  to  make  agriculture  so  disagreeable  as  to 


522         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

drive  all  young  men  of  spirit  and  enterprise  into  other 
branches  of  business. 

"  I  will  be  met  right  here  with  the  thousand  time 
repeated  rejoinder,  '  Oh,  we  farmers  have  to  work  hard. 
We  can't  get  along  as  mechanics  in  town  do  with  ten 
hours'  work.  "We  can't  afford  to  hire  help.  We  can't 
afford  to  have  holidays.  We  can't  get  time  to  make  a 
vegetable,  flower,  and  fruit  garden,  and  supply  our 
wants  with  vegetables,  flowers,  and  fruits.  We  can't 
get  time  to  make  a  lawn  and  plant  trees  around  the 
house.'  You  can't  ?  You  can't  ?  Then  what  are  you 
farming  for  ?  As  men,  as  citizens,  as  fathers,  as  hus- 
bands, you  have  no  right  to  engage  in  a  business  which 
will  comdemn  yourself  and  your  dependents  to  a  life  of 
unrewarded  toil.  If  the  calling  of  agriculture  will  not 
enable  you  and  yours  to  escape  physical  degradation, 
and  mental  and  social  starvation  ;  if  it  does  not  enable 
you  to  enjoy  the  amenities,  pleasures,  comforts,  and 
necessities  of  life  as  well  as  other  branches  of  business, 
it  is  your  duty  to  abandon  it  at  once,  and  not  drag 
down  in  misery  your  dependent  family.  But  I  do  not 
believe  we  need  be  driven  to  this  alternative.  I  do 
believe  that  agriculture,  followed  as  a  business,  with  a 
reasonable  regard  to  business  principles,  can  be  made 
a  business  success.  I  believe  that  by  keeping  steadily 
in  view  the  primary  end  of  life— our  happiness,  our 
comfort,  our  bodily  health,  our  mental  improvement 
and  growth — they  can  be  as  well  attained  or  better 
than  in  any  other  calling.  Eight  here  is  the  great 
difficulty ;  right  here  with  ourselves  is  the  remedy : 
We  work  too  much  and  think  too  little.  We  make  our 
hands  too  hard,  while  our  brains  are  too  soft.  The  day 
is  long  past  when  muscle  ruled  the  world.  Brain  is 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      523 

the  great  motive  power  of  this  age,  and  muscle  but  a 
feeble  instrument.  The  locomotive,  tearing  along, 
jarring  the  earth  below,  outstripping  the  wind  above, 
and  bearing  in  its  train  the  beauty,  honor,  and  treasure 
of  a  State,  represents  brains.  The  dusty,  sweaty  foot- 
man, wearily  plodding  along,  carrying  a  pack  on  his 
back,  symbolizes  muscle.  The  self-raking  reaper, 
driven  with  gloved  and  unsoiled  hands,  sweeping  down 
like  a  fable  the  golden  grain,  represents  brains.  The 
bowed  husbandman,  painfully  gathering  handfuls  of 
straw  and  cutting  them  with  a  sickle,  represents 
muscle.  The  steamboat,  plowing  its  way  with  ease 
against  the  strongest  current  of  our  swift  and  noble 
rivers,  is  brains.  The  dug-out,  slowly  creeping  along, 
the  willow-margined  shore,  propelled  by  the  Indian's 
paddle,  is  muscle.  The  sewing-machine,  which  stitches 
faster  than  the  eye  can  follow  and  never  eats  or  tires, 
is  brains.  The  weary,  pale,  and  worn  wife,  painfully 
toiling  over  the  midnight  task,  is  muscle.  How  futile 
the  attempt,  then,  for  muscle  to  compete  against  mind 
in  the  great  battle  of  life!  A  wise  man  once  wrote, 
1  The  wisdom  of  a  learned  man  cometh  with  oppor- 
tunity of  leisure;'  and  in  that  sentence  is  food  for 
reflection  and  thought  sufficient  for  an  entire  sermon. 
Unless  farmers  devote  more  time  to  the  use  of  the  brain 
and  the  improvement  of  the  mind,  and  less  to  wearying 
and  exhausting  muscular  labor,  how  can  they  hope  to 
successfully  compete  against  the  vigorous  minds  of  the 
present  age  ?  It  is  not  the  skilful  hand,  the  strong  arm, 
or  the  watchful  eye  alone  that  will  in  these  days  bring 
success  to  the  farmer.  These  are  needful,  but  a  culti- 
vated, intelligent,  active  brain  to  direct  them  is  of  ten 
times  more  importance. 


524          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

"  Again  I  say,  we  work  too  much  and  think  too  little. 
A  farmer  rises  at  four  o'clock,  goes  out  and  does  the 
chores  among  the  stock,  chops  wood  for  the  day,  mends 
the  harness,  and  is  very  industrious.  By  breakfast 
time,  he  has  got  all  ready  for  the  day's  work.  All 
hands  then  pitch  into  severe  labor  till  noon.  Dinner  is 
called  and  dispatched  in  haste,  and  labor  renewed  till 
supper.  This  unavoidable  but  neccessary  hindrance  to 
labor  is  hurriedly  performed,  work  resumed  until  dark- 
ness compels  a  cessation  of  labor  in  the  field,  and  then 
the  laborers  return  to  the  house.  A  lantern  is  pro- 
cured, by  the  aid  of  which  the  milking  and  other 
chores  are  e  done  up,'  and  by  nine  or  ten  o'clock  at 
night  the  day's  work  is  closed,  and  the  family,  tired 
and  stupid,  retire  to  bed,  only  on  the  following  day  to 
repeat  the  same  routine  of  slavery.  And  yet  such  men 
are  called  good,  thifty,  industrious  farmers.  It  is  a  lie ! 
a  base  slander  to  call  such  stupid  slavery  of  body,  such 
starvation  of  mind,  good  or  thifty,  or  in  any  wise 
commendable. 

"  Go  into  the  country,  and  you  will  find  numberless 
cases  of  men  with  poor  health,  crushed  energies,  ruined 
constitutions,  and  stunted  souls,  and  women  the  slaves 
of  habits  of  excessive  labor,  more  fatal  than  the  per- 
nicious and  much-comdemned  customs  of  fashionable 
society.  You  will  find  children  prematurely  old,  with 
the  bright  light  of  happy  childhood  extinguished, 
and  everywhere  a  lack  of  that  life  and  cheerfulness 
which  gives  to  life  its  greatest  charms.  Most  of  these 
evils  can  be  traced  directly  to  overwork.  Is  such  work 
necessary  or  even  profitable  for  a  famer?  Most  cer- 
tainly not.  Such  work  is  a  losing  business,  and  far- 
mers who  adopt  that  course  of  labor  will  find  at  the 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONPOLIES.       525 

end  of  the  season  that  themselves,  their  wives,  and 
children  are  worn  and  discouraged,  and  have  not  ac- 
complished as  much  as  had  been  attempted  or  expected. 
Why?  Because  they  have  worked  like  oxen  and  not 
like  men,  and  have  depended  on  muscle  alone  instead 
of  making  it  an  auxiliary  of  the  mind,  and  they  treat 
themselves  to  the  luxury  of  a  good,  long,  hearty  growl 
at  members  of  all  other  industries  for  combining  tc 
oppress  the  poor  farmer.  They  growl  at  the  shoe- 
maker ;  they  growl  at  the  merchant ;  they  growl  at  the 
railroad;  they  growl  at  the  commission  men;  they 
growl  at  everybody  and  everything  that  lives  by  using 
its  wits  in  sponging,  cheating,  and  oppressing  the  hard- 
working farmer.  This  horde  of  cormorants  are  growled 
at,  whined  at,  and  snarled  at,  because  they  filch  from 
the  farmer  his  hard-earned  dollars  and  live  in  luxury 
and  ease  thereon.  Speakers  at  agricultural  and  political 
meetings,  and  writers  in  agricultural  papers  repeat  these 
complaints,  and  ring  the  same  charges  over  and  over 
again,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  until  themselves  and 
most  farmers  really  believe  that  the  tillers  of  the  soil 
are  the  most  industrious,  moral,  intelligent,  hardwork- 
ing, abused,  persecuted  lambs  in  the  world,  and  every- 
body else  are  wolves,  seeking  whom  they  may  devour. 
"  Now.  as  one  who  was  born  on  a  farm,  reared  on  a 
farm,  has  spent  the  flower  of  his  days  on  a  farm,  and 
still  earns  his  bread  by  tilling  the  soil,  I  know  my 
brother  farmers  will  forgive  me  if  I  do  not  follow  in 
and  repeat  this  strain,  but  tell  plainly  the  naked,  disa- 
greeable truth.  Many  of  these  complaints  are  true, 
and  we  ought  to  be  ashamed  of  ourselves  that  such  is 
the  disgraceful  fact.  Here  is  a  class  of  people  exceed- 
ing any  other  in  numbers  and  wealth,  and  claim- 


526          HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

ing  superior  industry,  intelligence,  and  morality,  com- 
plaining of  being  oppressed.  We  ought  to  be  ashamed 
of  ourselves,  and  either  cease  our  boasting  or  our 
whining. 

"  Let  us  take  a  candid  look  at  the  situation,  and  see 
if  we  cannot  discover  what  is  the  matter.  Let  us  try 
and  see  if  there  is  any  good  reason  why  the  great 
majority  should  be  governed  and  oppressed  by  a  small 
minority. 

"  In  human  affairs  effects  follow  causes ;  results  are 
accomplished  by  action,  even  when  the  actors  are 
unseen.  Look  at  our  State  and  national  Governments, 
and  who  are  the  men  to  whom  we  entrust  this  great 
responsibility?  Look  at  our  boards  of  trade,  indus- 
trial expositions,  and  in  fact  any  great  project  for  the 
advancement  of  science,  art,  liberty,  or  industry,  and 
you  will  find  at  its  head  and  the  moving  spirit  thereof 
a  lawyer,  doctor,  preacher,  student,  merchant,  or,  in 
fact,  almost  anything  but  a  farmer.  These  men  rule 
the  nation.  They  shape  the  laws ;  they  make  the 
channels  of  trade,  and  place  trade  in  its  channels. 
They  build  ships,  harness  steam  to  their  wagons,  make 
lightning  carry  their  messages ;  they  compel  rivers  to 
turn  their  saws,  twirl  their  spindles,  and  throw  their 
shuttles.  They  use  their  brains,  and  mind  governs  the 
world. 

"Just  think  of  competing  against  such  men  by 
stupidly  hoeing  corn  fifteen  hours  a  day  and  selling  it 
at  twenty  cents  a  bushel,  and  then  laying  awake  nights, 
growling  at  railroad  men  and  merchants.  The  dog 
who  barks  at  the  moon  comes  nearer  accomplishing  his 
purpose  than  such  a  growler.  Why  have  not  farmers 
taken  a  position  of  influence  and  power  in  the  councils 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      527 

of  the  nation  and  otherwise,  in  proportion  to  their  num- 
bers and  wealth  ?  Simply  because  we  have  not  used 
our  brains. 

"  The  world  pays  homage  to  intelligence,  to  intellect, 
and  puts  it  in  places  of  honor,  of  trust,  of  responsibility. 
The  world  is  not  partial  to  lawyers,  ministers,  and  doc- 
tors, but  the  world  wants  to  use  brains,  and  accepts 
them  wherever  found,  and  uses  them  to  promote  its 
wishes ;  and  if  we  farmers  want  to  be  placed  in  the  fore- 
most rank  in  the  nation  and  in  the  world ;  if  we  wish 
to  be  put  in  positions  where  we  can  have  power  to  aid 
our  fellows ;  if  we  wish  to  have  influence  and  make  our 
mark  on  the  institutions  of  the  land;  if  we  wish  to 
stand  where  we  can  do  something  towards  governing  the 
price  of  our  commodities ;  if  we  wish  to  weigh  according 
to  our  size  in  the  stale  of  public  opinion ;  if  we  want  to 
have  farmers  in  demand  for  places  of  trust  and  honor 
and  profit,  and  for  husbands  for  beautiful,  refined,  an£ 
intelligent  women ;  if  we  want  to  escape  from  our  pres- 
ent vassalage,  we  must  furnish  some  brains,  sound  in 
quality,  liberal  in  quantity,  polished  with  constant  use, 
refined  by  study  and  thought.  Show  me  such  a  farmer 
as  that,  and  I  will  show  you  a  man  whom  his  fellow- 
men  will  want  to  use  in  places  of  trust. 

"  I  speak  it  in  sorrow ;  I  admit  it  with  deep  and 
burning  shame,  that  the  farmers  can  furnish  but  com- 
paratively few  men  whose  minds  are  fitted  to  organize 
great  enterprises.  Look  at  the  farmers  in  our  Legisla- 
ture. In  numbers  they  are  very  small  in  proportion  to 
the  population  of  the  State,  and  smaller  yet  in  the  influ- 
ence they  have  upon  the  legislation.  When  they  come 
in  contact  with  men  who  are  in  the  habit  of  close  and 
logical  reasoning,  they,  with  a  few  exceptions,  prove 


528          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

wanting.  It  may,  and  probably  will  be  said  that  head- 
work  will  not  hoe  corn  or  feed  the  pigs.  Granted. 
But  prove  to  me  that  an  intelligent  man  is  disqualified 
from  performing  the  duties  of  a  farmer  and  you  will 
prove  to  me  that  farming  is  a  business  which  it  is  dis- 
graceful to  follow,  and  that  it  is  grossly  unjust  to  say 
aught  to  induce  any  young  man  of  common  sense  to 
become  a  farmer. 

"  It  is  seen  that  thought,  intelligence,  mind,  brains, 
used  in  other  branches  of  business,  lead  to  success.  It 
is  found  that  men  with  clear  heads,  sharp  wits,  sound 
judgment,  and  business  habits  go  straight  along  and 
compel  success  even  under  adverse  circumstances. 
Now,  is  it  any  advantage  to  have  and  use  brains  ? 
Can  a  man  with  brains  get,  in  tilling  the  soil,  a  fair  com- 
pensation for  their  use  ?  Can  brain*work  be  employed 
on  the  farm  and  return  to  the  owner  as  much  of 
comfort,  wealth,  happiness,  honor,  and  general  prosperity 
as  in  other  branches  of  business  at  the  present  time  ? 
This  is  a  knotty  question,  but  it  is  one  we  have  got 
to  meet,  and  meet  it  now.  There  is  no  use  in  attempt- 
ing to  evade  or  ignore  this  great  alternative.  If  there 
is  anything  in  agriculture  that  necessarily  dwarfs  the 
mind  and  makes  it  secondary  to  mere  physical  exertion, 
then  it  is  a  disgrace  to  be  a  farmer,  and  common  hon- 
esty requires  that  we  cease  talking  about  the  honorable- 
ness  of  the  noble  yeomanry.  But,  on  the  contrary,  if 
agriculture  will  give  scope  to  thought  and  research ;  if 
it  will  cause  a  man  to  think  while  he  works  and  study 
while  he  has  leisure ;  if  his  business  is  such  that  talent 
and  tact  will  transform  his  soil  to  gold  and  his  house 
into  a  beautiful  and  happy  home ;  if  the  same  amount 
of  bodily  and  mental  labor  on  the  farm  will  produce  as 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      529 

much  pleasure,  wealth,  and  happiness  as  in  the  shops, 
counting-room,  and  mines,  then  we  may  conscientiously 
recommend  agriculture  a,s  one  of  the  desirable  employ- 
ments. Can  this  be  done  ? 

"  Brother  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  our  Order  has  been 
formed  to  assist  in  answering  this  great  question  in  the 
affirmative.  How  shall  we  proceed  ? 

"  I  do  not  underrate  the  importance  of  making  an 
effort  to  buy  our  reapers  a  few  dollars  cheaper  and  sell 
our  wheat  a  few  cents  higher  and  get  our  freights  a 
little  lower.  What  is  gained  in  this  way  is  certainly 
added  to  the  profits  of  the  farm,  but  I  very  much  fear 
that  many  members  of  the  Order  place  too  high  a  value 
upon  this  matter  of  purchase  and  sale.  This  is  not  what 
ails  us.  It  does  not  reach  the  root  of  the  difficulty  at 
all.  It  only  prunes!  away  a  few  slender  twigs  which 
grow  again  in  a  single  night.  We  can  never  accom- 
plish what  we  want,  and  make  agriculture  respectable, 
remunerative,  and  desirable;  farmers  intelligent,  con- 
tented, and  honored;  farmers'  wives  envied  and  re- 
spected, and  farmers'  sons  and  daughters  eagerly  sought 
by  the  wise,  good,  learned,  and  beautiful  of  the  land 
for  husbands  and  wives;  we  cannot  make  beautiful 
homes,  fertile  farms,  and  improving  flocks  by  saving 
five  dollars  on  a  plow  and  five  cents  a  bushel  on  wheat. 
No !  Never !  When  we  build  like  that  we  must  dig 
deeper,  lay  the  foundations  broader,  and  use  brains  as 
the  chief  stone  of  the  corner.  An  ox  excels  us  in 
strength,  a  horse  in  speed.  The  eagle  has  keener 
eight,  the  hare  a  quicker  ear,  the  deer  a  finer  sense  of 
smell;  but  man  excels  them  all  in  mind  and  rules 
above  them  all.  So  among  men  it  is  not  the  strong, 
the  swift,  the  keen-sighted,  the  quick-eared  or  fine- 
34 


530         HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE    MOVEMENT;    OR, 

scented  who  rules  the  world,  but  the  clear-headed. 
Human  beings  are  like  pebbles  on  the  sea  shore ;  by 
rubbing  against  each  other  they  become  rounded, 
smooth,  polished,  symmetrical :  alone,  they  are  rough, 
uncouth,  repulsive. 

"Farmers  are  too  much  alone.  We  need  to  meet 
together  to  rub  off  the  rough  corners  and  polish  down 
into  symmetry.  We  want  to  exchange  views,  and 
above  all  we  want  to  learn  to  think.  A  man  who  has 
performed  fourteen  hours  of  severe  physical  labor  is  in 
no  condition  to  think,  and  we  may  as  well  decide  at 
once  that  any  class  of  men  which  starts  out  in  life  by 
working  at  severe  labor  fourteen  hours  of  the  twenty- 
four,  and  faithfully  adheres  to  the  practice,  will  fill  for- 
ever the  position  of  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water  for  men  who  use  the  God-given  mind,  and  nourish 
the  soul  with  liberal  and  abundant  mental  food. 

"  I  have  already  tired  your  patience,  and  in  closing 
will  only  say  that  in  my  opinion  the  coming  farmer 
will  not  toil  with  his  hands  fourteen  hours  out  of  the 
twenty-four  and  compel  wife  and  children  to  the  same 
slavery.  But  he  will  give  a  liberal  share  of  his  time  to 
thought,  study,  and  recreation.  He  will  know  of  what 
his  soil  is  composed,  in  what  it  abounds,  in  what  it  is 
deficient.  He  will  know  what  elements  of  earth  and 
air  are  needed  to  plant  growth,  and  under  what  con- 
ditions they  can  be  most  readily  assimilated.  He  will 
understand  the  laws  of  plant  and  animal  life,  that  he 
may  more  successfully  treat  them.  His  house  will  be 
abundantly  supplied  with  books  and  papers  on  agricul- 
tural and  matters  of  general  interest.  Pictures  and 
abundant  amusements  will  make  his  home  attractive. 
A  beautiful  lawn  and  flower  beds,  a  fruit  and  vegetable 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       531 

garden,  an  orchard,  groves,  and  evergreens  and  deci- 
duous trees  for  ornament,  shelter,  and  use,  will  make 
his  home  so  lovely  and  homelike  that  his  daughters 
will  not  be  so  disgusted  with  farm  life  as  to  marry  a 
village  dolt,  or  the  son  so  worn,  weary  and  dispirited  as 
to  leave  the  farm  at  the  first  opportunity  and  open  a 
barher  shop  in  some  country  village.  Can  this  be  done, 
and  can  the  farms  really  be  made  the  happy  homes  of 
refined,  intelligent,  honored  men  and  women,  instead  of 
the  abodes  of  overworked  slaves  ?  Yes  !  emphatically 
yes !  But  not  by  neglecting  to  rust  the  God-given 
mind,  but  by  rousing  it  up  and  making  it  the  compass, 
the  sail,  and  the  rudder  in  the  voyage  of  life.  The 
body  is  but  the  hulk.  Then  set  your  sails,  stand  by  the 
rudder,  steer  by  the  compass,  and  start  out  boldly  on 
the  great  journey,  whose  passage  is  pleasure  and  whose 
end  is  success." 

Mr.  Adams  is  married  to  an  excellent  lady,  endeared 
to  a  wide  circle  of  friends  by  her  many  virtues.  She 
holds  the  post  of  Ceres  in  the  National  Grange. 

T.  A.  THOMPSON, 

Lecturer  of  the  National  Grange. 

T.  A.  Thompson  was  born  in  Vernon,  Trumbull 
county,  Ohio,  on  the  19th  of  May,  1822.  He  was  the 
youngest  son  of  eight  children,  six  of  whom  were 
boys.  His  father  was  a  farmer,  one  of  those  clear- 
headed, independent  and  industrious  workers  who  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  greatness  which  the  West  has 
since  achieved ;  and,  being  devoted  to  his  own  calling, 
brought  up  his  sons  as  fanners.  He  added  to  his 
agricultural  pursuits,  the  business  of  a  dairy  farmer  and 
stock  raiser ;  and  his  sons  had  ample  opportunities  for 


532         HISTORY  OF  THE   GRANGE   3IOVEMENT ;   OR, 

learning  these  important  branches  of  their  business 
under  his  training. 

Young  Thompson  received  as  good  a  common-school 
education  as  could  be  obtained  in  Ohio,  forty  years  ago. 
When  old  enough  to  be  of  use  on  the  farm,  his  school- 
days were  confined  to  the  winter  months,  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  year  was  given  to  farm  work.  Of  a 
naturally  intelligent  mind,  he  learned  rapidly,  and 
soon  exhausted  the  store  of  knowledge  the  schoolmas- 
ter had  to  furnish.  He  was  an  indefatigable  reader, 
and  eagerly  devoured  everything  in  the  shape  of  a 
book  or  newspaper,  that  came  within  his  reach.  He 
has  carried  this  habit  of  study  through  life  with  him ; 
and  even  now,  might  shame  many  a  younger  student  by 
his  constant  and  untiring  industry  in  this  respect.  He 
is  also  an  excellent  example  to  the  farmer-boys  of  the 
land,  of  what  may  be  accomplished  in  the  way  of  self- 
culture  by  a  young  man  determined  to  keep  himself 
abreast  of  the  age.  Upon  approaching  manhood,  Mr. 
Thompson  attended  an  Acadamy  for  three  terms,  and 
distinguished  himself  by  his  close  application  and  good 
scholarship. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  commenced  life  as  a 
teacher  of  the  common  school  of  his  native  town,  giving 
such  satisfaction  to  his  fellow  townsmen  that  he  was 
continued  in  his  position  for  seven  terms. 

He  was  very  popular  with  the  people  of  Vernon,  who 
were  proud  of  his  intellectual  promise ;  and  as  he  took 
an  active  part  in  the  political  questions  of  the  day,  was 
elected,  in  succession,  to  all  the  various  public  offices 
within  the  gift  of  his  fellow  citizens.  Had  he  chosen 
to  continue  in  political  life,  there  was  a  clear  field  be- 
fore him  j  but  such  a  life  was  not  to  his  taste ;  and  in 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      533 

October,  1846,  he  made  a  final  settlement  in  life,  by 
marrying  and  embarking  in  farming  on  his  own  ac- 
count, in  the  place  of  his  birth. 

He  pursued  the  calling  of  a  farmer  in  Vernon  with 
success  for  about  nine  yedrs,  engaging,  also,  in  the 
raising  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  horses.  His  temporal 
affairs  prospered  steadily,  and  he  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  prominent  and  influential  farmers  of 
Trumbull  county.  But,  to  a  man  of  his  large  views, 
Ohio  soon  became  "too  far  East."  He  saw,  at  an  early 
day,  the  great  advantages  offered  by  the  country  farther 
West ;  and,  in  the  winter  of  1855—56,  he  sold  his  farm 
in  Ohio,  and,  in  June,  1856,  removed  to  Wabasha 
county,  Minnesota,  where  he  took  up  a  quarter-section 
of  fine  land,  and  began  farming  on  a  larger  scale  than 
in  his  old  home. 

Minnesota  was  in  its  infancy  then,  and  men  of  large 
ideas  and  well-stored  minds  were  sure  of  prompt  recog- 
nition. Mr.  Thompson  at  once  took  the  place  in  the 
community  to  which  his  abilities  entitled  him ;  and  his 
neighbors,  the  next  year,  1857,  testified  their  appre- 
ciation of  him,  by  sending  him  to  represent  Wabasha 
county  in  the  Legislature ;  in  which  body  he  served 
two  terms.  His  next  step  was  characteristic  of  the 
man.  There  was  no  school  in  Plainview,  the  township 
in  which  his  home  lay,  and  one  was  badly  needed. 
Above  all,  a  schoolmaster  was  wanted.  Mr.  Thompson 
solved  the  difficult  problem  of  finding  a  competent  in- 
structor, by  at  once  assuming  the  duties  of  that  posi- 
tion ;  and,  for  five  years,  conducted  a  capital  school  in 
Plainview,  for  the  benefit  of  his  own  and  his  neighbors' 
children.  He  retained  the  charge  of  the  school  until 
he  had  firmly  established  it,  and  another  teacher  could 


534          HISTORY   OF   THE   GRANGE   MOVEMENT;    OR, 

be  procured  competent  to  carry  on  his  work.  Upon 
relinquishing  it  his  fellow  citizens,  grateful  for  what 
he  had  done  for  them,  elected  him  Superintendent  of 
Public  Schools  for  the  county;  and  he  retained  the 
position  for  six  years,  resigning  it  only  to  devote 
himself  entirely  to  the  interests  of  the  Grange. 

When  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  was  insti- 
tuted and  offered  to  the  farmers  of  the  country,  Mr. 
Thompson  was  quick  to  recognize  it  as  a  great  boon 
to  the  agricultural  class,  and  as  the  best  remedy  for 
their  grievances  that  could  be  suggested ;  and  promptly 
identified  himself  with  it.  In  February,  1870,  he  be- 
came a  member  of  Greenwood  Prairie  Grange,  No.  41, 
of  Minnesota,  and  thus  became  one  of  the  pioneers  of 
the  movement  in  that  State.  The  Order  was  an  ex- 
periment then,  and  a  Granger's  position  was  not  alto- 
gether a  pleasant  one.  The  Order  had  to  fight  its  way 
to  popularity;  and,  thanks  to  its  early  adherents,  it 
did  so. 

Soon  after  becoming  a  member  of  the  Order,  Mr. 
Thompson  was  elected  W.  Master  of  his  own  Grange, 
which  was  the  first  organization  of  its  kind  in  this  part 
of  Minnesota ;  and  in  February,  1871,  upon  the  organi- 
zation of  the  State  Grange  of  Minnesota — the  first  State 
Grange  in  the  United  States — he  was  unanimously  chosen 
its  W.  Master.  He  held  this  position  for  two  years, 
laboring  actively  in  the  interest  of  the  Order ;  and,  in 
1873,  was  chosen  Lecturer  of  the  National  Grange. 

The  choice  was  a  wise  one,  and  gave  great  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Order.  The  post  of  Lecturer  is  one  of  great 
importance  and  responsibility.  He  is  charged  with  in- 
troducing it  into  communities  where  it  is  yet  a  stranger ; 
and  with  the  delicate  task  of  popularizing  it,  and  over- 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      535 

coming  the  opposition  of  those  who  are  unacquainted 
with  its  nature  and  principles.  In  this  work,  Mr. 
Thompson  has  been  eminently  successful.  He  has 
travelled  through  twenty-four  States  of  the  Union,,  in 
behalf  of  the  Order,  delivering  lectures  and  public 
speeches  nearly  every  day — sometimes  as  often  as  six 
times  a  week — and  has  successfully  planted  the 
organization  in  scores  of  communities  where  it  is 
now  thriving  and  growing  rapidly.  Soon  after  enter- 
ing upon  the  duties  of  his  office  he  organized  the 
State  Granges  of  Ohio  and  Michigan,  and  has  per- 
formed a  similar  duty  for  several  others  since  then. 
His  personal  popularity  has  done  much  to  win  friends 
for  the  Order  wherever  he  has  gone ;  and  his  eloquent 
and  unanswerable  appeals  in  its  behalf  have  made  its 
success  assured  wherever  he  has  spoken. 

But  these  labors  do  not  constitute  Mr.  Thompson's 
only  services  to  the  Order.  To  him  it  owes  its  beautiful 
and  impressive  ritual  or  unwritten  work.  In  January, 
1871,  Mr.  0.  H.  Kelley,  appreciating  Mr.  Thompson's 
peculiar  fitness  for  the  task,  applied  to  him  to  devise 
an  unwritten  work  for  the  Order.  Mr.  Thompson  at 
once  applied  himself  to  the  matter,  and  called  to  his 
aid  an  intimate  friend,  Dr.  D.  H.  Roberts,  who  assisted 
him  materially  in  perfecting  the  work.  When  com- 
pleted, Mr.  Thompson  presented  it  to  Greenwood  Prairie 
Grange,  No.  41,  where  it  was  tried  and  found  success- 
ful. On  the  20th  of  May,  1871,  the  work  was  exem- 
plified to  the  North  Star  Grange,  No.  1,  at  St.  Paul, 
Minnesota,  now  the  oldest  Subordinate  Grange  in  the 
country,  and  on  the  13th  of  September,  1871,  it  was  sub- 
jected to  a  still  more  searching  test,  by  an  exemplifica- 
tion to  the  Iowa  State  Grange.  It  was  received  with 


536          HISTORY  OF  THE  GRANGE  MOVEMENT;   OR, 

delight  by  the  Patrons ;  and,  after  the  tests  mentioned, 
was  presented  td  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Order,  by  which  it  was  formally  adopted,  on  the  9th 
of  August,  1871.  Up  to  the  time  that  Mr.  Thompson 
took  it  in  hand,  the  work"  had  been  crude  and  unsatis- 
factory to  the  Order;  but  since  1871,  it  has  remained 
a  perfect  and  harmonious  system,  which,  by  its  beauty 
and  impressive  grandeur,  has  been  one  of  the  chief 
causes  of  the  remarkable  success  of  the  Grange  move- 
ment. 

Mr.  Thompson  is  now  in  his  53d  year,  but  is  hale 
and  vigorous,  and  as  enthusiastic  as  ever.  He  has  won 
for  himself,  by  his  own  unaided  efforts,  an  enviable 
position  in  his  State,  and  in  the  Order.  He  resides  at 
Plainview,  Wabasha  county,  Minnesota,  where  he  pos- 
sesses one  of  the  most  delightful  and  attractive  homes 
in  the  West,  and  where  he  hopes  to  enjoy  a  peaceful 
and  happy  old  age,  surrounded  by  the  love  of  his  family 
and  the  admiring  esteem  of  the  people  "he  has  served 
so  well. 

O.  H.  KELLEY, 
Secretary  of  the  National  Grange. 

Mr.  Kelley  is  a  native  of  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
and  has  been  for  some  years  a  clerk  in  the  Bureau  of 
Agriculture  at  Washington,  D.  C.  He  is  about  forty- 
six  years  of  age.  In  appearance  he  is  a  man  who  would 
be  singled  out  of  a  crowd  as  a  thinker.  His  high  bold 
forehead,  large  earnest  eyes,  long  white  beard,  and 
generally  scholarly  appearance,  would  seem  to  stamp 
him  as  a  philosopher  rather  than  a  man  of  action.  He 
is  eminently  fitted  for  the  position  he  holds  in  the 
Order,  a  position  involving  an  infinite  amount  of  detail, 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      537 

and  requiring  ability  of  a  marked  and  special  character. 
His  services  in  founding  the  Order  have  already  been 
related  in  these  pages,  and  it  is  useless  to  repeat  them 

here. 

COLONEL  JOHN  COCHRANE, 

Master  of  the   Wisconsin  State  Grange, 

Is  one  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Order. 
His  views  upon  the  questions  of  the  day  have  been 
given  at  length  elsewhere.  He  is  one  of  the  old  settlers 
of  the  State,  resides  at  Waupun,  and  is  known 
throughout  Wisconsin  as  one  of  the  best  practical 
farmers  in  the  West.  He  has  never  been  a  politician, 
though  he  has  taken  a  deep  interest  in  all  the  political 
questions  of  the  day ;  "  and  he  enters  into  the  farmers' 
movement  at  a  time  of  life  when  men  of  his  habits  and 
pursuits  generally  find  retirement  most  attractive,  from 
a  strong  conviction  of  duty,  and  a  desire  to  raise  the 
farmers  of  Wisconsin  out  of  the  slough  of  despond  into 
which  they  have  been  fast  sinking."  Colonel  Coch- 
rane's  farm  comprises  a  tract  of  1000  acres,  which  he 
has  brought  under  the  highest  state  of  cultivation. 
He  has  had  a  crop  of  wheat  of  6000  bushels  in  a  single 
year  on  this  land. 

S.  H.  ELLIS, 
Master  of  the  Ohio  State  Grange, 

Is  a  native  of  the  State,  is  forty-three  years  of  age,  and 
has  been  a  fanner  all  his  life.  His  connection  with  the 
Order  dates  back  to  September,  1872,  when,  with  fifty 
of  his  acquaintances,  he  succeeded  in  organizing  the 
first  Grange  in  the  State.  He  was  elected  Master  of 
this  Grange,  and  was  subsequently  appointed  by  the 
National  Grange  a  deputy  for  Ohio  to  organize  new 


538          HISTORY  OF  THE  GRANGE   MOVEMENT;   OR, 

Granges.  By  the  9th  of  April,  1873,  there  were  in  the 
State  thirty  Granges.  In  this  month  the  State  Grange 
was  organized,  and  Mr.  Ellis  was  chosen  Master. 

JOHN  WEIR, 
First  Master  of  the  Indiana  State  Grange, 

Is  a  native  of  East  Tennessee,  but  emigrated  to  the 
Wabash,  in  Indiana,  in  1817,  being  then  seventeen 
years  of  age.  A  large  majority  of  the  inhabitants  were 
Indians.  The  settlers  were  destitute  of  churches, 
schools,  mills  and  roads.  Comparing  that  time  with 
the  present,  he  has  witnessed  perhaps  a  greater  change 
brought  about  by  civilization  than  any  other  man.  The 
State  Grange  was  organized  at  Terre  Haute,  February 
28th,  1872.  On  the  15th  of  January  last  there  were  49 
organizations,  since  which  time  the  number  has  in- 
creased nearly  six-fold. 

F.  H.  DUMBAULD, 
First  Master  of  the  Kansas  State  Grange, 

Was  born  in  Pennsylvania,  and  is  now  45  years  of  age. 
With  his  father's  family  he  removed  at  an  early  age 
into  Ohio,  where  he  remained  18  years.  In  1864  he 
settled  in  Kansas.  He  has  "  made  "  three  large  farms 
in  his  life.  The  State  Grange  was  organized  July  30th, 
1872,  and  Mr.  Dumbauld  elected  Master.  With  the 
assistance  of  George  Spurgen,  the  Secretary,  he  has 
organized  over  400  subordinates  in  the  last  nine 
months.  The  Patrons  have  effected  quite  a  revolution 
in  Kansas,  having  brought  dealers  to  supply  agricul- 
tural implements  and  other  necessaries  at  prices  vary- 
ing from  30  to  40  per  cent,  lower  than  usually  charged. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.      539 


T.  R.  ALLEN, 
Master  of  the  Missouri  State  Grange, 

Is  a  practical  and  prosperous  farmer.  He  resides  about 
thirty  miles  west  of  St.  Louis  on  the  Missouri  Pacific 
Railroad.  In  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties  he  has 
travelled  through  every  county  of  the  State  during  the 
past  year,  and  under  his  management  the  Order  has 
spread  rapidly  throughout  that  State. 

THE  ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION, 

Is  often  confounded  with  the  Order  of  Patrons  of  Hus- 
bandry, but  is  entirely  distinct  from  it.  It  is  composed 

of  both  Granges  and 
Farmers'  Clubs,  and 
has  taken  a  very 
prominent  part  in 
the  politics  of  the 
State.  The  Presi- 
dent of  this  Associa- 
tion is  Mr.  W.  C. 


is 

Flagg,  of  Mora,  Madi- 
son county,  and  the 
Treasurer  is  Duncan 
M'Kay,  of  Mount 
Carroll,  Carroll 
county.  Stephen 
M.  Smith,  whose 
views  and  speeches 
we  have  given  at 
length,  is  the  Secre- 
He  is  also  an  active  member 


DUNCAN  M'KAY,  TREASURER  OF  THE 
ILLINOIS  STATE  FARMERS'  ASSOCIATION. 


tary  of  the  Association, 
of  the  Grange. 


DECLARATION  OF  PURPOSES 

OP   THE 

ORDER  OF  PATRONS   OF  HUSBANDRY. 


Adopted  at  the  Annual  Session  of   the  National   Grange,  at 
St.  Louis,  Mo.,  February  llth,  1874. 

PROFOUNDLY  impressed  with  the  truth  that  the  Na- 
tional Grange  of  the  United  States  should  definitely 
proclaim  to  the  world  its  general  objects,  we  hereby 
unanimously  make  this  Declaration  of  Purposes  of  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry : 

1.  United  by  the  strong  and  faithful  tie  of  Agricul- 
ture, we  mutually  resolve  to  labor  for  the  good  of  our 
order,  our  country,  and  mankind. 

2.  We  heartily  indorse  the  motto,  "  In  essentials, 
unity  ;  in  non-essentials,  liberty ;  in  all  things,  charity." 
We  shall  endeavor  to  advance  our  cause  by  laboring  to 
accomplish  the  following  objects ; 

To  develop  a  better  and  higher  manhood  and  woman- 
hood among  ourselves.  To  enhance  the  comforts  and 
attractions  of  our  homes,  and  strengthen  our  attach- 
ments to  our  pursuits.  To  foster  mutual  understanding 
and  cooperation.  To  maintain  inviolate  our  laws,  and 
to  emulate  each  other  in  labor.  To  hasten  the  good 
time  coming.  To  reduce  our  expenses,  both  individual 
and  corporate.  To  buy  less,  and  produce  more,  in 
order  to  make  our  farms  self-sustaining.  To  diversify 

our  crops,  and  crop  no  more  than  we  can  cultivate.    To 
540 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       541 

condense  the  weight  of  our  exports,  selling  less  in  the 
bushel,  and  more  on  hoof  and  in  fleece.  To  systematize 
our  work  and  calculate  intelligently  on  probabilities. 
To  discountenance  the  credit  system,  the  mortgage  sys- 
tem, the  fashion  system,  and  every  other  system  tend- 
ing to  prodigality  and  bankruptcy. 

We  propose  meeting  together,  talking  together,  work- 
ing together,  buying  together,  selling  together,  and  in 
general  acting  together  for  our  mutual  protection  and 
advancement  as  occasion  may  require.  We  shall  avoid 
litigation  as  much  as  possible  by  arbitration  in  the 
Grange.  We  shall  constantly  strive  to  secure  entire 
harmony,  good  will,  vital  brotherhood  among  ourselves, 
and  to  make  our  order  perpetual.  We  shall  earnestly 
endeavor  to  suppress  personal,  local,  sectional,  and  na- 
tional prejudices,  all  unhealthy  rivalry,  all  selfish  ambi- 
tion. Faithful  adherence  to  these  principles  will  insur* 
our  mental,  moral,  social,  and  material  advancement. 

3.  For  our  business  interests  we  desire  to  bring  pro- 
ducers and  consumers,  farmers  and  manufacturers,  into 
the  most  direct  and  friendly  relations  possible.  Hence 
we  must  dispense  with  a  surplus  of  middlemen ;  not 
that  we  are  unfriendly  to  them,  but  we  do  not  need 
them.  Their  surplus  and  their  exactions  diminish  our 
profits.  We  wage  no  aggressive  warfare  against  any 
other  interests  whatever.  On  the  contrary,  all  our  acts 
and  all  our  efforts,  so  far  as  business  is  concerned,  are 
not  only  for  the  benefit  of  the  producer  and  consumer, 
but  also  for  all  other  interests,  and  tend  to  bring  these 
two  parties  into  speedy  and  economical  contact.  Hence 
we  hold  that  transportation  companies  of  every  kind 
are  necessary  to  our  success  j  that  their  interests  are  in- 
timately connected  with  our  interests,  and  harmonious 


542          HISTORY  OF  THE  GRANGE   MOVEMENT;   OR, 

action  is  mutually  advantageous.  Keeping  in  view  the 
first  sentence  in  our  declaration  of  principles  of  action, 
that  "  individual  happiness  depends  upon  general  pros- 
perity," we  shall  therefore  advocate  for  every  State  the 
increase  in  every  practicable  way  of  all  facilities  for 
transporting  cheaply  to  the  seaboard,  or  between  home 
producers  and  consumers,  all  the  productions  of  our 
country.  We  adopt  it  as  our  fixed  purpose  to  open  out 
the  channels  in  Nature's  great  arteries,  that  the  life- 
blood  of  commerce  may  flow  freely.  We  are  not  ene- 
mies of  railroads,  navigation,  and  irrigating  canals,  nor 
of  any  corporation  that  will  advance  our  industrial  in- 
terests, nor  of  any  laboring  classes.  In  our  noble  order 
there  is  no  communism,  no  agrarianism.  We  are  op- 
posed to  such  spirit  and  management  of  any  corporation 
or  enterprise  as  tends  to  oppress  the  people  and  rob 
them  of  their  just  profits.  We  are  not  enemies  of  capital, 
but  we  oppose  the  tyranny  of  monopolies.  We  long  to 
see  the  antagonism  between  capital  and  labor  removed 
by  common  consent  and  by  enlightened  statesmanship 
worthy  of  the  nineteenth  century.  We  are  opposed  to 
excessive  salaries,  high  rates  of  interest,  and  exorbitant 
profits  in  trade.  They  greatly  increase  our  burdens, 
and  do  not  bear  a  proper  proportion  to  the  profits  of 
producers.  We  desire  only  self-protection  and  the  pro- 
tection of  every  interest  of  our  land  by  legitimate  trans- 
actions, legitimate  trade,  and  legitimate  profits. 

4.  We  shall  advance  the  cause  of  education  among 
ourselves  and  for  our  children  by  all  just  means  within 
our  power.  We  especially  advocate  for  our  agricultural 
and  industrial  colleges  that  practical  agriculture,  do- 
mestic science,  and  all  the  arts  which  adorn  the  home 
be  taught  in  their  courses  of  study. 


THE  FARMER'S  WAR  AGAINST  MONOPOLIES.       543 

• 

5.  We  especially  and  sincerely  assert  the  oft-repeated 
truth  taught  in  our  organic  law,  that  the  Grange,  Na- 
tional, State,  or  subordinate,  is  not  a  political  or  party 
organization.  No  Grange,  if  true  to  its  obligations,  can 
discuss  political  or  religious  questions,  nor  call  political 
conventions,  nor  nominate  candidates,  nor  even  discuss 
their  merits  in  its  meetings.  Yet  the  principles  we 
teach  underlie  all  true  politics,  all  true  statesmanship, 
and  if  properly  carried  out  will  tend  to  purify  the  whole 
political  atmosphere  of  our  country.  For  we  seek  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number,  but  we  must 
always  bear,  in  mind  that  no  one  by  becoming  a  Patron 
of  Husbandry  gives  up  that  inalienable  right  and  duty 
which  belongs  to  every  American  citizen,  to  take  a  pro- 
per interest  in  the  politics  of  his  country.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  right  for  every  member  to  do  all  in  his 
power  legitimately  to  influence  for  good  the  action  of 
any  political  party  to  which  he  belongs.  It  is  his  duty 
to  do  all  he  can  in  his  own  party  to  put  down  bribery, 
corruption  and  trickery ;  to  see  that  none  but  compe- 
tent, faithful  and  honest  men,  who  will  unflinchingly 
stand  by  our  industrial  interests,  are  nominated  for  all 
positions.  It  should  always  characterize  every  Patron 
of  Husbandry  that  the  offices  should  seek  the  man  and 
not  the  man  the  office.  We  acknowledge  the  broad 
principle  that  difference  of  opinion  is  no  crime,  and  hold 
that  progress  towards  truth  is  made  by  differences  of 
opinion,  while  the  fault  lies  in  bitterness  of  controversy. 
We  desire  a  proper  equality,  equity,  and  fairness,  pro- 
tection for  the  weak,  restraint  upon  the  strong;  in 
short,  justly  distributed  burdens  and  justly  distributed 
power.  These  are  American  ideas,  the  very  essence  of 
American  independence,  and  to  advocate  the  contrary 


544  HISTORY  OF   THE   GRANGE   MOYEMENT. 

• 

is  unworthy  of  the  sons  and  daughters  of  an  American 
republic.  We  cherish  the  belief  that  sectionalism  is, 
and  of  right  should  be,  dead  and  buried  with  the  past. 
Our  work  is  for  the  present  and  the  future.  In  our 
agricultural  brotherhood  and  its  purposes,  we  shall  re- 
cognize no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West.  It  is 
reserved  by  every  Patron,  as  the  right  of  a  freeman,  to 
affiliate  with  any  party  that  will  best  carry  out  his 
principles. 

6.  Ours  being  peculiarly  a  farmers'  institution,  we 
cannot  admit  all  to  our  ranks.     Many  are  excluded  by 
the  nature  of  our  organization,  not  because  they  are 
professional  men,  or  artisans,  or  laborers,  but  because 
they  have  not  a  sufficient  direct  interest  in  tilling  or 
pasturing  the  soil,  or  may  have  some  interest  in  conflict 
with  our  purposes.     But  we  appeal  to  all  good  citizens 
for  their  cordial  cooperation  to  assist  in  our  efforts 
toward  reform,  that  we  may  eventually  remove  from 
our  midst  the  last  vestige  of  tyranny  and  corruption. 
We  hail  the  general  desire  for  fraternal  harmony,  equi- 
table compromise,  and  earnest  cooperation,  as  an  omen 
of  our  future  success. 

7.  It  shall  be  an  abiding  principle  with  us  to  relieve 
any  of  our  suffering  brotherhood  by  any  means  at  our 
command.     Last,  but  not  least,  we  proclaim  it  among 
our  purposes  to  inculcate  a  proper  appreciation  of  the 
abilities  and  sphere  of  woman,  as  is  indicated  by  admit- 
ting her  to  membership  and  position  in  our  Order.   Im- 
ploring the  continued  assistance  of  our  Divine  Master 
to  guide  us  in  our  work,  we  here  pledge  ourselves  to 
faithful  and  harmonious  labor  for  all  future  time  to  re- 
turn by  our  united  efforts  to  the  wisdom,  justice,  frater- 
nity, and  political  purity  of  our  forefathers. 


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THE 

LIGHT  IN  THE  EAST, 

A    COMPREHENSIVE    RELIGIOUS    WORK, 

•  EMBRACING  THE  LIFE  OF 

OUR  LORD  AND  SAVIOUR  JESUS  CHRIST, 

AND  THE  LIVES  OF  HIS  HOLY  APOSTLES  AND  EVANGELISTS. 

BY  REV.  JOHN   FJLKETWOOD,   D.D. 

Together  with  the  LIVES  of  the  PATRIARCHS  and  PROPHETS,  and  of  the  Mos 

Eminent    Christian    MARTYRS,    FATHERS   and    REFORMERS.     To 

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M<trt;/rs,  Fathers  and  Reformers,  embracing  a  period  from  St.  John  to  the  Reformation,  and 
showing  how  the  truth  was  established  and  witnessed,  under  God,  by  those  noble  men.  To 
this  is  added  a  Hixtory  of  the  Jews  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Present  Day,  which  is  vt.'ry 
complete  and  comprehensive,  and  no  more  interesting  narrative  is  to  be  found  in  the  pages 
of  history. 

The  History  of  all  Religious  Denominations  comprises  a  series  of  comprehensive  accounts 
of  the  various  forms  of  truth  and  error  which  have  prevailed  in  the  world.  A  proper  under- 
standing of  this  subject  will  do  much  to  soften  denominational  asperities  and  to  teach  us 
that  respect  for  the  religious  belief  of  our  brethren,  which  should  be  the  distinguishing  mark 
of  a  Christian.  The  Chronological  Table  will  be  found  especially  valuable  and  interesting; 
and  will  enable  the  reader  to  mark  the  progress  of  the  outside  world,  while  Israel  was  work* 
ing  out  her  destiny. 

One  of  the  great  merits  of  this  work  is  that  it  comprises  in  ono  large  volume  that  which 
i«  usually  spread  out  through  a  great  many  books,  so  that  it  may  be  said  it  is  in  effect  a 
complete  library  of  religious  literature  in  itself.  The  Editor  has  been  extremely  desirous 
of  including  in  it  all  that  it  is  essential  for  a  Christian  to  know,  and  much  that  is  pleasant  to 
read  of.  Nothing  necessary  to  a  full  »nd  intelligent  understanding  of  the  truths  of  revealed 
religion  has  been  omitted,  and  the  book  is  perfectly  free  from  sectarian  bias,  its  aim  being  to 
promote  the  cause  of  the  one  indivisible  Church. 

In  one  large  octavo  volume  of  850  pages,  embellished  and  illustrated  with  more  than  2110 
fine  Engraving?,  by  the  best  artists  of  England  and  America,  and  furnished  to  Subscribers, 

Elogantly  Bound  in  Pine  Morocco  Cloth  ......................................  at  84.0O  per  copy. 

"    In  Red  Roan,  Full  Gilt  Back  ...................................  at     4.75    " 

««  In  French  Morocco,  Full  Gilt  Panelled  Sides....at    6.5O    " 


AGENTS  WAaiTfcu.  Adoress,  NAlluKAL  PUBLISHING  CO,, 

Philadelphia,  Pa.  ;  Chicago,  111.  ;  or,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 

STAMPED  BELOW. 

1 


Series  9482 


A    000  71 1  888     £ 


